戦国時代の日本人の奴隷に焦点をあてた最初期の史学研究は岡本良知「十六世紀日欧交通史の研究」(1936年、改訂版1942-1944年)とされている[注 20][注 21][50]。バテレン追放令と奴隷貿易との関わりについては、いまだに岡本良知の説が言及されている[42]。日本の労働形態の歴史と、ポルトガル人の奴隷貿易との関連性についてはC・R・ボクサー「Fidalgos in the Far East (1550-1771)」（1948年）[51]が指摘しており、奴隷という用語に隠蔽されていた多様な労働形態（例えば傭兵や商人）の存在を明らかにした。
日本人奴隷と追放令に関する最新の研究成果として、ルシオ・デ・ソウザの著作「The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan」（2019年）[50][57]があるが、ソウザの著作の信頼性や文脈化には複数の問題点が指摘されている[注 26][注 28][注 30]。野心的な研究として高く評価される一方で、歴史学者ハリエット・ズーンドーファー[注 31]はポルトガル人の逸話、発言や報告にある信頼性の低い記述を貧弱な説明と共にそのまま引用していること、どこで得られた情報なのかを示す正確な参考文献を提示しないために検証不可能であり、書籍中での主張に疑念を抱かさせるといった批判をしている[65][注 32]。歴史家ホムロ・エハルトは、デ・ソウザが自身の推論に沿うように歴史的証拠を操作したと指摘している。このような選択的な史料の活用は、歴史的正確性よりも物語を優先させるという点で問題があるとした[66]。また、エハルトはデ・ソウザの書籍内での主張の矛盾も指摘している[67]。
ホムロ・ダ・シルヴァ・エハルトの2018年の博士論文「Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan」[68]は、グローバルな日本人奴隷貿易とイエズス会の役割に関する研究を大きく前進させるものとして高く評価されている。エハルトは、ヨーロッパ、ブラジル、日本の学術研究を融合させ、日本人奴隷制について包括的かつ詳細な史学分析を展開し、サラマンカ学派およびアジアのカトリック宣教における道徳神学的議論を、ポルトガル王権、教会、ならびに日本の大名や豊臣政権による法制度と関連づけて綿密に考察している[69]。
^ab1555年に「A Arte da Guerra do Mar」（海戦術）を出版したポルトガル人ドミニコ会修道士フェルナン・デ・オリヴェイラは異教徒との戦争であっても、キリスト教徒のものであった領土を侵略した国々に対してのみ行えるとした[81]。1556年に出版され、ジョアン3世 (ポルトガル王)宛に書かれたと見られる「Por que causas se pode mover guerra justa contra infieis」では、異教徒に対する正戦を宗教的なものでなく完全に政治的な行為とし、共同体の領地を占領したり、犯罪をしたものを罰するために行われるとしている[82]。
^文禄・慶長の役において、約5万から6万人の朝鮮人が拉致され奴隷化されたとの推計は、歴史学者のターンブルが同役に関する著作で提示した数値である。ホムロ・エハルトは2万人から3万人と推定している[281]。信頼性について疑問視されているルシオ・デ・ソウザの「The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan」は日本に連行された朝鮮人奴隷の数が5万人から10万人以上とする複数の推計値を提示するものの、ソウザ自身は具体的な数値を確定していない[289]。
^abCartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598. f.435
^abAlejandro Valignano S. I. Sumario des las Cosas de Japon(1583). Adiciones de l sumario de Japon (1592). editados por jose Luis Alvarez-Taladriz. Tokyo 1954. Introduction. p. 70.
^abThomas Nelson (2004). “Slavery in Medieval Japan”. Monumenta Nipponica (Sophia University) 59 (4): 463-492. ISSN00270741. JSTOR25066328. https://www.jstor.org/stable/250663282024年3月14日閲覧. ""As early as 1555, complaints were made by the Church that Portuguese merchants were taking Japaense slave girls with them back to Portugal and living with them there in sin....Political disunity in Japan, however, together with the difficulty that the Portuguese Crown faced in enforcing its will in the distant Indies, the ready availability of human merchandise, and the profits to be made from the trade meant that the chances were negligible of such a ban actually being enforced. In 1603 and 1605, the citizens of Goa protested against the law, claiming that it was wrong to ban the traffic in slaves who had been legally bought. Eventually, in 1605, King Philip of Spain and Portugal issued a document that was a masterpiece of obfuscation intended both to pacify his critics in Goa demanding the right to take Japanese slaves and the Jesuits, who insisted that the practice be banned.""
^abOKAMOTO Yoshitomo. Jūroku Seiki Nichiō Kōtsūshi no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Kōbunsō, 1936 (revised edition by Rokkō Shobō, 1942 and 1944, and reprint by Hara Shobō, 1969, 1974 and 1980). pp. 728-730
^COSTA, João Paulo Oliveira e. O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís Cerqueira. PhD thesis. Lisbon: Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1998, p. 312. Sousa indicates the same letters, but he mistakenly attributed them to Filipe II, Filipe III’s father. See SOUSA, Lúcio de. Escravatura e Diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII. Braga: NICPRI, 2014, p. 298.
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 493
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 494-504
^abcBoxer, C. R. (Charles Ralph); Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation. UK; Commonwealth Branch; Fundação Oriente; Discoveries Commission (1993) (英語). The Christian century in Japan, 1549-1650. Aspects of Portugal. Carcanet in association with the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, The Discoveries Commission, Lisbon, the Fundação Oriente, Lisbon. CRID1130282270236208896. ISBN9780520027022. ""But since the Portuguese are unwilling to do this, and they often go to places against the padres` wishes, there is always much jealousy and rivalry between these lords, from which follow in turn to great toil and moil to the padres and to Christianity. And, moreover, it sometimes happens that the Portguese go with their ships to the fiefs of heathen lords who bitterly persecute the padres and Christianity, wrecking churches and burning images, which causes great scandal and contempt of the Christian religion.""
^abcHarald Fischer-Tiné (2003). “'White women degrading themselves to the lowest depths': European networks of prostitution and colonial anxieties in British India and Ceylon ca. 1880–1914”. Indian Economic and Social History Review40 (2): 163–90 [175–81]. doi:10.1177/001946460304000202.
^Handbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan ; v. 10)ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan—Church history. I. Series. pp. 251-252, "A more antagonistic dynamic between Shinto and Christianity in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries is more easily identified. Early evidence is to be found, for example, in Hideyoshi's expulsion edict of 1587 and his 1591 letter to the Governor General of Goa (Gonoi 1990, 150ñ1). In both, Hideyoshi deploys Shinto symbolism to justify the expulsion from Japan of Christianity and its missionaries. Item 1 of the edict reads: Japan is the Land of the Gods. Diffusion here from the Kirishitan Country of a pernicious doctrine is most undesirable. His 1591 letter begins in the same vein. The fact is that our land is the land of the godsîóand then proceeds to an exposition of what Takagi Shÿsaku (1993) has identified as Yoshida Shinto theories of the origins of the universe. Asao Naohiro has observed that Hideyoshi was consciously constructing the idea of Japan as land of the gods as a counter and response to the idea of Europe as land of the Christian God. Ieyasu's letters to the Governor General of the Philippines in 1604 and the Governor General of Mexico in 1612 articulate the same ideas about Christianity's incompatibility with Japan as shinkoku, the land of the gods (Asao 1991, 108ñ18; Gonoi 1990, 203ñ5). More research needs to be done on this linkage between the Christian proscription and Shinto ideas, but it would not be surprising, given the nature of the nativistic dynamic, if counter-Christian concerns were somewhere present in the anxiety of both Hideyoshi and Ieyasu to have themselves deified and venerated after their deaths. "
^abSources of Japanese Tradition, vol. 2, 1600 to 2000, edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary, Carol Gluck, and Arthur E. Tiedemann, New York: Columbia University Press, 2005. pp. 169-170
^abGuillaume, Xavier. “Misdirected Understandings: Narrative Matrices in the Japanese Politics of Alterity Toward the West.” Contemporary Japan, Volume 15, Issue 1. Japanstudien: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Instituts für Japanstudien 15 (2003): p. 99.
^abSansom, George Bailey, Sir (1965). The Western world and Japan. CHaddon Craftsmen, Inc. p. 129. CRID1130282270102463744. ""From his standpoint as a dispotic ruler he (=Hideyoshi) was undoubtedly right to regard Christian propaganda as subversive, for no system can survive unchanged once the assumptions upon which it is based are undermined. However high their purpose, what the Jesuits were doing, in Japan as well as in India and China, was to challenge a national tradition and through it the existing political structure. This last is an animal that always defends itself when attacked, and consequently Hideyoshi's reaction, however deplorable, was to be expected and does not seem to need any fuller explanation.""
^abcdefLa colonia de japoneses en Manila en el marco de las relaciones de Filipinas y Japón en los siglos XVI y XVII, José Eugenio Borao Mateo, Revista anual de Literatura, Pensamiento e Historia, Metodología de la Enseñanza del Español como Lengua Extranjera y Lingüística de la Confederación Académica Nipona, Española y Latinoamericana, ISSN 1344-9109, Nº. 17, 2005, págs. 25-53, "Con ocasión de la llegada de los barcos de Matsuura de Hirado (1585) y de Ohmura de Nagasaki (1586), los japoneses que aún permanecían en Cagayan así como muchos de Lingayen, se desplazaron a Manila. Las primeras relaciones entre españoles y japoneses de Manila estuvieron marcadas por el recelo. Por un lugar estaban las sospechas sobre los verdaderos motivos de la llegada de barcos japoneses, ya que ello no casaba demasiado con la promulgación del decreto de expulsión de misioneros cristianos en 1587, es decir, de los jesuitas portugueses venidos de Macao. Ciertamente, el decreto no tuvo grandes consecuencias, ya que los misioneros disminuyeron sus apariciones públicas, e Hideyoshi se dio por satisfecho. Pero, las sospechas en Manila se agravaron con los dos barcos que llegaron en 1587. En el primero de ellos, perteneciente al japonés Joan Gayo, la tripulación resultó sospechosa de complicidad en una insurrección de nativos, liderada por Agustín Legazpi. Algunos fueron arrestados y, en particular, el intérprete japonés Dionisio Fernández fue ajusticiado el 13 de junio del año siguiente (1588)8. El segundo barco, de Matsuura de Hirado, llegó el 15 de julio con armas y provisiones. Aunque el capitán del barco llevaba un mensaje de buena voluntad de su señor Matsuura y de su hermano, cuyo nombre cristiano era Gaspar, esta vez los españoles tomaron precauciones y los 40 marineros de la tripulación fueron atendidos por la iglesia de Manila y tras acabar sus negocios se marcharon."
^abcdeLa colonia de japoneses en Manila en el marco de las relaciones de Filipinas y Japón en los siglos XVI y XVII, José Eugenio Borao Mateo, Revista anual de Literatura, Pensamiento e Historia, Metodología de la Enseñanza del Español como Lengua Extranjera y Lingüística de la Confederación Académica Nipona, Española y Latinoamericana, ISSN 1344-9109, Nº. 17, 2005, págs. 25-53, "En 1589, fueron 30 ó 40 japoneses los que llegaron a Manila. Iban con vestimenta de peregrinos, para visitar las iglesias del país. Llevaban rosarios en el cuello y se movían con gran penitencia. Anduvieron 15 leguas alrededor de Manila y sus esteros, reconociéndolo todo. No se les molestó y se acabaron marchando. El gobernador fue de los que creyó a posteriori que habían venido en misión de espionaje, y con los datos que hubieran obtenido, tras contrastarlos con los de otros de los comerciantes, “se [habría] conocido en Japón la riqueza y la flaqueza de los naturales y la gente española que había para defender las Islas”9. Era el inicio del expansionismo de Hideyoshi10, y los españoles pensaron que también podrían ser objeto de un ataque japonés, y, en previsión de ello, Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas dio instrucciones, a principios de 1592, para preparar la defensa. Una de las medidas adoptadas fue congregar a todos los japoneses residentes de Manila en un barrio extramuros, el de Dilao, confiscarles sus armas y limitar su libre movilidad por la ciudad. La medida no parecía vana, a juzgar por las embajadas de Japón que llegaron a continuación a Manila."
^abcd「Handbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan ; v. 10)ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan—Church history. I. Series. p. 9-11
^abcNever Imagine Yourself to be Otherwise: Filipino Image of Japan over the Centuries, Elpidio STA. ROMANA and Ricardo T. JOSE, Asian Studies 29 (1991), pp. 67-68, "In 1591, a Japanese named Harada Magoshichiro was reported to have studied parts of the Philippines and recommended that Hideyoshi conquers the Philippines. Hideyoshi made concrete plans but sent an emissary the following year to Manila and demanded that the Spaniards become his vassals and pay tribute; otherwise he would invade the Philippines. He has just invaded Korea, and the poorly defended Spaniards could only reply that they sought friendship with Japan. Japanese ships entering Manila were checked thoroughly to make sure they carried no weapons. The Japanese community in Manila was disarmed and resettled outside Manila in a place called Dilao district. The next year, the Spaniards tried to guard their north flank by invading Taiwan but a typhoon thwarted that expedition. Later, Hideyoshi also sent a request to the Spanish authorities in the Philippines for shipbuilders but was refused by the Spaniards who realized that they will be used to build warships. The apprehensive Spaniards sought reinforcements from Mexico. 10 The Japanese were also suspicious of Spanish attempts to proselyte in Japan. This mutual suspicion - Spain fearing a Japanese invasion, Japan suspicious of Spanish evangelization and fearful that Japan might be involved in power conflicts in Europe- was to continue into the early 17th century."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 282, "Forced labor was a sub product of these struggles, and the Japanese slave market became dependent not only on Chinese and Koreans captured by Wakō, but also on servants captured domestically."
^Peter C. Mancall, ed (2007). The Atlantic World and Virginia, 1550-1624 (illustrated ed.). UNC Press Books. p. 228.ISBN 080783159X
^abcdda Silva Ehalt, Rômulo (2017).Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan (Thesis). Tesis Doctoral, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. p. 345-346., "The description abounds in horror and awe. The horrific scenario described instantly reminds contemporary readers of the horrors of the slave trade between Africa and the Americas. However, there are issues that may be raised to question the text’s accuracy. The chronicle sounds somewhat fantastic when describing the eating habits of the Portuguese. In fact, the description of Europeans as raw meat-eating monsters was quite common in East Asia."
^ CRUZ, Frei Gaspar da (auth.) and LOUREIRO, Rui Manuel (ed.). Tratado das Coisas da China (Évora, 1569-1570). Lisbon: Biblioteca editores Independentes, 2010, p. 177.
^abHuman Trafficking and Piracy in Early Modern East Asia: Maritime Challenges to the Ming Dynasty Economy, 1370–1565, Harriet Zurndorfer, Comparative Studies in Society and History (2023), 1–24 doi:10.1017/S0010417523000270, p. 13, "The wokou also engaged in human trafficking. In 1556, the Zhejiang coastal commander Yang Yi sent his envoy Zheng Shungong (flourished in the sixteenth century) to Japan to ask Kyushu authorities to suppress piracy along the Chinese littoral. When Zheng arrived, he found in Satsuma some two to three hundred Chinese working as slaves. Originally from southern Fujian prefectures, they were kept by Japanese families who had bought them from the wokou some twenty years before.61"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 277, "Chinese forced labor brought to Japan via these pirates is Zhèng Shùn-gōng 鄭舜功’s Rìběn Yíjiàn 日本一鑑. The book was compiled during Zhèng’s six-month trip to Bungo 豊後 in 1556, during the height of the Wakō activities in the region. In the section describing captives in Japan, Zhèng mentions that in Takasu 高洲, southern Kyushu, there were about two to three hundred Chinese people, “treated like cattle”, originally from Fúzhōu 福州, Xīnghuà 興化, Quánzhōu 泉州, Zhāngzhōu 漳州 and other areas serving as slaves in the region.910"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.274-275, "[Those from Satsuma, seeing that they were so successful in their intent,started to burn, destroy and devastate throughout those lands of Nangun and otherwere they went through, that nothing would stand still, and those who resisted alittle soon were killed. And what was not the least shameful thing, but the greatest shame, was to see the great crowd of people they would take captured, especially women, boys and girls, to whom they committed the greatest cruelties, and among these there was a great number of Christians.].
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 275, "The scenario is confirmed by the diary of Uwai Kakken 上井覚兼, a bushi at the service of the Shimazu clan. In the entry for the 12th day of the 7th month of Tenshō 14 –August 26th 1586 – he writes:「一、十二日、早旦打立、湯之浦ヘ着候、路次すから、手負なとに行合候、其外、濫妨人なと・女・童なと数十人引つれかへり候ニ、道も去あえす候」903"
^abcdJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 333, "In conclusion, the interrogatory sent by Hideyoshi shows that the ruler was more concerned with economic aspects and the impact of the way Jesuits acted in Japan rather than moral issues. The depletion of the fields of Kyushu from human and animal labor force was a serious issue to the local economy. This conclusion overturns what has been stated by the previous historiography, since Okamoto, who defended that Hideyoshi, upon arriving in Kyushu, discovered for the first time the horrors of the slave trade and, moved by anger, ordered its suspension.1053 However, as we saw before, the practice was much older and most certainly known in the whole archipelago, although apparently restricted to Kyushu. Because the Kanpaku consolidated his rule over the island, conditions were favorable for him to enact such orders."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.333, "The Kanpaku made three irrefutable offers to the Jesuits, effectively establishing the conditions for them to stay in the archipelago."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 330-331 ,"Fróis was, in fact, explaining his audience that Hideyoshi’s was poised to demand the return of people who were displaced by events such as war, kidnapping, or even people who had voluntarily fled their village...And the order for return of laborers to one’s fief was one of the necessary maneuvers to guarantee these conditions. These people could be displaced not only by conflict or kidnappings, but also by fleeing economic and social conditions. 1050 These were moves occurring in all Japanese territory and were not restricted to areas of Kyushu."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 328 ,"He explains the necessity they had of cows and horses in the country, as an important resource for war and manual labor. Hideyoshi also explains that eating these animals could deplete the land of this important resource. Once more, the ruler makes an irrefutable offer to the priests: if the Portuguese and the missionaries could not live without eating meat, Hideyoshi would order the construction of a facility to keep hunted animals to be consumed by the foreigners."
^abThe Cambridge History of Japan. Volume 4 Early Modern Japan Edited by JOHN WHITNEY HALL, JAMES L. McClain, assistant editor, Cambridge University Press, 2008. pp.260-261. "And the Jesuit Luis de Almeida wrote in 1562 of his efforts to safeguard the honor of a shipload of women he saw in the harbor of Tomari in the Kawanabe district of Satsuma (now Bonotsu-cho): They had been bought by some of his Portuguese compatriots from "the Japanese who seize them in war in China and then sell them.""
^MATSUDA Kiichi. Tenshō Ken’ō Shisetsu. Tokyo: Chōbunsha, 1991, pp. 274-5
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 366, "First, it is important to consider the format chosen by the missionaries. As Nina Chordas explains, early modern dialogues were a quasi-fictional genre, in the sense that they insisted on being accepted as an entity “with some agency in the actual, material world”. As a literary genre, the dialogue was the result of a “general distrust of imaginative literature” in the late Renaissance, thus offering an alternative for seducing the rational mind.1151 These texts were, as pointed by Jon R. Snyder, “never transcriptions of conversations or debates that actually occurred (although this is one of their enabling fictions); no unmediated traces of orality can be discovered in dialogue, except in the form of carefully constructed illusion.”1152"
^abcdJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan、Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, p.40-47, "According to Maki, the Kanpaku was more concerned with securing labor force in Japan than considering ethical issues regarding the treatment slaves could have been receiving from their European masters.98"
^BOXER, Charles R. Fidalgos in the Far East (1550-1771). The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1948, p. 234
^abMAKI Hidemasa. Jinshin Baibai. Tokyo: Iwanami Shinsho, 1971, pp. 53-74
^FUJIKI Hisashi. Zōhyōtachi no Senjō: Chūsei no Yōhei to Doreigari. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1995 (new edition in 2005).
^FUJIKI Hisashi. Zōhyōtachi no Senjō: Chūsei no Yōhei to Doreigari. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1995, pp. 27-28, 32.
^Thomas Nelson, “Slavery in Medieval Japan,” Monumenta Nipponica59, no. 4 (2004): pp. 479-480, "Fujiki provides a wealth of sources to show just how common the practice of abducting slaves was. Koyo gunkan 甲陽軍鑑, for instance, offers a graphic account of the great numbers of women and children seized by the Takeda army after the Battle of Kawanakajima 川中島 of 1553:.... Hojo godaiki 北条五代記 reveals how systematized the process of ransoming and abduction could become... Reports by the Portuguese corroborate such accounts. In 1578, the Shimazu 島津 armies overran the Otomo 大友 territories in northern Kyushu."
^Lúcio de SOUSA, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan. Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves, Leiden / Boston, Brill, 2019,ISBN 978-90-04-36580-3
^Guillaume Carré, « Lúcio de Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan. Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves », Esclavages & Post-esclavages (En ligne), 4 | 2021, mis en ligne le 10 mai 2021, consulté le 26 août 2024. URL :http://journals.openedition.org/slaveries/3641 ; DOI:https://doi.org/10.4000/slaveries.3641, "En revanche, on peut regretter que, se focalisant sur des sources primaires, mais aussi secondaires, en langue occidentale, l’auteur n’ait pas plus exploité les résultats d’une recherche japonaise déjà longue, sur les pratiques esclavagistes dans l’archipel ou à ses marges à la fin de la période médiévale et au XVIIe siècle. Il en cite pourtant certains représentants dans sa bibliographie : on y lit ainsi le nom de Murai Shōsuke, qui a étudié cette question dans le cadre de la piraterie japonaise, mais on s’étonne de ne pas trouver plus de mentions de travaux sur l’asservissement et la vente de captifs lors des guerres féodales dans l’archipel (comme ceux de Fujiki Hisashi, par exemple). L’auteur reste allusif sur ces pratiques locales ; pourtant, les exposer plus précisément aurait permis aux lecteurs peu au fait de l’histoire sociale japonaise, de se familiariser avec un contexte insulaire initial où la vente des êtres humains ne semble pas avoir été rare, et où les relations de dépendance et de sujétion se distinguaient souvent mal de la servitude, avant que l’emploi salarié et la domesticité à gage ne prennent leur essor sous les Tokugawa : bref des conditions qui, jointes à l’anarchie politique, offraient aux trafiquants d’esclaves portugais un terreau favorable pour leurs affaires. "
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan、Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, p.218, p.493
^Richard B. Allen, European Slave Trading in Asia, 1500–1850 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2014)
^ Chevaleyre, Claude. "Beyond Maritime Asia. Ideology, Historiography, and Prospects for a Global History of Slaving in Early-Modern Asia". Slavery and Bondage in Asia, 1550–1850: Towards a Global History of Coerced Labour, edited by Kate Ekama, Lisa Hellman and Matthias van Rossum, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2022, pp. 31-48.https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110777246-003, p.31
^Richard B. Allen, Renaissance Quarterly 74, 2 (2021): 611–12; doi:10.1017/rqx.2021.31, p. 612
^abSilva Ehalt, Rômulo da. "Suspicion and Repression: Ming China, Tokugawa Japan, and the End of the Japanese-European Slave Trade (1614–1635)". Slavery and Bondage in Asia, 1550–1850: Towards a Global History of Coerced Labour, edited by Kate Ekama, Lisa Hellman and Matthias van Rossum, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2022, pp. 213-230.https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110777246-012, p.215, "Despite showing the continuity of Japanese slavery, Sousa insists on the importance of the 1607 Portuguese law for the end of the trade. Lúcio de Sousa, Escravatura e Diáspora Japonesa nos Séculos XVI e XVII (Braga: NICPRI, 2014): 156–61; Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade: 426, 538, 542. As for numbers, for instance, the presence of Japanese individuals in Mexico City seems to have increased sharply after 1617, while records of Asians spread throughout the world suggest that there were enslaved or formerly enslaved Japanese in the Americas until the late seventeenth century. Out of the 35 Japanese Oropeza Keresey lists as living in Mexico City in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, only four arrived prior to 1617. Sousa’s lists of 28 Japanese individuals spread around the globe between 1599 and 1642, which he claims to have been enslaved, suggests a similar pattern. Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade: 210–59; Deborah Oropeza Keresey, “Los ‘indios chinos’ en la Nueva España: la inmigración de la nao de China, 1565–1700” (PhD diss., El Colégio de México, 2007): 257–91"
^Human Trafficking and Piracy in Early Modern East Asia: Maritime Challenges to the Ming Dynasty Economy, 1370–1565, Harriet Zurndorfer, Comparative Studies in Society and History (2023), 1–24 doi:10.1017/S0010417523000270
^(書評)The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves, written by Lúcio De Sousa, Harriet Zurndorfer, Journal of early modern history, 2020, pp. 181-195, "This is a deeply unsatisfactory book. The author has a penchant for writing in the first-person plural, which results in an almost child-like storytelling mode of exposition, peppered with a certain conspiratorial tone, rather than giving a systematic and intelligible analysis of the data. Much data cannot be verified because the author does not offer the exact references from where the information may be found, and thus his claims may raise suspicion. The feeble narrative cannot absorb the anecdotal, curiously pompous details of testimonies, remarks, and judgements of the Portuguese rapporteurs.
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan、Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, pp.458-459, "Sousa’s suggestion to substitute “Japanese” by “Portuguese” is also hardly helpful. In the end, the move would result in prying the historical source to follow the researcher’s logic....Furthermore, Sousa’s attempt to bend historical sources in order to favor his own theory seems at least odd."
^Silva Ehalt, Rômulo da. "Suspicion and Repression: Ming China, Tokugawa Japan, and the End of the Japanese-European Slave Trade (1614–1635)". Slavery and Bondage in Asia, 1550–1850: Towards a Global History of Coerced Labour, edited by Kate Ekama, Lisa Hellman and Matthias van Rossum, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2022, pp. 213-230.https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110777246-012, p.215, "Despite showing the continuity of Japanese slavery, Sousa insists on the importance of the 1607 Portuguese law for the end of the trade. Lúcio de Sousa, Escravatura e Diáspora Japonesa nos Séculos XVI e XVII (Braga: NICPRI, 2014): 156–61; Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade: 426, 538, 542. As for numbers, for instance, the presence of Japanese individuals in Mexico City seems to have increased sharply after 1617, while records of Asians spread throughout the world suggest that there were enslaved or formerly enslaved Japanese in the Americas until the late seventeenth century. Out of the 35 Japanese Oropeza Keresey lists as living in Mexico City in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, only four arrived prior to 1617. Sousa’s lists of 28 Japanese individuals spread around the globe between 1599 and 1642, which he claims to have been enslaved, suggests a similar pattern. Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade: 210–59; Deborah Oropeza Keresey, “Los ‘indios chinos’ en la Nueva España: la inmigración de la nao de China, 1565–1700” (PhD diss., El Colégio de México, 2007): 257–91"
^Haruko Nawata Ward, Kirishitan Women in Bondage Defying Persecution in Japan, 1625-1630. Ler História 84 (2024). p. 181-205. "Rômulo da Silva Ehalt’s 2018 dissertation, Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, significantly advances the study of the global Japanese slave trade and the Jesuits’ role. Ehalt delivers a comprehensive historiographical analysis, integrating European, Brazilian, and Japanese scholarship on Japanese slavery. He examines moral theological debates within the Salamanca school and Asian Catholic missions, alongside legal frameworks from Portuguese, Papal, and Japanese authorities."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 86, "Oliveira states that not all non-Christians could become objects of a just war. He declares that Christians could not declare war against those who were never Christians themselves, and who did not take territories from Christians or performed any detrimental act against Christianity. In this group, Oliveira includes Jews, Muslims and gentiles who never heard of Christ, and who should not be converted by force, but rather be persuaded to conversion, via example and justice. He goes on to classify as tyranny the act of taking their lands, capture their possessions and any aggression against those who do not proffer any blasphemy against Christ or do not resist to their own evangelization261. In effect, Oliveira distinguishes non-Christians from Northern Africa from those of other areas, such as India, thus pragmatically arguing that wars were just only against those who in fact occupied formerly Christian territories262."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 86-87, "Traditionally dated as written in 1556, it compiles the necessary conditions upon which an authority could declare just war against the non-Christians, and more specifically how the Portuguese crown was to deal with the natives in Brazil264....Based on Aristotle and Aquinas, it states that a perfect community had the power necessary to punish those who occupy the community’s territory or make any offense against it267....As for just war, the document repeats there were two main reasons that could justify warfare: to make justice and take back what has been unjustly taken, and to address an offense made against the community. Once more, there is no religious justification, and the argument is entirely political."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 522-523, "The Spanish jurist thus registers that the enslavement of Japanese and Chinese was admitted as far as it was temporary, and that their servitude was fundamentally different from perpetual slavery. This difference is reinforced by the wording of his Latin text: while Asian slavery is called iustae captivitas, Japanese and Chinese servitude is expressly referred as temporali famulitium, temporal servitude. These were not people enslaved as a result of captivity in war, nor were to be understood as common slaves...Also, the legitimacy of these servants is provided by the understanding that local customs and laws were just according to European standards. This shows a line of interpretation close to what Valignano defended until 1598 in his idea of Japanese slavery’s tolerability."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 146
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 473, "Next, Cerqueira deals with the issue of voluntary servitude, which here most probably refers to the practice of nenkihōkō 年季奉公 in Japan. The bishop makes it clear that the Japanese fulfilled all the conditions prescribed by moral theology for voluntary servitude, as for example the six points defined by Silvestre Mazzolini.1446"
^abRômulo da Silva Ehalt, Jesuit Arguments for Voluntary Slavery in Japan and Brazil, Brazilian Journal of History, Volume: 39, Number: 80, Jan-Apr. 2019., p.10
^BRAH, Cortes 566 (9/2666), maço 21, f. 275. RUIZ DE MEDINA, Juan G. Orígenes de la Iglesia Catolica Coreana desde 1566 hasta 1784 según documentos inéditos de la época. Rome: Institutum Historicum S.I., 1986, p. 114-22.
^丹野勲『江戸時代の奉公人制度と日本的雇用慣行』国際経営論集 41 57-70, 2011-03-31, p. 58
^丹野勲『江戸時代の奉公人制度と日本的雇用慣行』国際経営論集 41 57-70, 2011-03-31, p. 62
^Servitutem Levem et Modici Temporis Esse Arbitrantes: Jesuit Schedulae & Japanese Limited-Term Servitude in Gomes Vaz’s De mancipiis Indicis, Stuart M. McManus, BPJS, 2018, II, 4, 77-99
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan、Rômulo da Silva Ehalt、p. 426
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 207, "It is noteworthy that the 1570/1571 charter must not have been the first legal attempt to curb Japanese slavery. The Jesuit Pedro Boaventura, writing in 1567, mentions that there were laws in India forbidding merchants to trade slaves from the Prester John, China and Japan."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.425, "The justification is, first, that they lacked the necessary authority to do anything but enact permits; second, signing years of servitude – thus effectively using the Japanese notion of temporary servitude, the so-called nenkihōkō 年季奉公 – would avoid putting the Japanese in permanent slavery...This means that the practice had official – or at least local – recognition as early as 1568, when Melchior Carneiro arrived in Macao, although the diocese of Macao, with jurisdiction over Japan, would not be separated from Malacca until 1576.1338"
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017, p. 352, "As it seems, the missionaries had stopped enacting licenses or, at least, held much more severe restrictions to enact any permit....That means that in 1588, when the next Portuguese ship captained by Jerónimo Pereira arrived in Japan, the Jesuits curtailed severely the export of slaves."
^BRAH, Cortes 566 (9/2666), maço 21, f. 273-276v. Pagès in PAGÈS, Léon. Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon – Seconde Partie, Annexes. Paris: Charles Douniol, 1870, p. 70-9. SOUSA, Lúcio de. “Dom Luís de Cerqueira e a escravatura no Japão em 1598.” Brotéria, 165. Braga, 2007, pp. 245-61.
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan、Rômulo da Silva Ehalt、pp. 514-523
^OKA Mihoko. “Kirishitan to Tōitsu Seiken.” In: ŌTSU Tōru et alii. Iwanami Kōza Nihon Rekishi Dai 10 Kan, Kinsei 1. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2014, pp. 185-187
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 473
^PÉREZ, Lorenzo. Fr. Jerónimo de Jesús: Restaurador de las Misiones del Japón – sus cartas y relaciones (1595-1604). Florence: Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1929, p. 47.
^OKAMOTO Yoshitomo. Jūroku Seiki Nichiō Kōtsūshi no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Kōbunsō, 1936 (revised edition by Rokkō Shobō, 1942 and 1944, and reprint by Hara Shobō, 1969, 1974 and 1980). pp. 730-2
^MIZUKAMI Ikkyū. Chūsei no Shōen to Shakai. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1969.
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017., pp. 486-487, "Four days later, the Bishop took the pen again to write another letter, now addressed to the King, before the ships left to Macao. Thus, Cerqueira started his lobbying campaign to obtain formal secular legal actions against the slave trade...This letter must be read as an appendix to the copy of the September 4th 1598 gathering memorandum sent to the king. Cerqueira here confirms that, since the excommunication issued by Martins, there was already intent of putting an end to the license system. The final confirmation of the end of the system came with the orders sent by the general of the order, Claudio Acquaviva, via the Philippines, eight days after Gil de la Mata arrived in Japan in August 1598."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017., p. 481, "The issue of slavery was not restricted to the structure of the mission alone or to a theological debate anymore – express orders from the higher echelons of the order had seemingly decided its fate already."
^Silva Ehalt, Rômulo da. "Suspicion and Repression: Ming China, Tokugawa Japan, and the End of the Japanese-European Slave Trade (1614–1635)". Slavery and Bondage in Asia, 1550–1850: Towards a Global History of Coerced Labour, edited by Kate Ekama, Lisa Hellman and Matthias van Rossum, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2022, pp. 213-230.https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110777246-012, p.217, "In spite of this assertion, the fact is that the Japanese-European slave trade continued for a number of years beyond this date.7"
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "This was due not to theoretical or legal reasons, but to the lack of authoritative power held by Jesuits in Japan. As argued numerous times by the visitor of the vice-province, Valignano, missionaries could not expect positive outcomes from their reprimands and admonitions because of their limited capacity to alter or influence the courses of action taken by Japanese Christians, particularly powerful individuals, when facing moral doubts.46 "
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 242, "Valignano and the others were aware of the limits of their powers in India, that they did not have any way to meddle and define legitimacy for slaves entering Portuguese ports in the area. Examination of enslaved individuals was an attribution of secular justices – the powers of priests and priests were limited to examination as a confessional issue, a personal problem between the confessing master and God. They did not have any power to impede transactions on Indo-Portuguese ports."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.418, "The decision represented a drawback to the creation of a Japanese Bishopric, as the diocese of Macao had jurisdiction over China and Japan. Carneiro was based in Macao since 1568 and became bishop in 1576. However, as he could not physically be in the archipelago, there were issues he could not address directly. And even though many priests travelled from Japan to Macao to be ordained, Japanese converts needed a Bishop in Japan to administer Confirmation and act directly on matters that required the physical presence of a prelate in his domains to be acted upon.1316"
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "Because of this disadvantage, there was the need to create grey areas where missionaries could let go of otherwise inadmissible situations. Hence, from the get-go, the debate envisioned three outcomes: forms of Japanese bondage equal to slavery; situations that were not the same as slavery but could be tolerated by the missionaries; and intolerable cases."
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "Tolerance was a rhetorical device closely related to dissimulation, a legal strategy tacitly approved by canon law that authorised missionaries to conform to local practices while adhering to established theological and legal principles, a much-needed rhetorical device for those attempting to accommodate the Christian dogma to local social dynamics.48"
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.433, "The precise date when Martins enacted the excommunication is unknown. If we follow the general rules of episcopal administration, he would not able to enact such order before arriving in Japan, because canon law often forbade the enactment of such decision outside one’s jurisdiction, even though Martins had been already informed by the authorities of Nagasaki before his arrival.1354"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp.438-439, "In the end, the bishop’s decision can be read as an ultimatum to slave traders in Japan. The arrival of such a high Episcopalian authority in Japan, a historical first since Xavier had stepped on the islands, meant that all merchants involved in purchasing and selling slaves in Japan could, in theory, face secular justice and prison. In practice, nonetheless, the bishop lacked secular authority to apply these punishments to their full extent. While Martins’ demand for an amplification on his secular powers remained unanswered, the missionaries depended on the good will of the captain-major. If Martins’ obtained a positive reply, the bishop would surpass the authority of the captain-major, who was still the ultimate representative of the Portuguese royal power in Japan"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.490, "The end of the license or permit system and the excommunication meant the Jesuits were abstaining themselves from the slave trade in Japan. The problem was not theological anymore, but rather secular."
^OM, Lib. 4, Tit. XVI; LARA, Silvia Hunold. ‘Legislação sobre escravos africanos na América portuguesa’. in: ANDRÉS-GALLEGO, Jose (Coord). Nuevas Aportaciones a la Historia Jurídica de Iberoamérica. Madrid: Fundación Histórica Tavera/Digibis/Fundación Hernando de Larramendi, 2000 (CD-Rom), p. 57. Tit. XCIX.
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 91
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, p. 354, "The same suggestion was repeated in other cases. For instance, those who offered themselves to work in exchange for protection during events like famines and natural disasters were often considered genin in Japanese society, but confessors were to admonish penitents that they should free these genin upon the completion of enough labour to pay for the amount of food, clothing, and shelter provided."
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, pp. 352-353, "Rescuing people condemned to death could result in tolerable slavery, but the condemnation had to be unjust—a conclusion evocative of the Mediterranean and Atlantic doctrine of rescate. In that case, a Christian could offer a fair ransom and, since no one should be forced to give his or her money for free, the benefactor could hold the rescued person in exchange as their servant, especially when some spiritual good came as a result of such transaction"
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, pp. 353-354
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, p. 354,"Similar argument was made in the discussion of the case of women who had fled their fathers or husbands and sought shelter in the local lord’s house. While Japanese custom accepted that these women could be trans- formed into genin by the lord, the Goa theologians established that they could be considered enslaved only when they had been accused of and condemned for a crime. Otherwise, missionaries should campaign for their liberation in advising Japanese Christians through confession."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 472, "Cerqueira said that these parents would be led to subject their children to slavery because they could not pay taxes demanded by non-Christian Japanese lords. However, the problem he had in Japan was that gentile rulers were creating this situation...On the other hand, the problem of definition of necessity also permeates this discussion. Cerqueira indicates that some children were sold not out of extreme necessity, but rather of great necessity. The issue here is relativism: given the local living standards, the Japanese were supposedly able to live in conditions that could be deemed extreme in other areas but were rather ordinary in the archipelago"
^University of Santo Tomás, Manila, Archivo de la Provincia del Santo Rosário [hereafter APSR], Consultas 2,Japón 2, Miscelanea, vol. 1, 323v–4, 325.
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, pp. 352-353, "Nevertheless, the authority of the Ritsuryō was always on the minds of early modern Japanese. In 1587, when a group of Japanese visiting Manila was questioned on bondage practices in their country, their response to the fate of genin children replicated the model established by the code.5"
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.290, "Cieslik uses, besides the inquiry to the Spanish theologian, the case of Jerónimo Jō ジェロニモ城, a Japanese Jesuit who had been rescued as a kid and later studied in their college.946 Also, Nawata-Ward explains how the Japanese brotherhoods, such as the confrarias and the Nagasaki Misericórdia, used to rescue Japanese slaves, often women, from ships and brothels.947"
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp.289-290, "It seems Lucena’s memoir passage on the battle of the Nagayo Castle in March of 1587 and Fróis’s letter refer to the same fact. 944 However, it is interesting to notice Lucena’s concern with the legitimacy of the prisoners’ captivity. That was one final good deed, a final settling of scores with God, in order to restitute badly captive prisoners before Sumitada’s imminent death."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.126, "After conversion, the child or slave would be put under tutelage of a recognized Christian individual, to receive instruction and be properly educated as a faithful convert. The necessity to instruct and indoctrinate properly an orphan had been stated before, by the Ordenações Manuelinas....Those who worked for the well-being of such orphans would be recognized by royal authority as good servants to the king and God413."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.185-186, "Brothels were, in the prelates’ opinions, the place where the devil ordains its secret and dishonest encounters. The Constitutions were an ultimate resource used by the prelates to extirpate this industry from India – they commanded that no person, of any social condition, should allow that in his or her house prostitution took place, even if it was slave prostitution. Perpetrators were to be fined in 10 pardaos, doubled for the second time, thrice the amount for the third time, and publicly ashamed in front of the whole parish, forced to attend Sunday’s service barefooted and holding a candle. If a female slave was forced to prostitute herself, in or out of the master’s house,was to be freed. The owner was fined in 5 pardaos the first time, and double the second,paid for whoever accused the person."
^abcMemorial to the Council, 1586, in The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 6, p. 183.
^abVisiones de un mundo diferente: Política, literatura de avisos y arte namban Imagen de portada del libro Visiones de un mundo diferente: Política, literatura de avisos y arte namban, Osami Takizawa (coord.), Antonio Míguez Santa Cruz (coord.), Centro Europeo para la Difusión de las Ciencias Sociales, 2015,ISBN 978-84-608-1270-8, p. 63, "Tras el edicto de expulsión de los jesuitas en 1587, Hideyoshi se interesó por abrir una posible vía de comercio que no pasase necesariamente por los portugueses y, puesto que el trato con los chinos seguía cerrado, las Filipinas eran una de las pocas alternativas disponibles; así, a partir de 1591 se autorizó el comercio con Manila9 . De todas formas, se trató de un lujo muy luctuante y bastante pobre, tal y como se extrae del reducido número de navíos comerciales japoneses llegados a la capital ilipina durante los años analizados en este artículo, diecisiete según nos dice el profesor Emilio Sola10. En cuanto a las mercancías intercambiadas, sabemos por los documentos castellanos que el principal negocio era el de la plata japonesa –Japón producía en ese momento nada menos que un tercio de la plata mundial11– a cambio de la seda china, con lo que realmente se trataba básicamente de hacer de intermediarios en el interrumpido comercio entre Japón y China. Aparte de esto, Filipinas importaba cáñamo, cobre, hierro, acero, plomo, salitre, mantas, pólvora, espadas, etc.12 y en Japón estaban muy interesados por cierto tipo de vasijas de cerámica ilipina."
^Never Imagine Yourself to be Otherwise: Filipino Image of Japan over the Centuries, Elpidio STA. ROMANA and Ricardo T. JOSE, Asian Studies 29 (1991), pp. 67-68, "In 1587, an ill-fated Filipino anti-Spanish rebellion led by Don Agustin de Legaspi, Martin Panga and Magat Salamat took place in Manila and adjacent areas. The Filipino rebels got in touch with a Christian Japanese adventurer named Juan Gayo and enlisted him in a plan to use other armed Japanese to be disguised as traders stationed offshore. On signal, Gayo and his men were to attack from the sea and help the Filipinos drive the Spaniards out of Manila. But when the time of the attack came, Gayo either simply lost interest or betrayed the rebels. The Filipino rebels waited in vain for his help; meanwhile, the Spaniards discovered the plan, rounded up the leaders and executed them publicly. 9 The involvement of a Japanese naturally made the Spaniards more suspicious."
^abGeoffrey Parker, The Grand Strategy of Philip II (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), 6.
^abCartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598. f. 155.
^abアルメイダ、1564年10月14日付豊後発信書（Cartas que os Padres e Irmaos da Companhia da Iesus, que andao nos Reynos de lapao escreverao aos da mesma Companhia da India, e Europa, desde anno de 1549 ate 1580. Primeiro Tomo, Evora 1598.f.151v.）
^abRibeiro, Madalena, Gaspar Vilela. Between Kyúshú and the Kinai, Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies, vol. 15, diciembre, 2007, pp. 9-27
^Hesselink, Reinier H. The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: world trade and the clash of cultures, 1560-1640. McFarland, 2015. pp. 69-70. "The fusta of the Jesuits was financed by the Portuguese merchants living in Nagasaki, who stipulated that it be designed larger than strictly necessary for its use in Nagasaki Bay. This way, it could also be used to tow the Portuguese carracks into the bay."
^abHesselink, Reinier H. The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: world trade and the clash of cultures, 1560-1640. McFarland, 2015. pp. 70-71. ""I go to know Brother Ambrosius, a Jesuit, who was the captain of a small ship like a trireme which guarded the city and the port."8 ... Fernandes only appears as the man in charge of the daily necessities of the Nagasaki residence. This was true, of course. It is certainly not stretching the imagination if we surmise that, while on patrol around Bay and along the Sotome coast of the Sonogi peninsula, the fusta also served as a means to bring fresh supplies of water, food, and firewood into the citadel."
^Portuguese "discovery" and "naming" of the Formosa Island, 1510-1624: A history based on maps, rutters and other documents, Paul Kua, Anais de História de Além-Mar XXI (2020): pp. 323-324., "...from this year of 1571, Nagasaki became the recognised terminal port in Japan for the Great Ship from Macao" (Boxer 1963, 35). This is still a rather big range of years. Fortunately, further research enables us to narrow down the time. Ōmura Sumitada, the first Japanese Daimyo to accept Catholicism, had invited the Jesuits to settle in Yokoseura and built a church there, and the Portuguese ships visited this port in 1562 and 1563. But sadly, in 1563, the port of Yokoseura was destroyed by jealous merchants and anti-Christian groups in Japan, making it unsuitable for use thereafter (Boxer 1963, 27-29)"
^Interactions Between Rivals: The Christian Mission and Buddhist Sects in Japan (c.1549–c.1647), "In 1563 Ōmura Sumitada becomes the first Christian daimyō with the name of Dom Bartolomeu. Owing to an uprising incited by Buddhist monks, the port of Yokoseura becomes a heap of ashes."
^abHesselink, Reinier H. The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: world trade and the clash of cultures, 1560-1640. McFarland, 2015. p. 70.
^Oliveira, João Paulo Costa. "The Misericórdias among Japanese Christian Communities in the 16th and 17th centuries." Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies 5 (2002): 67-79. p.76
^Oliveira, João Paulo Costa. "The Misericórdias among Japanese Christian Communities in the 16th and 17th centuries." Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies 5 (2002): 67-79. p.77, "The brotherhood also had a second hospital outside the city for lepers, which represented an important influence of Christian practices, because there were no hospitals in Japan before the arrival of the Portuguese, and this was devoted to people who had become “repugnant for the Japanese”, according to the Jesuit Luís Fróis (1532-1597)"
^Oliveira, João Paulo Costa. "The Misericórdias among Japanese Christian Communities in the 16th and 17th centuries." Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies 5 (2002): 67-79. p.73
^Guillaume, Xavier. “Misdirected Understandings: Narrative Matrices in the Japanese Politics of Alterity Toward the West.” Contemporary Japan, Volume 15, Issue 1. Japanstudien: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Instituts für Japanstudien 15 (2003): p. 93. "The Jesuits and the mendicant orders, through their contacts with the hinin (notably in the hospitals they established) were placed in the category of impurity."
^abcElison, George (1973): Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. pp. 85-86
^Elisonas, Jurgis (2000): The Jesuits, the Devil, and Pollution in Japan: The Context of a Syllabus of Errors. In: Bulletin of Portuguese/Japanese Studies 1 (December), p. 24.
^abcGuillaume, Xavier. “Misdirected Understandings: Narrative Matrices in the Japanese Politics of Alterity Toward the West.” Contemporary Japan, Volume 15, Issue 1. Japanstudien: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Instituts für Japanstudien 15 (2003): p. 93. "Purity and impurity, as a “dominant system of meaning,” were also represented in at least two other dichotomies – in/out and above/below – which “may not have been identical throughout history, but the structure itself has remained intact”"
^Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko (1984): Illness and Culture in Contemporary Japan: An Anthropological View. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 47.
^Hesselink, Reinier H. The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: world trade and the clash of cultures, 1560-1640. McFarland, 2015. "In this he was mistaken, for when, after a journey of fifty days, he finally arrived in Sakai on or just after 25 April,6 an emissary from Satsuma was waiting for him, probably to warn him to return to Nagasaki immediately. Coelho refused to see the man or deal with him in any way.7 On the contrary, he met with Satsuma's enemy Otomo Sorin, who had specifically come to the Kinai to ask Hideyoshi for military assistance.8 From a message sent by Satsuma to Nagasaki later that year, it is clear that had things turned out differently and had Satsuma emerged that winner, Coelho would have been executed and the Jesuits would have been expelled from Kyushu.9"
^Hesselink, Reinier H. The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: world trade and the clash of cultures, 1560-1640. McFarland, 2015. p.76. "Coelho had an audience with Hideyoshi at Osaka Castle, accompanied by more than thirty Jesuit padres, brothers, dojuku, and other boys serving the Jesuits.10 The meeting seemed to go off splendidly. After the initial ceremonial, Hideyoshi came and sat next to Coelho and Frois, who served as interpreter, so that "not more than half a tatami mat" separated Coelho from Hideyoshi. Japan's ruler started off with phrase for the intentions of the padres who had come, it was clear to him, all the way to Japan just to spread their doctrine.11 This he repeated several times. Next, he explained that now and that he had conquered most of Japan, he wished for nothing else than to leave a great name and fame after he died. After he had reorganized Japan " in a way so that the country would be at peace,"12 he intended to turn the realm over to his brother, while he would occupy himself with the conquest of Korea and China. He had already enough wood to be cut to build two thousand ships to ferry his army across to the continent."
^Hesselink, Reinier H. The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: world trade and the clash of cultures, 1560-1640. McFarland, 2015. p. 76. "For this project, he wished for no other help from the padres than that they would procure two large and well-equipped Portuguese vessels for him, not for free to be sure, for he would pay silver cash for everything. The Portuguese who would sail the ships would receive land and income from him. After his victory on the continent, he would build churches all over China and order all the Chinese to become Christians, while back home the Jesuits should make Christians of "half or the major part of Japan."13, Then, acting as a guide himself, Hideyoshi gave the Jesuit group a grand, three hour tour of Osaka Castle, during which, from time to time, he came back to business. In Kyushu, he promised with a laugh, he might give Hizen to his Christian retainers, Takayama Ukon and Konishi Ryusa, while he would definitely leave Nagasaki to the Church.14 "
^Hesselink, Reinier H. The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: world trade and the clash of cultures, 1560-1640. McFarland, 2015. p.76. "Coelho, on his part, promised the help of his coalition of Christian daimyo in Kyushu against Satsuma and Ryuzoji Masaie, the two ships Hideyoshi asked for, as well as other help from India.15 Two things are clear from all the empty promises made during this elaborate charade"
^abSpate, Oskar Hermann Khristian. The Spanish Lake. ANU Press, 2004. p. 167. "In 1586 Coelho paid a courtesy visit to Hideyoshi at Osaka; the interview was cordial—as it turned out, too cordial. The Regent confided his plans for the invasion of Korea and China, asking for the aid of two Portuguese carracks. Anxious to please, and showing much less than the traditional subtlety of his Order, Coelho rashly agreed, and even proffered further Portuguese aid for the Korean war, though obviously he had no way of making good such promises. Worse, he went on to pledge—unasked—his influence to rally the Christian daimyo of Kyushu against Shimazu; just the interference in local politics that wiser Jesuit heads had always warned against."
^THE BIBLE IN IMPERIAL JAPAN, 1850-1950, Yumi Murayama-Cain, A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St. Andrews, pp.21-22. "At first, he continued Nobunaga’s policy on the missionaries due to his interest in international trade, especially in acquiring warships from Portugal...It was also suggested that Gaspar Coelho, the Vice-Provincial, could not keep his word to Hideyoshi about assisting him to acquire two Portuguese warships. The failure to secure the ships caused Hideyoshi to distrust Coelho."
^abcHesselink, Reinier H. The Dream of Christian Nagasaki: world trade and the clash of cultures, 1560-1640. McFarland, 2015. p.78. "They warned Coelho that it would be better to offer the vessel to Hideyoshi right away, stressing that it had been built especially for him. Coelho, however, preferred to trust his own impression of Hideyoshi's good mood and ignored their warning. Exactly one week after Hideyoshi's visit, on 22 July, Hideyoshi's Christian retainer Takayama Ukon came to the fusta to meet with Coelho in person. He told the head of the mission that "...he was sure that some great calamity was about to befall Japaenese Christendom."29"
^abJohannes Laures S.J., The Catholic Church in Japan.. Charles and Turtle Company, Tokyo. 1954. p. 116
^Worlds Collide: The Competing Legal Cosmologies Of Tokugawa Japan, THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, PhD Thesis. p. 93. "This claim established a basis for jurisdiction over the Jesuits; Hideyoshi had granted the Jesuits (and converted daimyo) the rights to incomes from land, and on this basis, the Jesuits were bound to accept Hideyoshi’s justice."
^abTronu Montane, Carla (2012) Sacred Space and Ritual in Early Modern Japan: The Christian Community of Nagasaki (1569‐1643). PhD Thesis, SOAS, University of London. "Hideyoshi asked Coelho to have the nao that was then anchored in Hirado brought to Hakata, but the latter’s harbour were not suitable and on 24 July the Portuguese captain visited Hideyoshi to decline and apologise. Hideyoshi accepted the explanations and showed signs of favour, but on that very same night, he sent a messenger to the Jesuits with three inquiries that suggest his disapproval and suspicion of the true intentions the Jesuits... on the morning of 25 July the messenger returned asking why the Jesuits destroyed temples and shrines and persecuted Buddhist monks.268"
^Drummond R. H., A History of Christianity in Japan. W.B. Eerdsman Publishing Co. Michigan, 1971.
^Organtino Gnecchi Soldi. Copia di due lettere dal Giappone scritte dal Padre Organtino Bresciano della compagnia di giesu dal Meaco del Giappone al molto Reverendo P.N, il P. Claudio Acquaviva preposito generale. Ed. Luigi Zanetti. Rome; 1587.
^Jennes, History of the Catholic Church in Japan.. The Committee of the Apostolate. Bulletin Mission Series 8. Tokyo. 1959. pp.63-64
^Religion in Japanese History, By Joseph M. Kitagawa, pp. 143-144
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. pp. 325-326. "[The first [issue] is why do you act the way you have been doing up to now in this land of Japan? It would be better for you to act like monks of other sects, who preach in their houses and temples, and do not wander so eagerly inciting people from one part to another for them to convert to your sect like you do. From now one you shall gather in Kyushu and do not think about spreading your sect, not any more than the ordinary manner such as monks from Japan do. If you refuse to do so, you may all go back to China. I will take over your houses and churches in Miyako, Osaka and Sakai, and send you your belongings contained in them. And if because the ship from China happens to not come this year you cannot go back, or because you lack resources to do so, I will give you ten thousand sacks of rice, which are worthy around ten thousand cruzados, with which you shall return back to China. But all these promises were false.]"
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.328. "[The second issue was: what is the reason, because you eat horses and cows, being such an unreasonable thing: because horses are made to alleviate men from their work on the roads, and to pull carts with luggage and serve in war; and cows are made to plough the earth with them, and they are instruments for farmers to cultivate the land; but if you eat them, then the kingdoms of Japan will be depleted of these two assistances, which are so important for men. And if the Portuguese who come on the ship from China also do not dare to live without eating horses and cows, and you with them: I, that am the lord of all Japan, will command many deer, alive mountain pigs, foxes, monkeys and other animals to be hunted, and I will have them put into a cage for you to eat and thus not deplete the land of the animals that are necessary for the good of the republic and, when if not, I would rather not have the ship coming to Japan.]"
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.329. "[The third: I have heard that the Portuguese, the Siamese and the Cambodians who come to these parts to make their trade buy great number of people and take them captive to their kingdoms, displacing the Japanese from their country, their relatives, children and friends, and this is an unbearable thing. So the Father may have all the Japanese that have been sold up to now to India and other remote places to be brought back and restituted to Japan; and whenever this is not possible for them being in kingdoms too removed, at least those that have been bought now by the Portuguese must be freed, and I will give back the silver used to buy them.]"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.324. "Close to the midnight of the 24th, envoys sent by Hideyoshi arrived to the Jesuit fusta in the bay of Hakata. They brought a message for the Vice-Provincial regarding some concerns the Kanpaku had with Christianity in Japan. Letters from the period do not give much detail about the message itself – instead, Fróis’s epistle registers a summary of the questions brought by the envoys.1033 A more detailed account is offered in his Historia de Japam.1034 That night, Hideyoshi sent envoys twice, but the historiography has been giving special attention to the first three questions brought to Coelho. The first message asked: the conversion of Japanese to Christianity by force; their habit to eat horse and cow meat; and the involvement of Portuguese merchants in the slave trade. But we believe that the questions were rather three offers that Hideyoshi made to the Jesuits, continuing the negotiations they had started in Yatsushiro. These were not moral concerns – instead, the ruler was worried about the economic and political impacts of the actions of the missionaries in Japan."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.325. "The Jesuits were, however, uneasy about the method chosen by the ruler to negotiate these issues. According to Fróis, because the questions were sent via envoys, Coelho could not reply or negotiate with the necessary diplomacy or length needed to explain their reasons. The chronicler registers that the priests did not trust the offers made by Hideyoshi, as they believed the ruler used to make promises he would never fulfil. Also, they believed that because no one was able to discuss any issue freely with Hideyoshi, as all people were afraid of his anger, any reply sent by the Vice-Provincial via envoys would hardly be fully transmitted to the Kanpaku."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 325. "For that matter, Coelho could not give longer and necessary explanations – so, he decided to keep his replies to succinct phrases that would not be lost in the transmission process."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.327. "Coelho’s reply to the first question explains why Hideyoshi decided to expel the missionaries. The Vice-Provincial tries to convince the ruler that because the priests were foreigners and Christianity was new in Japan they had to go through the territory converting the population."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 329. "Coelho refuses the offer explaining that the missionaries, especially those working in central Japan and other areas apart from Kyushu, were already used to the alimentary habits of the Japanese. If the Jesuits happened to eat meat with Portuguese merchants, that was only when these traders came to Japan and because they were with them. The Vice-Provincial declares he would inform the Portuguese merchants of the ruler’s concern, but that he could not avoid anyone consuming meat in the case Japanese traders came to sell the produce to them."
^abcdJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 332. "Coelho’s replied that slavery was one of the main issues he wished to discuss with Hideyoshi. He said he wanted to obtain from the Kanpaku a severe prohibition to put a stop to the trade not only between Japanese and Portuguese, but also between the Japanese themselves. According to the priest, he felt that the trade was something morally detrimental to the Japanese – grande discredito e abatimento de gente de tanto primor e honra [great discredit and humiliation to a people of such great excellence and honor]. Coelho explained also that the abuses were common in Kyushu, but not in central or eastern Japan, and that the priests had worked hard to try to stop the slave trade, although attained no success. According to the Vice-Provincial, the Kanpaku should focus his legislative efforts on controlling those local rulers who allowed the trade to go on. Coelho’s idea was that legislation would be more effective if prohibition were directed to the daimyō, not the Portuguese. "
^abJennes, History of the Catholic Church in Japan. The Committee of the Apostolate. Bulletin Mission Series #8. Tokyo. 1959. pp. 63-64
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 320. "The following day – July 25th – the Vice-Provincial is again asked by envoys from the Kanpaku. They ask him about the reasons why Christians destroyed temples and sanctuaries, to which Coelho replies he could not control more excited converts."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 347. "[And as Hideyoshi rarely says the truth, unless it is to use it to deceive someone who he thinks might be lying to him, he told before to the Portuguese he would send the silver, which had been used to buy some Japanese that were in the ship of China, and to set them free, but later he ordered the Japanese to be taken away, and that nothing was to be given for them, and so was done.] Hideyoshi did promise before to Gaspar Coelho that he would reimburse the Portuguese merchants in Hirado for the money they had spent buying slaves. But he failed to do so."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 324. "However, we believe that, in fact, what was on the table may have been a different deal. For the Jesuits, their operations in Japan were at stake. The missionaries apparently tried to obtain from the ruler the necessary protections for the mission. As for Hideyoshi, however, the issues discussed point to a different direction. While he certainly may have been worried about the destruction of Japanese temples and sanctuaries, the economic safety of Kyushu was at risk because of the actions of the Jesuits. Thus, the Kanpaku was trying to ensure economic resources of the island."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 327. "First, Hideyoshi could be describing the way Jesuits wandered from one area to another. Second, he could be referring to the converts moving to different areas because of their religion. In fact, there were Japanese converts who did get misplaced because of political persecution. As when they opened the port of Yokoseura and the city of Nagasaki was built, persecuted populations fled to safer areas ruled by Christian lords. Thus, if that is the case, Hideyoshi’s concern had to do more with the consequences of the conversions. By moving whole populations from other areas apart from their original lands, Christianization had a deep economic impact in regions where labor force was much needed. But there was also another factor that contributed for the displacement of converts: slavery. Hideyoshi was apparently worried that the Jesuits and other Europeans were contributing to the depletion of labor force in the fields of Kyushu by acquiring Japanese slaves."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 324. "Negotiating legislation was a common practice in the period. As shown by Fujiki Hisashi, prohibition acts such as the kinzei 禁制 were negotiated between villagers and warlords, especially in times of conflict. Commoners would disburse money to pay for the intermediary negotiators, for the scribes, for the seal and so on. In the times of Hideyoshi, villages could pay up to 3,200 pieces of eiraku-sen 永楽銭, plus the necessary amount for the Kanpaku’s seal. 1035"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.331. "Fujiki Hisashi demonstrated that a hitogaeshirei was mainly a kind of contract between local authorities, regardless of more general legal codes. It aimed at restoring and maintaining the relation between a local lord – jinushi 地主 – and croppers – kosaku 小作. Some daimyō had almost unrestricted agreements regarding the return of people, as for example between the Yasaka 八坂 and the Nagahiro 永弘 clans. These provisions gradually came to become local laws – kokuhō 国法 – during the 1550s and 1570s.1049 Hideyoshi’s decision to demand the return of Japanese purchased by the Portuguese was an extension of this process... Complementing Fujiki’s interpretation, Noritake Yūichi showed that while commoners – hyakushō 百姓 – where responsible for crops, local authorities were responsible for providing the appropriate conditions for these laborers to produce. And the order for return of laborers to one’s fief was one of the necessary maneuvers to guarantee these conditions. These people could be displaced not only by conflict or kidnappings, but also by fleeing economic and social conditions. 1050 These were moves occurring in all Japanese territory and were not restricted to areas of Kyushu."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 330. "Nevertheless, as shown by Kobayashi Seiji, Hideyoshi changed his legislative method in this period. Before defeating the Shimazu clan, Hideyoshi used to include provisions such as these in his kinzei. But after the rulers of Satsuma surrendered, he started to order the return of prisoners after battles ended in different types of law, such as sadame 定, or jōjō 条々. The Kanpaku would demand captives to be returned to their original places, thus eliminating the negotiation for ransom and turning it into a binding process. After defeating the Shimazu, Hideyoshi ordered in April of 1587 that the clan returned commoners – hyakushō 百姓 – and others to their original places. His laws had a double effect: they forced the return of prisoners, as well as guaranteed the safety of prisoners during their return in order to avoid captives being evaded to different destinations.1048"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 322. "The first difference between both timelines is the date given for Hideyoshi’s arrival in Hakata. Fróis registers the Kanpaku as arriving between the 15th and 19th of July, while Japanese sources give a specific date – July 9th. Also, while the Portuguese sources mention at least three instances where the Jesuits met Hideyoshi in Hakata – July 19th, 20th, and 24th – Japanese documents mention only the first visit at Coelho’s fusta. Furthermore, there is no consensus on the date Hideyoshi visited the Jesuits vessel – July 15th according to Japanese sources, 19th according to Fróis’s Historia. However, the letter written by Fróis in Takushima describing the events does not mention a date.1031 Thus, it could very well be a mistake made by the chronicler when checking his notes for the Historia. If that is the case, the missionaries visited Hideyoshi in his barracks on the 16th, not the 20th as registered by the Historia."
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. pp. 322-323
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.323. "By rearranging the timeline, it is possible to see that the Jesuits had a longer time to consider their negotiations with Hideyoshi. Between July 9th and the 15th, they tried to arrange an official meeting with the ruler, but it seems that their failure led to a more desperate strategy: put the Vice-Provincial’s fusta on the way of Hideyoshi’s vessel while the Kanpaku inspected the Bay of Hakata. 1032 Thus, it is highly possible that their maritime encounter was a planned coincidence on the part of the missionaries. After putting themselves on the Kanpaku’s way, they finally had their session the following day in the ruler’s barracks. There, Gaspar Coelho seized the opportunity to make his requests, including the reconstruction of the Jesuit Church of Hakata in the inner city."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p. 333. "If we consider this discussion as a continuation of the talks the Jesuits, the Portuguese captain Domingos Monteiro, the Christian lord Takayama Ukon and Hideyoshi had during that month of July, then we may understand the process as a failure on the part of the Jesuits in the negotiations... it seems that there was no change of attitude per se. The negotiations went sour, the Jesuits did not manage to keep their liberties, and Hideyoshi gave more importance to the local economic impact of the actions of the missionaries."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.324. "After that, things would go downhill. Hideyoshi executed two of his kiboro who were Christians, Domingos Monteiro refused to bring his nau from Hirado to Hakata, and the Kanpaku enacted a 5-article edict expelling the Jesuits from Japan. The ruler was impatient, and everything was decided in a two-day period between July 24th and 25th."
^Organtino Gnecchi Soldi. Copia di due lettere dal Giappone scritte dal Padre Organtino Bresciano della compagnia di giesu dal Meaco del Giappone al molto Reverendo P.N, il P. Claudio Acquaviva preposito generale. Ed. Luigi Zanetti. Rome; 1587. p. 102
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2018. p.333. "Coelho may have sub estimated Hideyoshi’s intentions and powers – it may be an understandable reaction, given the political volatility that was so characteristic of Japanese administration in the period. Coelho may have thought of Hideyoshi as just one more ruler trying to unify Japan, that would fail and fall in the end. But the Kanpaku represented a deeper change in the way Japan was ruled. Because Coelho ignored his proposals, the Kanpaku had to choose the harsher alternative and enact the edict expelling the priests."
^abcHandbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan, v. 10)ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan—Church history. I. Series. pp. 251-252, "A more antagonistic dynamic between Shinto and Christianity in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries is more easily identified. Early evidence is to be found, for example, in Hideyoshi's expulsion edict of 1587 and his 1591 letter to the Governor General of Goa (Gonoi 1990, 150ñ1). In both, Hideyoshi deploys Shinto symbolism to justify the expulsion from Japan of Christianity and its missionaries. Item 1 of the edict reads: Japan is the Land of the Gods. Diffusion here from the Kirishitan Country of a pernicious doctrine is most undesirable. His 1591 letter begins in the same vein. The fact is that our land is the land of the gods and then proceeds to an exposition of what Takagi Shÿsaku (1993) has identified as Yoshida Shinto theories of the origins of the universe."
^abHandbook of Christianity in Japan / edited by Mark R. Mullins. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies, Section 5, Japan ; v. 10)ISBN 90-04-13156-6 I. Japan—Church history. I. Series. pp. 251-252, "Asao Naohiro has observed that Hideyoshi was consciously constructing the idea of Japan as land of the gods as a counter and response to the idea of Europe as land of the Christian God. Ieyasu's letters to the Governor General of the Philippines in 1604 and the Governor General of Mexico in 1612 articulate the same ideas about Christianity's incompatibility with Japan as shinkoku, the land of the gods (Asao 1991, 108ñ18; Gonoi 1990, 203ñ5). More research needs to be done on this linkage between the Christian proscription and Shinto ideas, but it would not be surprising, given the nature of the nativistic dynamic, if counter-Christian concerns were somewhere present in the anxiety of both Hideyoshi and Ieyasu to have themselves deified and venerated after their deaths."
^abcdBoxer, Charles Ralph. The Christian Century in Japan: 1549-1650. Univ of California Press, 1951. p.151
^abHess, Andrew C. "The Moriscos: An Ottoman Fifth Column in Sixteenth-Century Spain." The American Historical Review (1968): 1-25. pp. 5-6.
^Boxer, Charles Ralph. The Christian Century in Japan: 1549-1650. Univ of California Press, 1951. pp.165-166, "This observation coincided with what the bonzes had been telling anyone who would listen to them, since 1570 at least."
^Boxer, Charles Ralph. The Christian Century in Japan: 1549-1650. Univ of California Press, 1951. pp.151-152
^abBulmer-Thomas, Victor, John Coatsworth, and Roberto Cortes-Conde, eds. The Cambridge Economic History of Latin America: Volume 1, The Colonial Era and the Short Nineteenth Century. Vol. 1. Cambridge University Press, 2006. p.514. "Once Spanish authority had been established, the missionary orders came on the scene to evangelize the conquered peoples. The friars in turn were always backed up by the repressive sword of authority. Thus, military and political conquest came first, then spiritual conquest followed."
^abcdefLipp, Solomon. Lessons Learned from Pedro de Gante. American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese. Hispania, 1947, 194. "Gante arrived in the New World in 1523 ... It was here too, that he encountered the belief, generally held among the Spaniards of his day, and especially among the encomenderos, or landowners, who thrived on cheap Indian labor, that it was dangerous to educate the lower classes because it might make them too astute or too ambitious; it might make the native dissatisfied with his lot and, therefore, less desirable as a laborer"
^Lipp, Solomon. Lessons Learned from Pedro de Gante. American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese. Hispania, 1947, p. 196. ""Manual training" and "vocational education" entered the picture. Gante's workshops were beehives of activity. A school of arts and crafts flourished and was soon the talk of the land. The mission began to turn out shoemakers, tailors, and carpenters."
^Lipp, Solomon. Lessons Learned from Pedro de Gante. American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese. Hispania, 1947, p. 194. "How was the native to be won over to the new faith, to be educated away from his worship of human sacrifices? ... There was only one way: a difficult and arduous one, but Gante and his fellow-teachers did not hesitate for a moment. They became Indians..."
^Metcalf, Alida C. (2005). Go-Betweens and the Colonization of Brazil : 1500-1600. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. pp. 17–33.ISBN 0-292-70970-6.
^abcdCaraman, Philip (1976), The lost paradise: the Jesuit Republic in South America, New York: Seabury Press.
^ab"Bartolome de Las Casas | Biography, Quotes, & Significance". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 3 November 2017.
^abcSchwaller, John F. (October 2016). "Franciscan Spirituality and Mission in New Spain, 1524–1599: Conflict Beneath the Sycamore Tree (Luke 19:1–10) by Steven E. Turley (review)". The Americas. 73 (4): 520–522.
^abTavárez, David Eduardo. The spiritual conquest of Latin America. Oxford University Press, 2019. pp. 1-2. "The notion of a “spiritual conquest,” as opposed to a military conquest by Spanish forces and indigenous allies, was developed in detail in Robert Ricard’s eponymous 1933 work. While the metaphor of a “spiritual conquest” is broadly understood and used, many recent historical works eventually turned their attention to a close analysis of distinct processes and tendencies in terms of the methods, practices, and dynamics of colonial evangelization in Spanish and Portuguese America. The topical sections below address important work in this area of inquiry published in the last twenty-five years, with occasional references to earlier foundational works." Ruiz de Montoya, Antonio. The Spiritual Conquest Accomplished by the Religious of the Society of Jesus in the Provinces of Paraguay, Parana, Uruguay and Tape. Translated by Clement J. McNaspy. St. Louis, MO: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1993., Ricard, Robert. The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico: An Essay on the Apostolate and the Evangelizing Methods of the Mendicant Orders in New Spain: 1523–1572. Translated by Lesley Byrd Simpson. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966.
^abIke Susumu, Modern Asian Studies Review Vol 8, 2017, p. 8, "Later on in peace negotiations with the Ming Dynasty, the “Articles to Be Announced to the Imperial Ming Delegation” which Hideyoshi gave to Japanese representatives led by Ishida Mitsunari 石田三成 would contain the statement, “The great land of Japan is a holy land. Its god is the Creator. The Creator is its god.” Hideyoshi himself claimed that when he was born, his mother had a dream that she was carrying the Sun in her womb. In other words, it was an auspicious sign that the child whom she had given birth to would throughout his life “radiate virtue and rule the four seas” [Zoku Zenrin Kokuhoki 続善隣国宝記]. This article was of course not Hideyoshiʼs idea but rather proposed by such diplomatic advisors as Zen monk Saisho Jotai 西笑承兌, for Japanʼs Warring States Era was marked by the spread of religious syncretism incorporating Confucian ideas and Shinto beliefs into the framework of the Dharma.
^abIke Susumu, Modern Asian Studies Review Vol 8, 2017, p. 7, "The first indication that Hideyoshi intended to invade China was made during the 9th month of Tensho 天正 13 (1585), just after he had been appointed Kampaku 関白 regent and forced the surrender of two powerful warlords, Chosokabe Motochika 長 宗 我 部 元 親 in Shikoku 四 国 and Sassa Narimasa 佐 々 成 政 in Etcu 越中...Hideyoshi wrote in a letter to one of his own vassals, for those like Kato who have too many retainers and not enough rice to feed them, “asking Japan to foot the bill isnʼt going to be enough; weʼll have to get China to contribute, too” [Iyo Komatsu Hitotsuyanagike Monjo 伊予小松一柳家文書]. This was Hideyoshiʼs way, now that his hegemony over Japan was almost complete, of egging his military further on to an “adventure on the Continent” (Kara-iri 唐入り) with the promise of territorial expansion."
^Cratse, Gian, et al. History of Western Religion in Japan. Vol. 1. Tokyo: Taiyodo Bookstore, 1925.
^Nishimura, Shinji. Azuchi-Momoyama Period. The People’s History of Japan, vol. 8. Tokyo: Waseda University Press, 1922.
^abIke Susumu, Modern Asian Studies Review Vol 8, 2017, p. 7, "The next step towards the invasion of Korea was the conquest of Kyushu, when during the 6th month of Tensho 15 (1587) the island was apportioned into fiefs at Hakozaki 箱崎 in Chikuzen 筑前 Province....According to Hideyoshi, the division of Kyushu was motivated by the hope of “taking command as far as the continental and South Seas barbarians” [Kobayakawake Monjo 小早川家文書]. A few days after the partition of Kyushu, Hideyoshi toured the city of Hakata 博多, the gateway to the East Asia trade, urging the reconstruction of his new possession from the ruins of war into a base of logistics not only to take control of commerce, but also to launch an attack on Korea."
^Ike Susumu, Modern Asian Studies Review Vol 8, 2017, p. 10-11 "As soon as he received the news of the victories, Hideyoshi made public his plans for the occupation and rule of East Asia, in which present Emperor Goyozei 後陽成 and his court would be relocated to Beijing and granted ten provinces....Hideyoshi himself would take up residence in the port town of Ningbo 寧波, “where the Japanese fleet would land” to take him onto the conquest of India [Kumiya Monjo 組屋文書]."
^Rockstein, Edward D. "Strategic and Operational Aspects of Japan's Invasions of Korea, 1592-1598." (1993). pp. 23-24
^abRockstein, Edward D. "Strategic and Operational Aspects of Japan's Invasions of Korea, 1592-1598." (1993). p.24
^Rockstein, Edward D. "Strategic and Operational Aspects of Japan's Invasions of Korea, 1592-1598." (1993). p. 24
^Rockstein, Edward D. "Strategic and Operational Aspects of Japan's Invasions of Korea, 1592-1598." (1993). p. 23, ""It is our desire to extend our ruling power over the Great Ming. A plan has been completed for sending our warships and fighting men to China. It will be carried out before many days. After completing our heavenly mission of conquering China, we shall readily find a road by which to reach your country." Toyotomi Hideyoshi, 25 July 1591, letter to the Portuguese Viceroy of India."
^Rockstein, Edward D. "Strategic and Operational Aspects of Japan's Invasions of Korea, 1592-1598." (1993). pp.24-25
^abcJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 333, "In conclusion, the interrogatory sent by Hideyoshi shows that the ruler was more concerned with economic aspects and the impact of the way Jesuits acted in Japan rather than moral issues. The depletion of the fields of Kyushu from human and animal labor force was a serious issue to the local economy. This conclusion overturns what has been stated by the previous historiography, since Okamoto, who defended that Hideyoshi, upon arriving in Kyushu, discovered for the first time the horrors of the slave trade and, moved by anger, ordered its suspension.1053 However, as we saw before, the practice was much older and most certainly known in the whole archipelago, although apparently restricted to Kyushu. Because the Kanpaku consolidated his rule over the island, conditions were favorable for him to enact such orders."
^Fraser, Evan D. G.; Rimas, Andrew (2011). Empires of Food: feast, famine and the rise and fall of civilizations. London: Arrow Books.ISBN 978-0-09-953472-3.
^Colla, Elisabetta (2008). "16th Century Japan and Macau Described by Francesco Carletti (1573?-1636)". Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies. 17. Universidade Nova de Lisboa: 113–144. ISSN 0874-8438. p.128, "At that time there was also a big traffic in women, and Portuguese were good witness of this, because “as soon as they have arrived, come the agents of the women, looking them up in the houses in which they are lodging for [nine month]. And they ask them if they want to buy a virgin girl or have her in some other way that would please them more, and this for the time that they will be there, or just to have her for some nights or days or months or hours” (fl.127-128)"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.344, "Both Hirai Seiji and Fujiki Hisashi support the provision forbidding the slave trade was addressed to the Japanese, not to foreigners.1078 Thus, the export of Japanese slaves was hindered as a consequence of the main prohibition. Because of that, we understand Hideyoshi had in fact followed Coelho’s advice, and acted to curtail the slave trade with legal actions aimed at Japanese rulers rather than foreign merchants."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.351, "Shimazu Hirokazu summarizes the seventeen legal actions Hideyoshi in the aftermath of the 5-article edict of 1587, but none refers to the purchase of Japanese servants, the exit of Japanese to overseas, nor human trafficking in the city.1104 Fróis’s summary of the 19 orders and actions taken by the Kanpaku after the edict of 1587 also do not refer to slavery.1105"
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p, 102, "Their interference as the guardians of the keys to justification of the enslavement of Japanese would have dire consequences and impact lives of hundreds, if not thousands of individuals acquired or hired in Japan"
^abcdJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017., pp.432-433, "Martins’ decision established a new rule for Portuguese merchants in Japan – Japanese or Koreans were not to be purchased nor taken out of the archipelago. By reading the 1598 document, it seems that the Jesuits decided to finish their permit system, in place since the Cosme de Torres era, and prosecute slave traders. Interestingly, the main difference here between the ecclesiastical legislation and the local Japanese legislation, enforced by Hideyoshi’s administration, was that the bishop included the Koreans in his ban, while the Japanese ruler expected to use them"
^Okada A. 1955 Kirishitan Bateren, tokyo, shinbun-do, p.159
^The Founding of the Port of Nagasaki and its Cession to the Society of Jesus, Diego Pacheco, Monumenta Nipponica, 1970, Vol. 25, No. 3/4 (1970), pp.322-323,"If Don Bartolome gave to the Fathers what in fact he gave them in the port of Nagasaki, reserving for himself the dominion and the trading dues, as has been said, it was primarily because it seemed good to him and it was profitable, and no harmn could befall him from it; for the Fathers and all the town and port of Nagasaki remained as obedient and subject to him as before; neither had they the power to go againlst him nor was there any danger that they might try to do so.... But if perchance he had seen that we were attempting to hand over that town to the kings of Spain and that we tried to establish a fort there with a Spanish garrison, would he have been pleased with all this and considered it a good thing? I believe most definitely that if Don Bartolome had only suspected such a thing, he would have dealt with all of us in the same way as Taiko has now dealt with the friars."
^abXizi Chen, Squabbles between the Jesuits and the Franciscans: a historical review of policies of two christian orders in Japan, Trans/Form/Ação, Marília, v. 46, n. 1, p. 235-250, Jan./Mar., 2023., p.248, "Thus, Hideyoshi must have been informed that Spanish missionaries had formed a fifth column and prepared the way for colonial conquest. Whether he believed this is another matter. Certainly his fears for national security of Japan were exaggerated, as neither the Portuguese in Macau nor the Spaniards at Manila were even in a remote position to challenge Japan. Persecution happened from time to time after the martyrdoms. This led to hard times for all missionaries in Japan, even during Ieyasu’s reign when Portuguese-Japanese trade was promoted. The mission in Japan progressed from bad to worse, hitting rock bottom in 1614 when Ieyasu issued an expulsion decree ordering all missionaries to leave Japan. From then on, Japan closed the door to the outside world."
^Beeson, Mark, and Richard Stubbs, eds. Routledge handbook of Asian regionalism. Vol. 21. London: Routledge, 2012.. p.69, "Berry concludes that, ‘there is no evidence that he [Hideyoshi] systematically researched either the geographical problem or the problem of Chinese military organization’(Berry 1982: 216)."
^IKE, Susumu. "Foreign Conquest and Birth of Late Premodern States." Modern Asian Studies Review 8 (2017): p. 8, "It seems that Hideyoshi was under the mistaken impression that the king of Korea was a vassal of the So Clan [Kitajima 1982]."
^IKE, Susumu. "Foreign Conquest and Birth of Late Premodern States." Modern Asian Studies Review 8 (2017): p. 12, "That being said, the invasion itself failed and threatened to bring down the whole Toyotomi regime with it. The most important factor in the defeat was Hideyoshiʼs crackpot realism regarding international relations."
^Sansom, George Bailey, Sir (1965). The Western world and Japan. CHaddon Craftsmen, Inc. p. 129. CRID 1130282270102463744. ""From his standpoint as a dispotic ruler he (=Hideyoshi) was undoubtedly right to regard Christian propaganda as subversive, for no system can survive unchanged once the assumptions upon which it is based are undermined. However high their purpose, what the Jesuits were doing, in Japan as well as in India and China, was to challenge a national tradition and through it the existing political structure. This last is an animal that always defends itself when attacked, and consequently Hideyoshi's reaction, however deplorable, was to be expected and does not seem to need any fuller explanation."
^The Founding of the Port of Nagasaki and its Cession to the Society of Jesus, Diego Pacheco, Monumenta Nipponica , 1970, Vol. 25, No. 3/4 (1970), p.317, "The chief difficulty which the missionaries found with Nagasaki on their hands was the administration of justice. As Doctor of Law, Valignano thoroughly understood the grave problems involved in this administration; at the same he was able to find a solution which on the one hand was in accord with Japanese customs and on the other did not violate either Christian mentality or the laws of the Church. We do not know any detail the laws which Oomura Sumitada drew up with Valignano's advice, but from the words of the Visitor we can deduce that the code for the new city of Nagasaki was an improvement in two respects on the legislation then in force in Japan. The first and most important feature was the introduction of the distinction between criminal and civil cases and between ecclesiastical and secular jurisdiction; the second was an appreciable mitigation of penal severity."
^Colla, Elisabetta. "16th Century Japan and Macau described by Francesco Carletti (1573?-1636)." Bulletin of Portuguese-Japanese Studies 17 (2008): 113-144. p.128
^abElison, Deus Destroyed. p. 215. "They sent out men to search throughout the Capital and its outskirts, in wayside chapels in the hills and plains, and even underneath bridges. They gathered in outcasts and beggars and others with diseases and afflictions, had them take a bath and cleanse the body, and gave them clothing, succor, shelter, and care."
^George Elison, Deus Destroyed, p. 220. "Among all sentient beings there is no such distinction as noble and base."
^abRie Arimura, The Catholic architecture of early modern Japan: Between adaptation and Christian identity, Japan Review 27 (2014): 53–76, p. 59, "Furthermore, Oda Nobunaga 織田信長 had set out to destroy religious institutions, or at least limit their power, as part ot his strategy to unify and create a centralized regime in Japan. His burning of Enryakuji 延暦寺，the main temple of the Tendai sect on Mount Hiei in 1571，is but one example. Similarly, Toyotomi Hideyoshi 豊臣秀吉 eliminated a community of Shingon 真言 monks known as Negoroshu 根采衆.31"
^Christianity and Biblical Translations in Japan, Seth Wallace Jones, Phd Thesis, pp.13-14, "Hideyoshi’s choice seems to have been for completely arbitrary reasons. While there were factors that could have contributed to him being swayed, such as the close relationships between European traders and newly converted southern daimyo, the facts are not clear as to why he suddenly switched stances on the Christian issue. Until the fateful night when he questioned Coelho, he was friendly with the Christians, even seeing them as a tool much like Oda Nobunaga. His claim in the edict that he found the attacks of Christian daimyo on Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples appalling is also hypocritical. Both Hideyoshi and Nobunaga often attacked Buddhist temples that they perceived as threats to their political power, 19 so this drastic change in attitude towards them is illogical. It was so inconceivable to the Jesuits and Japanese Christians that they continued on with their mission"
^abcAndrew C. Ross, A Vision Betrayed: The Jesuits in Japan and China, 1542-1742, Orbis Books (1994/12/1) p.47
^Nelson, John K. (1996) A year in the life of a Shinto shrine, Seattle, University of Washington Press, p.15, "In spite of the Jesuit goal for converting the ruling class first, many agricultural and fishing communities saw in the transcendent message of loyalty to an omnipotent god a way to liberate themselves from centuries of oppression and submission. Converts learned to view traditional institutions such as temples and shrines as having been in collusion with the feudal lords, who had so long kept them in abject poverty. Inspired by the zealous preaching of certain Jesuit priests (and, later, those from Franciscan and Augustinian orders, who came from the Spanish Manila), the new religion´s fervour spilled over into violent action, as numerous temples and shrines throughout what is today Nagasaki and Kumamoto Prefectures were put to torch."
^Amaro, Bébio Vieira. "Research Concerning the Establishment of Nagasaki's Port Town." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians of Japan 67.2 (2016): pp.3-4
^Amaro, Bébio Vieira. "Research Concerning the Establishment of Nagasaki's Port Town." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians of Japan 67.2 (2016): pp.14-17
^Amaro, Bébio Vieira. "Research Concerning the Establishment of Nagasaki's Port Town." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians of Japan 67.2 (2016): p.14., p.20
^Immanent Power and Empirical Religiosity, Conversion of the Daimyo of Kyushu, 1560–1580, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 47/2: 247–278, p.258, "Indeed his experimentalism may have retained a pluralist flexibility, if we consider the Japanese evidence that (probably in 1574) he also took the tonsure (shukke) in Shingon Buddhism along with a priest name (Higashibaba 2001, 39–40)"
^Rie Arimura, The Catholic architecture of early modern Japan: Between adaptation and Christian identity, Japan Review 27 (2014): 53–76, p. 59, "In truth, not all Buddhist temples reused by the missionaries were as prestigious or powerful. In fact, many had been abandoned at the backdrop of the political and social instability of the Sengoku period....It was in order to escape religious oppression that the Buddist monks sold tneir properties to the missionaries. Frois noted this in 1577： "The reason why these monks sell their temples and monasteries where they live is because the King Nobunaga is gradually destroying and taking away their property. [...] The monks sell what they have in order to get funds to live."
^Arimura, Rie. "The Catholic architecture of early modern Japan: Between adaptation and Christian identity." Japan Review (2014): 53-76. p.60, "There are other examples concerning the use of non-sacred spaces, Baltazar Gago (1520-83) reported in 1555 the beneficence of Otomo Sorin 大友宗麟（1530-87) in capital of the Bungo province: "The landlord gave us a field, where we built a hous chapel.”37 The reference to "a house with a chapel" implies a building, which integrated the place of worship with the missionaries' residence. Besides, Sorin contributed with an rent as well as a grant for the Jesuits to purchase "a privileged, large estate."38 This became the site for a new church:"
^Arimura, Rie. "The Catholic architecture of early modern Japan: Between adaptation and Christian identity." Japan Review (2014): 53-76. p.60, "There are other examples concerning the use of non-sacred spaces, Baltazar Gago, S.J. (c. 1520–83) reported in 1555 the beneficence of Ōtomo Sōrin 大友宗麟 (1530–87) in Funai, capital of the Bungo province: “The landlord gave us a field, where we built a house with a chapel.”37 The reference to “a house with a chapel” implies a building, which integrated the place of worship with the missionaries’ residence. Besides, Sōrin contributed with an annual rent as well as a grant for the Jesuits to purchase “a privileged, large estate.”38 This became the site for a new church:"
^Arimura, Rie. "The Catholic architecture of early modern Japan: Between adaptation and Christian identity." Japan Review (2014): 53-76. p.60, "Additionally, according to Alonso Gonzalez's letter to the Provincial Father of India dated 1576, a “varella;’ that is a non-Christian temple, donated by Arima Yoshisada (1521-77) was reused as a Christian church without any architectural modification, advantage of the expanse of the buildings.35 Missionary bases also extended into spaces. From the time of Francis Xavier, a good number of churches had been esta inside the walls of castles, called ufortalegas in missionary documents. An example would be Ichiki Tsurumaru castle 市来鶴丸城 in Satsuma, and Sawa castle 沢城 in Province 大和国(presentday Nara), headquarters of Takayama Tomoteru 尚山1595)，also known as Dario Takayama Hidanokami ダリオ高山飛弾守.36"
^Arimura, Rie. "The Catholic architecture of early modern Japan: Between adaptation and Christian identity." Japan Review (2014): 53-76. p.59, "The permission of local authorities for the construction of religious sites was essential. Missionaries either purchased the land or received it as a donation from native Christians and Portuguese traders. The good will of Kirishitan daimyo was of especial importance in the selection and acquisition of sites and properties."
^Arimura, Rie. "The Catholic architecture of early modern Japan: Between adaptation and Christian identity." Japan Review (2014): 53-76. p.64, "Moreover, most Catholic construction works in the time or Valignano remained in charge of Japanese lords, just as in the early stages of evangelization.60 The initiative of lords was a major factor in the increase in building works. Valignano defended, in Chapter 7 of his instructions, local architectural traditions and customs as well as the standpoint of native builders, and he pointed out the importance of seeking the advice of mater builders.61 This adaptability enabled Japanese builders to continue their organization, rerouces, constructive methods and techniques between the first and second stages of evangelization."
^Tamotsu Fujino, New Omura City History, Volume 2 (Medieval Edition), Chapter 3, Omura City History Compilation Committee. Omura City, 2014-03-31., p.444
^da Silva Rocha, Joanes. "The triumph of perseverance: Kakure kirishitan in Japan and its inscription on the world heritage list." HISTORICAL YEARBOOK 15.XV (2018): p.166. "Hideyoshi’s ultimate goal was to assume direct control over trade to finance his conquest of the country and the continent."
^Metcalf, Alida C. (2005). Go-Betweens and the Colonization of Brazil : 1500-1600. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. pp. 17–33.ISBN 0-292-70970-6.
^"Bartolome de Las Casas | Biography, Quotes, & Significance". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 3 November 2017.
^de Bary, Wm. Theodore (2005). “Part IV: The Tokugawa Peace”. Sources of Japanese Tradition: 1600 to 2000. Columbia University Press. pp. 149. ISBN9780231518123
^Boxer, C. R. The Christian Century in Japan: 1549-1650. Manchester: Carcanet Press Ltd., 1951., pp. 149-151.
^Berry, Mary Elizabeth. Hideyoshi. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982. pp. 92-93
^Boxer, C. R. (1951). The Christian Century in Japan: 1549–1650. University of California Press., pp. 152–53. GGKEY:BPN6N93KBJ7.
^abcRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 p. 349, "The practice continued at least until 1590, when Japanese ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi ended a cycle of various prohibitions started in 1587 against kidnappings and human trafficking in Japan. The visitor of the then–Jesuit vice-province of Japan, the Italian priest Alessandro Valignano, a trained lawyer whose actions had deep repercussion in the policies adopted by the various missions of the order in Asia, decided to interfere and halted members of the Society of Jesus from intermediating sales of Japanese individuals to Portuguese merchants.39 The measure soon lost its practical effect. During the following decade, the Imjin War brought some twenty- to thirty-thousand war prisoners to the islands, creating a regional boom in human trafficking"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 404, "All the Christian daimyō became involved in the conflict because of their subjection to a tyrannical ruler: Toyotomi Hideyoshi. Valignano justifies that they were dragged into war because of the risks that refusing to enter the battlefield represented to the security of their republics. They were good Christians but forced to enter in an unjust war because they were responsible rulers of their kingdoms, according to the Visitor’s justification.126"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 445, "In Japan there is the universal custom, accepted since ancient times, according to which those who are more powerful attempt to eliminate those of less power, and take over their land and put under their dominion. Because of this [custom], we can hardly find true and natural lords in Japan.1400"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 444-445, "According to it, analysis of Japanese practices using European civil and canonical law results in a fruitless effort, and all Japanese lords would be taken as illegitimate according to any legal principle. Because of the custom of overtaking militarly lands without following European notions of just war, it was impossible to find “ueri et naturales domini” [legitimate and natural lords]. It is interesting to notice that the missionaries concluded that even natural law was useless to justify Japanese military territorial conquests. They also suggest that, because of the political structure of Japanese society, no lord could achieve the power of the Emperor, here referred as the descendant of the first king of Japan, and which he understands to be the only legitimate land owner in the archipelago."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 445, "The issue raised by the questionnaire is whether land possessions could be retained in good conscience. Of course, its concern with the conscience of the lord means that the missionaries were in reality worried with local Christian lords and their territorial conquests – whether converts could be forgiven for conquering land militarily or if they should be admonished to return these. In fact, it warns that any attempt to make them restitute an illegitimate conquest would fail, as they themselves considered these to be legitimately owned and conquered. The problem, thus, is whether Jesuits should dissimulate and pretend to ignore this issue."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 450, "If the missionaries were to advice local lords on matters of war, considering they were following their customs and, therefore, acting in good faith, the only option for the Jesuits was to act deceitfully, avoid the issue and offer non-answers that could not compromise their mission and the souls and consciences of Japanese Christians. The main problem here to the Japan Jesuits was the control they exerted on the level of knowledge Japanese converts had regarding Christian doctrine. If the priests spoke freely about all religious matters, they would create a situation of conflict between local Japanese customs and Christian dogmas."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017, p.440 ,"Meanwhile, Hideyoshi prepared a new invasion of the Korean Peninsula. Starting on March 14th 1597, the ruler ordered Japanese forces to start crossing the sea back to the southern part of the peninsula, an operation that lasted until circa August. This second campaign would bear witness to a huge increase in the number of slaves in the Japanese market. Whereas the first Japanese invasion of Korean brought lots of Korean men and women to be enslaved in Japan, the second invasion seemed to make of this activity an industry."
^abTurnbull, Stephen (2002), Samurai Invasion: Japan's Korean War 1592–98, Cassell & Co,ISBN 978-0304359486, OCLC 50289152, p. 230
^De Sousa, Lúcio (2019-01-21). The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves. Brill.ISBN 978-90-04-38807-9. pp. 93–94.
^Arano, Yasunori (2005), "The Formation of a Japanocentric World Order", International Journal of Asian Studies, 2 (2): 185–216, doi:10.1017/S1479591405000094, ISSN 1479-5922, p.197
^abJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017, p.440, "Even though the Macanese authorities had forbidden the transport of slaves, and the Bishop had enacted an excommunication, it seems Portuguese merchants were circumventing the rules. Japanese brought crowds of Korean prisoners to the islands, and Portuguese merchants were eagerly acquiring them and taking them out of the archipelago. Contemporary sources are graphical in their description, and the following section will present the gruesome scenario in which these prisoners were captured and transported to Japan."
^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.403, "When the Visitor writes that they were doing their best, he is affirming that they were solving each situation on the spot, without time or the necessary authority to elaborate definitive rules. They were local missionaries deciding on issues that surpassed their jurisdiction. They knew they could not act without proper official recognition, but they were forced by the local circumstances."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 283-284, "This obligation and compassion were, in fact, part of the Christian doctrine as taught in Japan since the beginning of the mission. The teachings of the Jesuits presented the act of redeeming captives as a pious duty...Based on the imitation of Christ as a means of salvation, the Jesuits taught that redemption of captives and slaves was one of the so-called works of mercy that should be practiced by Christians926. Ogawa and Kataoka explain that these deeds were explicitly exposed in the Dochirina Kirishitan どちりなきりしたん, a manual for Japanese converts first published in 1592. 927"
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "This was due not to theoretical or legal reasons, but to the lack of authoritative power held by Jesuits in Japan. As argued numerous times by the visitor of the vice-province, Valignano, missionaries could not expect positive outcomes from their reprimands and admonitions because of their limited capacity to alter or influence the courses of action taken by Japanese Christians, particularly powerful individuals, when facing moral doubts.46"
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 403, "Nevertheless, as a result, these local lords were capturing and enslaving Koreans, brought by the thousands to Japan. In face of that situation, the priests were totally lost: how could they guide their most powerful parishioners to act properly when their influence was limited? How could they defend the correct and proper ways for enslavement of others? And how could they guarantee that unjustly enslaved people would be adequately returned to Korea? Valignano’s text was admitting that the Jesuits were powerless, unable to go against the situation. Thus, they were forced to cope with it."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p, 102, "Their interference as the guardians of the keys to justification of the enslavement of Japanese would have dire consequences and impact lives of hundreds, if not thousands of individuals acquired or hired in Japan"
^abDéborah Oropeza Keresey, Los “indios chinos” en la Nueva España: la inmigración de la nao de China, 1565-1700, PhD Tesis, 2007, pp.138-139, "El “indio chino” ocupó un lugar ambiguo en la sociedad novohispana. El hecho de que era originario de las Indias, y por lo tanto indio, pero no natural del suelo americano, creó confusión en la sociedad y en las autoridades novohispanas....En ocasiones quedaba claro que jurídicamente hablando el oriental era considerado indio."
^Bartolomé de Las Casas’ The Only Way: A Postcolonial Reading of At-One-Ment for Mission, Dale Ann Gray, 2018, Phd Thesis, p.136, p.147, p.153 "Sublimis Deus was Pope Paul III’s declaration of the full humanity of all peoples of the world. It was his response to the first edition of The Only Way, carried to Rome by Minaya in 1537, and according to Parish, was chapter and verse delineated by Las Casas (Parish, “Introduction” in TOW)."
^BARTOLOMÉ DE LAS CASAS AND THE QUESTION OF EVANGELIZATION, Hartono Budi, Jurnal Teologi, Vol. 02, No. 01, Mei 2013, hlm. 49-57, The Only Way was so convincing that even Pope Paul III was encouraged to issue a papal bull Sublimis Deus in 1537 which was adopting deliberately all principles of The Only Way, not just for the Indians of the New World, but for all the peoples to be discovered in the future.
^Dias, Maria Suzette Fernandes (2007), Legacies of slavery: comparative perspectives, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, p. 238,ISBN 978-1-84718-111-4, p. 71
^Déborah Oropeza Keresey, Los “indios chinos” en la Nueva España: la inmigración de la nao de China, 1565-1700, PhD Tesis, 2007, pp. 132-133 p.28, "Al iniciarse la colonización del archipiélago, la Corona, al igual que en sus otros territorios, tuvo que enfrentar la cuestión de la esclavitud indígena. Nuevamente la experiencia americana sirvió como precedente para definir el curso a seguir. Recordemos que las Leyes Nuevas de 1542 promulgadas por Carlos V, ordenaban que por ninguna causa se podía esclavizar a los indios y que se les tratara como vasallos de la Corona de Castilla. También disponían que los indios que ya se hubieren hecho esclavos se liberaran en caso de que sus dueños no mostrasen títulos legítimos de posesión; asimismo, las Leyes ordenaban que las Audiencias nombraran personas encargadas de asistir a los indios en su liberación.61"
^Déborah Oropeza Keresey, Los “indios chinos” en la Nueva España: la inmigración de la nao de China, 1565-1700, PhD Tesis, 2007, pp. 132-133, "Asimismo, en 1599 Gaspar Fernández, “natural de las islas del Japón…ladino en lengua castellana” quien había llegado a la Nueva España como parte del secuestro de bienes del portugués Ruy Pérez, abogó por su libertad, argumentando que “soy persona libre hijo de padre y madre libres y no sujeto a servidumbre”. Los testigos del caso, hijos de Ruy Pérez, manifestaron que Gaspar Fernández había sido vendido en Nagasaki a su padre para servirle por tiempo limitado, alrededor de 12 años."
^Seijas T. The End of Chino Slavery. In: Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico: From Chinos to Indians. Cambridge Latin American Studies. Cambridge University Press; 2014:212-246. p.224-225
^Déborah Oropeza Keresey, Los “indios chinos” en la Nueva España: la inmigración de la nao de China, 1565-1700, PhD Tesis, 2007, pp. 132-133, "A lo cual Fernández objetó que “no hay contra mi probanza ni título que contenga ser esclavo no hay porque se me haga contradicción semejante fuere de que los de mi nación y japones no son esclavos ni por tales se tratan ni contratan en las partes de la India ni en otra alguna ni hay declaración de que hayan ser sujetos a cautiverio, ni habidos de buena guerra que es principal requisito para esclavonía”. Finalmente, en 1604, se declaró la libertad del dicho “japón”.402"
^AGN, Real fisco de la Inquisición, v.8, exp.9, ff.262-271
^Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico: From Chinos to Indians, Tatiana Seijas, Cambridge University Press, 2014, DOI:https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107477841, p.251 "Chino Slaves with Identifiable Origins All 225 Spanish Philippines1 62 Muslim Philippines2 17 India3 68 Bengal [Bangladesh and India] 30 Ambon, Borneo, Java, Makassar, Maluku Islands [Indonesia] 15 Melaka, Malay [Malaysia] 9 Ceylon [Sri Lanka] 6 Japan 4 Macau [China] 3 Timor 2 Unrecognizable4 9 Note: My database for this study consists of 598 chino slaves. Of these, only 225 cases involved individuals whose place of origin was identified in the surviving documentation."
^Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.537 , "The Jesuits were officially expelled from the archipelago in 1614, and those who remained hid themselves from Japanese authorities. Nevertheless, Portuguese merchants kept buying Japanese slaves in this period. Jesuits, while trying to obtain support from the king, fought the trade by lobbying local converts to liberate their captives, Japanese and Koreans."
^Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356, p. 355, "After the 1614 Jesuit expulsion from Japan, hidden Jesuits and local converts worked to free Japanese and Korean slaves, while Portuguese merchants continued the slave trade. Post-1614, Dutch and English buyers took over due to Portuguese trade bans. Kidnapped individuals, war prisoners, and others, including children and women, were enslaved and sold in Nagasaki and Hirado by Portuguese, Dutch, English, and Spanish traders."
^da Silva Ehalt, Rômulo, et al. "Suspicion and Repression: Ming China, Tokugawa Japan, and the End of the Japanese-European Slave Trade (1614–1635)." Dependency and Slavery Studies (2022). pp. 224-225, "Specifically, they were not allowed to ‘buy any slaves, either men or woamen [sic], [or] to send them out of the cuntrey [sic]’, on neither English or Dutch ships.39...The Dutch captain then explained he had already asked the head of the Dutch factory numerous times to establish a system of licenses for the export of enslaved Japanese, but his appeals met deaf ears."
^Visiones de un Mundo Diferente Política, literatura de avisos y arte namban, Coordinadores: Osami Takizawa y Antonio Míguez Santa Cruz, Centro Europeo para la Difusión de las Ciencias Sociales, ISBN: 978-84-608-1270-8, p. 79, "Según esta versión, cuando el Gobernador enviado por Hideyoshi a Tosa interrogó a algunos miembros de la tripulación del San Felipe, uno de los testimonios fue el del piloto del navío, un tal Francisco de Landia, y éste supuestamente quiso impresionar a Masuda enseñándole en un mapa la gran cantidad de territorios sobre los que gobernaba Felipe II –de la misma forma en que, recordemos, fray Juan Cobo había hecho con Hideyoshi tiempo atrás–; de lo hablado en esta entrevista, cabe aclarar, no hay testigos directos ni documentos escritos."
^Cabezas, Antonio. El siglo ibérico de Japón. La presencia hispano-portuguesa en Japón (1543-1643). Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 1995. p.243
^Squabbles between the Jesuits and the Franciscans: a historical review of policies of two christian orders in Japan, Trans/Form/Ação, Marília, v. 46, n. 1, p. 235-250, Jan./Mar., 2023., pp.244-245, "For the Japanese missionaries, 1597 was an eventful year. Far from being assuaged by the Nagasaki martyrdoms as might have been hoped, the acrimony between the Spaniards and the Portuguese, and between the Franciscans and the Jesuits, only intensified as charges and countercharges were freely exchanged. Each side blamed the other for the seizure of San Felipe and the subsequent mass execution at Nagasaki. According to the Portuguese, the Spanish pilot’s boasting had angered Hideyoshi, prompting him to drastic action. Not so, said the Spaniards: the real reason was that the Portuguese had spread the word that the Spaniards were robbers and pirates. The religious orders joined in the dreary controversy. According to the Jesuits, the friars had ignored all warning signs, and their public preaching had brought trouble on upon their own Jesuits’ hands. The Franciscans answered that the Jesuits had maligned them in court."
^Xizi Chen, Squabbles between the Jesuits and the Franciscans: a historical review of policies of two christian orders in Japan, Trans/Form/Ação, Marília, v. 46, n. 1, p. 235-250, Jan./Mar., 2023., p.248, "Thus, Hideyoshi must have been informed that Spanish missionaries had formed a fifth column and prepared the way for colonial conquest. Whether he believed this is another matter. Certainly his fears for national security of Japan were exaggerated, as neither the Portuguese in Macau nor the Spaniards at Manila were even in a remote position to challenge Japan. Persecution happened from time to time after the martyrdoms. This led to hard times for all missionaries in Japan, even during Ieyasu’s reign when Portuguese-Japanese trade was promoted. The mission in Japan progressed from bad to worse, hitting rock bottom in 1614 when Ieyasu issued an expulsion decree ordering all missionaries to leave Japan. From then on, Japan closed the door to the outside world."
^Squabbles between the Jesuits and the Franciscans: a historical review of policies of two christian orders in Japan, Trans/Form/Ação, Marília, v. 46, n. 1, p. 235-250, Jan./Mar., 2023., pp.246-247
^Elison, George (Elisonas, Jurgis). Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1973. p. 139
^abScreech, Timon. "The English and the control of Christianity in the early Edo period." Japan Review (2012): p. 7, "The motivation for these killings was the building of an over-grand, three-story Franciscan church in central Miyako 都 (Kyoto); no Jesuits were involved (until two more of less forced themselves into the death-band en route). At issue was lèse-majesty in the Capital, not extirpating Christianity.18 Within the bloody context of Japan’s sixteenth century, these numbers suggest Hideyoshi had no appetite for major change. He had the lavish temple, which had provoked his ire, the Nanbanji 南蛮寺 dismantled, but smaller churches remained throughout the country. Hideyoshi did not issue any further significant restrictions on the missions.19"
^Never Imagine Yourself to be Otherwise: Filipino Image of Japan over the Centuries, Elpidio STA. ROMANA and Ricardo T. JOSE, Asian Studies 29 (1991), pp. 67-68, "In 1591, a Japanese named Harada Magoshichiro was reported to have studied parts of the Philippines and recommended that Hideyoshi conquers the Philippines. Hideyoshi made concrete plans but sent an emissary the following year to Manila and demanded that the Spaniards become his vassals and pay tribute; otherwise he would invade the Philippines. He has just invaded Korea, and the poorly defended Spaniards could only reply that they sought friendship with Japan. Japanese ships entering Manila were checked thoroughly to make sure they carried no weapons. The Japanese community in Manila was disarmed and resettled outside Manila in a place called Dilao district. The next year, the Spaniards tried to guard their north flank by invading Taiwan but a typhoon thwarted that expedition. Later, Hideyoshi also sent a request to the Spanish authorities in the Philippines for shipbuilders but was refused by the Spaniards who realized that they will be used to build warships. The apprehensive Spaniards sought reinforcements from Mexico. 10 The Japanese were also suspicious of Spanish attempts to proselyte in Japan. This mutual suspicion - Spain fearing a Japanese invasion, Japan suspicious of Spanish evangelization and fearful that Japan might be involved in power conflicts in Europe- was to continue into the early 17th century."
^M. T. Paske-Smith, “Japanese Trade and Residence in the Philippines,” Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan 42, no. 2 (1914), pp. 696–97.
^Francisco de Lorduy, statement incorporated in report by Governor Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas to the king of Spain on the second embassy to Japan, April–May 1593, in The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 39. The reference may be to Kiemon’s close associate Hasegawa Sōnin instead.
^The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 41.
^The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 39.
^The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 47-48
^The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 51-53
^The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 9, p. 51-54
^abMartín de la Ascensión to Doctor Morga, 28 January 1597, in The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, ed. Blair and Robertson, vol. 15, p. 125.
^abTurnbull, Stephen (2016) "Wars and Rumours of Wars: Japanese Plans to Invade the Philippines, 1593–1637," Naval War College Review (海軍大学校 (アメリカ合衆国)レビュー): Vol. 69 : No. 4 , Article 10., p.5
^Visiones de un Mundo Diferente Política, literatura de avisos y arte namban, Coordinadores: Osami Takizawa y Antonio Míguez Santa Cruz, Centro Europeo para la Difusión de las Ciencias Sociales, ISBN 978-84-608-1270-8, p. 80, "Tras el incidente del galeón San Felipe y la ejecución de los religiosos, en Manila se entendió que la relación de amistad a la que supuestamente se había llegado con Hideyoshi había terminado, por lo que se volvió a temer una invasión japonesa de las Filipinas –si es que alguna vez había desaparecido la sospecha. Así, se continuó trabajando en las defensas de Manila y su isla, e incluso se llegó a considerar nuevamente la conquista de Formosa. En un movimiento calcado a otros que se habían efectuado en el pasado, se decidió enviar una embajada a Japón para, nuevamente, ganar tiempo y tratar de recuperar tanto la carga coniscada del San Felipe –sumamente importante para la economía de las Filipinas– como los restos de los mártires de Nagasaki. Para ello, esta vez se preirió no elegir a un religioso como embajador y la tarea recayó en Luis de Navarrete, un militar muy cercano al Gobernador Tello."
^abTurnbull, Stephen (2016) "Wars and Rumours of Wars: Japanese Plans to Invade the Philippines, 1593–1637," Naval War College Review (海軍大学校 (アメリカ合衆国)レビュー): Vol. 69 : No. 4 , Article 10., pp. 8-9
^The perceived status of the Dutch as the shogun’s “loyal vassals” is brilliantly analysed in Adam Clulow, The Company and the Shogun: The Dutch Encounter with Tokugawa Japan (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 2014).
^abTurnbull, Stephen (2016) "Wars and Rumours of Wars: Japanese Plans to Invade the Philippines, 1593–1637," Naval War College Review (海軍大学校 (アメリカ合衆国)レビュー): Vol. 69 : No. 4 , Article 10., p.10-11
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