US President Donald Trump attends a ceremony for the signing of a peace agreement between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo in Washington, DC, on Dec. 4, 2025. (AFP/Yonhap)

By Gil Yun-hyung, editorial writer

Eight years ago, Donald Trump turned US policy on China, which had been consistent ever since the 1972 US-China détente, on its head. In the National Security Strategy (NSS) document released in December 2017, the Trump administration labeled China as a “revisionist power” working to harm American “values and interests.” This was an admission that the US no longer expected that this traditional Asian power would become a responsible member of the US-led liberal international order if it continued its policy of engagement to help China’s development.

The belief that the US could no longer stand together with China was a bipartisan decision, as evinced by how the administration of Democrat Joe Biden continued Trump’s policy. The October 2022 NSS published by the Biden administration described China as being the US’ “only competitor with both the intent to reshape the international order,” leading the US to state that it would align its efforts with its allies and partners.

The passing of time saw another big shift in the US’ policy on China. The second Trump administration’s NSS, published on Thursday, delineates the basic framework of its national security policy. The two core pillars of this document are “flexible realism,” the US’ peculiar sense of reality, and “America First,” which has been Trump’s mantra since his first term in office.
 
Flexible realism is in line with the beliefs depicted in the NSS’ introduction, which states that former foreign policy elites were wrong when thinking that “permanent American domination of the entire world” was in the US’ best interests, and argues that “the affairs of other countries are [the US’] concern only if their activities directly threaten [US] interests.”
 
“We seek good relations and peaceful commercial relations with the nations of the world without imposing on them democratic or other social change that differs widely from their traditions and history,” the document reads, coming to the astonishing conclusion that “we recognize and affirm that there is nothing inconsistent or hypocritical in acting according to such a realistic assessment.”
 
Once we take such things into consideration, we can understand why the 33-page long document never once mentions North Korea, why buzzwords such as “democracy,” “values,” “international rules and norms,” which were brandished like beloved family heirlooms to admonish China are absent, and why the US states that cessation of hostilities in Ukraine is one of the US’ core interests.
 
The sentiment of “America First” is condensed into the statement, “The days of the US propping up the entire world order like Atlas are over.” 

If the US continues to set a narrow definition of what its core interests are and use its military powers sparingly, it is safe to say that it will pass on a lot of its burdens to its allies. The US has abandoned its sacred mission to uphold and spread democracy with this document, but that does not mean we can assume that it will return to its old, Monroe-esque policy of isolationism.
 
We can see the US’ wavering position in the bits explaining its Taiwan policy: “We will also maintain our longstanding declaratory policy on Taiwan, meaning that the US does not support any unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait,” “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority,” “We will build a military capable of denying aggression anywhere in the First Island Chain. But the American military cannot, and should not have to, do this alone.”
 
The US is distancing itself from Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, who attempted to change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by hinting at Japanese military intervention in the event of a Taiwan contingency, but that does not mean that the US has completely washed its hands of Taiwan. This will ultimately lead to the US demanding that South Korea and Japan cover more of the costs. 
 
However, we must keep in mind that the Trump administration is standing so stalwartly behind retaining the status quo regarding Taiwan because it benefits the US in some way, not because it feels honor-bound to do so. Should the US’ calculations shift through future deals between major powers, Taiwan, and perhaps even South Korea, could be discarded without a second thought.
 
To avoid such an outcome, for the time being, we have no option but to faithfully carry out the US’ demands and hang on its every word. Our weary Atlas has made it clear that he plans to shamelessly and mercilessly crack the whip at allies to do his will. While doing the best we can, Korea will need to map out a future in which it is no longer as reliant on the US. 

Please direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]

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