Unless we act, events that we Europeans will be unable to influence will overtake us. I believe we Europeans feel far too safe. Europe’s political and economic leadership in the world, which was still unchallenged at the beginning of the century, has long since ceased to exist. Will the dominant cultural influence of Europe be maintained? I think not, unless we defend it and adjust ourselves to new conditions;history has shown thatcivilisations are all too perishable.
European integration should not be rigid but as flexible as we can possibly make it. It should not be a straitjacket for the peoples of Europe but should be their common mainstay, a common support for the healthy, individual development of each of them.
Did it have to come to this? The paradox is that when Europe was less united, it was in many ways moreindependent. The leaders who ruled in the early stages ofintegration had all been formed in a world before the global hegemony of theUnited States, when the major European states were themselvesimperial powers, whoseforeign policies were self-determined. These were people who had lived through the disasters of theSecond World War, but were not crushed by them. This was true not just of a figure likeDe Gaulle, but ofAdenauer andMollet, ofEden andHeath, all of whom were quite prepared to ignore or defy America if their ambitions demanded it.Monnet, who did not accept their national assumptions, and never clashed with the US, still shared their sense of a future in which Europeans could settle their own affairs, in another fashion. Down into the1970s, something of this spirit lived on even inGiscard andSchmidt, asCarter discovered. But with theneo-liberal turn of the1980s, and the arrival in power in the 1990s of apostwar generation, it faded. The new economic doctrines cast doubt on the state as a political agent, and the new leaders had never known anything except thePax Americana. The traditional springs of autonomy were gone.
Perry Anderson, "Depicting Europe",London Review of Books (20 September 2007)
I have always found the word Europe on the lips of thosepoliticians who wanted something from other Powers which they dared not demand in their own names.
Otto von Bismarck, quoted in A. J. P. Taylor,Bismarck: The Man and the Statesman (1955), p. 167
The global role of theUnited States is perhaps the ultimate chapter in that long period of European expansion which had begun in western Europe, and especially on the Atlantic seaboard, during the 15th century. Europe slowly had outgrown its homeland. Its cultural empire eventually formed a long band traversing most of theNorthern Hemisphere and dipping far into theSouthern. The modern hub of the peoples and ideas of European origin is nowNew York as much asParis, orLos Angeles as much asLondon. In the history of the European peoples the city ofWashington is perhaps whatConstantinople - the infant city ofEmperor Constantine - was to the last phase of theRoman Empire; for it is unlikely that Europeans, a century hence, will continue to stamp the world so decisively with their ideas and inventions.
While certain terms have changed and the political front-men are different, the great political issues remain: the existential conflict between the US and Russia; the role of Israel; the place of Europe and the West in that conflict; and the relationship between the West and the US, which is heralded as the “leader of the West” while being nothing but the leader of Culture-distortion, parasitism, and retardation.
Russia's only real geostrategic option - the option that would give Russia a realistic international role and also maximize the opportunity of transforming and socially modernizing itself - is Europe.
The key point to bear in mind is that Russia cannot be in Europe withoutUkraine also being in Europe, whereas Ukraine can be in Europe without Russia being in Europe.
Soon nostalgia will be another name for Europe. ~Angela CarterIt was the fate of Europe to be always a battleground. Differences in race, in religion, in political genius and social ideals, seemed always... to be invitations to contest by battle. ~Calvin Coolidge
My conclusion will be simple. It will consist of saying, in the very midst of the sound and the fury of our history: "Let us rejoice." Let us rejoice, indeed, at having witnessed the death of a lying and comfort-loving Europe and at being faced with cruel truths.
Albert Camus, "Create Dangerously," lecture given at the University of Uppsala, Sweden (December 1957); republished by Camus inResistance, Rebellion and Death (1961), Justin O'Brien, translator, p. 270.
Angela Carter (1940–92), British postmodern novelist. repr. Vintage (1992). Expletives Deleted, review of John Berger, Once in Europa, The Washington Post (1989)
If we're leaving our fate tosociopathic buffoons, we're finished...Trump is the worst, that's because of US power which is overwhelming. We are talking aboutU.S. decline but you just look at the world, you don't see that when the U.S. imposessanctions, murders, devastating sanctions, that's the only country that can do that, but everyone has to follow.Europe may not like, in facthate actions onIran, but they have to follow, they have to follow the master, or else they get kicked out of theinternational financial system. That's not a law of nature, it's a decision in Europe to be subordinate to the master inWashington. Other countries don't even have a choice....
One of the most ironic elements of today's virus crisis, is thatCuba is helping Europe. I mean this is so shocking, that you don't know how to describe it. ThatGermany can't helpGreece, but Cuba can help the European countries. If you stop to think about what that means, all words fail, just as when you see thousands of people dying in theMediterranean, fleeing from a region that has been devastated... and being sent to the deaths in the Mediterranean, you don't know what words to use.
The Crisis, the civilizational crisis of the West at this point is devastating... it does bring up childhood memories of listening toHitler raving on theradio to raucous crowds... it makes you wonder if thisspecies is even viable.
AfterNapoleon's1815 defeat at Waterloo, Europeans had creatednation-states in the image and likeness of Napoleon. The new states became the foci of popular affection, evenworship. All organized themselves as Napoleon hadFrance, and asHegel had prescribed, with every house numbered so thatbureaucratic government could pass itsscience to and collect sustenance from each. The states became the purveyors of education and sources of authority. They fostered the myth that people within their borders formed distinct races with different geniuses and destinies. All partook ofCharles Darwin's ideology that life is anevolutionary struggle in which the fittest survive.
Angelo Codevilla,To Make and Keep Peace Among Ourselves and with All Nations (2014)
Africancitizens are certainly better off in countries that support their aspirations and communities rather than becoming 3rd or 4th class citizens in Europe... When did Europe ever operate on behalf of African people except when Africa or its people were used to benefit the goals and priorities of Europe?
Many of the traits on which modern Europe prides itself came to it fromMuslimSpain.Diplomacy,free trade, open borders, the techniques of academic research, ofanthropology,etiquette,fashion, various types ofmedicine, hospitals, all came from this great city of cities. (...) The surprise is the extent to whichIslam has been a part of Europe for so long, first in Spain, then in theBalkans, and the extent to which it has contributed so much towards the civilisation which we all too often think of, wrongly, as entirely Western.Islam is part of our past and our present, in all fields of human endeavour. It has helped to create modern Europe. It is part of our own inheritance, not a thing apart.
It was the fate of Europe to be always a battleground. Differences inrace, inreligion, in political genius and social ideals, seemed always... to be invitations to contest by battle.
Yes, it isEurope, from the Atlantic to the Urals, it is Europe, it is the whole of Europe, that will decide the fate of the world.
Oui, c'est l'Europe, depuis l'Atlantique jusqu'à l'Oural, c'est toute l'Europe, qui décidera du destin du monde.
Charles de Gaulle, University of Strasbourg speech (23 November 1959). The phrase shown in bold is the most often quoted excerpt. De Gaulle was expressing his vision of Europe's future.
We are inclined to overemphasize the material influences inhistory. TheRussians especially make this mistake. Intellectual values and ethnic influences, tradition and emotional factors are equally important. If this were not the case, Europe would today be a federated state, not a madhouse of nationalism.
As to the territorial limits of Europe, they may seem relatively clear on its seaward flanks, but many island groups far to the north and west—Svalbard, theFaroes,Iceland, and theMadeira andCanary islands—are considered European, whileGreenland (though tied politically toDenmark) is conventionally allocated toNorth America. Furthermore, the Mediterranean coastlands ofNorth Africa andsouthwestern Asia also exhibit some European physical and cultural affinities.Turkey andCyprus in particular, while geologicallyAsian, possess elements of European culture and may be regarded as parts of Europe.
Although 50 years of Europeanpeace since theend of World War II may augur well for the future, it must be remembered that there were also more than 50 year of peace between theCongress of Vienna and theFranco-Prussian War. Moreover, contrary to the hopes and assumptions ofJean Monnet and other advocates ofEuropean integration, the devastatingAmerican Civil War shows that a formal political union is no guarantee against an intra-European war.
Like theRoman Empire in the earlyfifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As itswealth has grown, so itsmilitary prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith.
No continent is as small and fragmented as Europe. OnlyAustralia is smaller, yet Europe consists of fifty independent nations (includingTurkey and theCaucasus, for reasons explained later). Crowded with nations, it is also crowded with people. Europe's population density is 72.5 people per square kilometer. TheEuropean Union's density is 112 people per square kilometer. Asia has 86 people per square kilometer. Europe is crowded and fragmented.
The peoples of Europe are a work in progress and always must be... The history of the people of Europe has not ended -- it never will. Ethnogenesis is a process of the present and future as much as it is the past. No efforts ofromantics,politicians, orsocial scientists can preserve once and for all some essential soul of a people or nation. Nor can any effort ensure thatnations,ethnic groups, and communities of today will not vanish utterly in the future. The past may have set the parameters within which one can build thefuture, but it cannot determine what that future must be.
Patrick J. Geary,The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe, Princeton University Press, 2003
Europe is not really even a geographic entity; it is separated fromAsia only at one point, theBosphorus, by a small stretch of water. North of that there is continuity over the russians steppes, a complete terrestrial flow. I suggest that is also true of culture, and indeed of social organization. Indeed Europe has never been purely isolated, purelyChristian. Instead of Christian Europe, one has to see the continent as penetrated by the three world religions that originated in theNear East and which indeed had a common mythology or sacred text; in order of arrival these wereJudaism,Christianity and Islam. (...) All have equal entitlements to be present, and in this general ('objective') sense none can be considered only as the Other; they are part of Europe, part of our heritage.
It is time to consign to oblivion thecold war postulates when Europe was viewed as an arena of confrontation divided into "spheres of influence" and someone else's "forward-based defences", as an object of military confrontation — namely a theatre of war.
Now it is up to all of us, all the participants in the European process, to make the best possible use of the groundwork laid down through our common efforts. Our idea of a common European home serves the same purpose too. It was born out of our realization of new realities, of our realization of the fact that the linear continuation of the path, along which inter-European relations have developed until the last quarter of thetwentieth century, is no longer consonant with these realities. The idea is linked with our domestic economic and politicalperestroika which called for new relations above all in that part of the world to which we, theSoviet Union, belong, and with which we have been tied most closely over the centuries.
As far as the economic content of the common European home is concerned, we regard as a realistic prospect — though not a close one — the emergence of a vast economic space from the Atlantic to the Urals where Eastern and Western parts would be strongly interlocked. In this sense, theSoviet Union’s transition to a more open economy is essential; and not only for ourselves, for a higher economic effectiveness and for meeting consumer demands. Such a transition will increase East-West economic interdependence and, thus, will tell favorably on the entire spectrum of European relations.
A German-Russian partnership is a key element in any serious pan-European integration process. It is my ardent wish that Russia andGermany may manage to preserve all the positive achievements of the late1980s and early 1990s in today's difficult times.
Europe has not been a continent ofimmigrants... It lacks the ingredients necessary to assimilate, integrate, and intermarry large numbers of newcomers each year: There is no dynamic and fluideconomy, no confidence in its own values, no belief thatclass andrace are incidental, not essential, to one's persona, no courage to assume that an immigrant made a choice to leave a worse place for a better one. And all this is in the context of a class-bound hierarchy...
The expansion of Europe was the transforming force in human history of the last 500 years, and yet the modern academy looks for reasons not to study it. In the era ofdecolonisation the new nations want to stress their indigenous roots and sympathetic scholars explain that European influence was not overwhelming, but that it was used and subverted by locals for local purposes. To concentrate on Europe is criticised as 'Eurocentric'. But to ignore Europe makes the history of any part of the globe unintelligible.
John Hirst,Sense and Nonsense in Australian History (2005)
European civilisation is unique because it is the only civilisation which has imposed itself on the rest of the world. It did this by conquest and settlement; by its economic power; by the power of its ideas; and because it had things that everyone else wanted. Today every country on earth uses the discoveries of science and the technologies that flow from it, and science was a European invention.
Europe has at present only two states which can be regarded as standing firm in the face ofBolshevism:Germany andItaly. The other countries are either disintegrated through theirdemocratic form of life, infected byMarxism, and thus likely themselves to collapse in the foreseeable future, or ruled byauthoritarian governments whose sole strength lies in theirmilitary means of power; this means, however, that, being obliged to secure the existence of theirleadership in face of their own peoples by means of the armed hand of the executive, they are unable to direct this armed hand outward for the preservation of their states. All these countries would be incapable of ever conducting a war againstSoviet Russia with any prospects of success. In any case, apart from Germany and Italy, onlyJapan can be regarded as a power standing firm in the face of the world peril.
Adolf Hitler, Memorandum on the Four-Year Plan [Obersalzberg, August 1936]
Western European humanity moves by will and reason. A Russian person lives first of all with his heart and imagination, and only then with his will and mind. Therefore, the average European is ashamed of sincerity, conscience and kindness [regarding it] as "stupidity"......a Russian person, on the contrary, expects from a person, first of all, kindness, conscience and sincerity. ~Ivan Ilyin
Western European humanity moves bywill andreason. ARussian person lives first of all with his heart and imagination, and only then with his will and mind. Therefore, the average European is ashamed ofsincerity,conscience andkindness [regarding it] as "stupidity"; A Russian person, on the contrary, expects from a person, first of all, kindness, conscience and sincerity. Original:Западноевропейское человечество движется волею и рассудком. Русский человек живет прежде всего сердцем и воображением и лишь потом волею и умом. Поэтому средний европеец стыдится искренности, совести и доброты как «глупости»; русский человек, наоборот, ждет от человека прежде всего доброты, совести и искренности.
Europe. Their political interests are entirely distinct from ours. Their mutual jealousies, their balance of power, their complicated alliances, their forms and principles of government, are all foreign to us. They are nations of eternal war. All their energies are expended in the destruction of the labor, property and lives of their people.
The reality is that, since the fall of Rome, no power has come near to ruling this continent.Charlemagne did not do so, nor did the HabsburgHoly Roman Emperors, nor France's Napoleon, nor Germany's Hitler, nor yet the commissioners of the European Union. If history teaches anything, it is that all attempts to straightenKant's 'crooked timber of humanity' will fail. Europe's peoples will not be put in bondage to a superior state, howeverliberal its intentions.
Simon Jenkins,A Short History of Europe: From Pericles to Putin (2018)
[Y]ou don’t have to talk aboutNazis orHitler or any of that to say the norm in Europe is competition, conflict. And if we think that that’s over, I think that history tells us otherwise.
In Europe, there exist no borders. The people I spoke to all agreed that their quality of life was enhanced in many ways after unification of the continent. We saw the amazing synergy effects of European union.
Europe’s political stability, social cohesion, economic prosperity and security are more threatened today than at any point since theCold War, Russia is destabilizing the Continent on every front. Indigenous factors – whether long-extantnationalism, design flaws in theEurozone lack of a commonforeign policy, or incapability at assimilating immigrants – certainly lie at the root of these crises.
In recent decades, Europe has retreated to the conduct of soft power. But besieged as it is on almost all frontiers by upheavals and migration, Europe, includingBritain, can avoid turning into a victim of circumstance only by assuming a more active role.
For 400 years, world history was made by Europeans. Many of the great ideas by which we live —constitutional government, freedom of the individual, the ideas of theEnlightenment — originated in Europe and were spread by Europe around the world. Now this region, which was dynamic and built the world, has become too preoccupied with itself. It confines itself basically to the exercise of soft power. At present, no European government has the capacity to ask its people for sacrifices on behalf offoreign policy. Unless Europe can recover some of its historic dynamism, there will be a big hole in the world system as it has until now manifested itself.
Even if Europe's decline is now irreversible, there is no reason that it should become a collapse. There is, however, a precondition: facing realities at long last, something that has been postponed in many parts of Europe to this day. The debate should be about which of Europe's traditions and values can still be saved, not about Europe as a shining example for all mankind, the moral superpower of thetwenty-first century.
Walter Laqueur,The Last Days of Europe: Epitaph for an Old Continent (2007)
There is no place for concern that it would change the structure and operation of the EU in a radical way. 90% of the constitution agreement is already in the current agreements. The innovations in the draft will clarify the structure of the EU and make its activity more efficient, as well as strengthencitizens’ rights.
Egils Levits (Latvian ECJ Judge), Quoted in “Latvijas avize”, 21 June 2004
There is no single European people. There is no single all-embracing community of culture and tradition among, say, Warsaw, Amsterdam, Berlin and Belgrade. ~Geert Mak
So there is no single European people. There is no single all-embracing community of culture and tradition among, say,Warsaw,Amsterdam,Berlin andBelgrade. In fact, there are at least four communities: the NorthernProtestant, theLatinCatholic, theGreekOrthodox, and theMuslimOttoman. There is no single language - there are more than twenty. (...) There are no real Europeanpolitical parties (...). And most significantly of all: unlike theUnited States, Europe still does not have a common story.
I'm worried about moving in the direction ofWestern Europe, because I believe that the highertaxes in Western Europe are one of the reasons that those economies aren't as rich as we are and why people don't work as much in Western Europe as they do in the United States.
What has made the European family of nations an improving, instead of a stationary portion of mankind? Not any superior excellence in them, which, when it exists, exists as the effect, not as the cause; but their remarkable diversity of character and culture.Individuals,classes,nations, have been extremely unlike one another: they have struck out a great variety of paths, each leading to something valuable; and although at every period those who travelled in different paths have been intolerant of one another, and each would have thought it an excellent thing if all the rest could have been compelled to travel his road, their attempts to thwart each other's development have rarely had any permanent success, and each has in time endured to receive the good which the others have offered. Europe is, in my judgment, wholly indebted to this plurality of paths for its progressive and many-sided development.
John Stuart Mill.On Liberty (1859) Chapter III. Of individuality, as one of the elements of well-Being p.136
More than any other continent or culture in the world today, Europe is now deeply weighed down with guilt for its past. Alongside this outgoing version of self-distrust runs a more introverted version of the same guilt. For there is also the problem in Europe of an existential tiredness and a feeling that perhaps for Europe the story has run out and a new story must be allowed to begin. Mass immigration — the replacement of large parts of the European populations by other people — is one way in which this new story has been imagined: a change, we seemed to think, was as good as a rest. Such existential civilizational tiredness is not a uniquely modern-European phenomenon, but the fact that a society should feel like it has run out of steam at precisely the moment when a new society has begun to move in cannot help but lead to vast, epochal changes.
Douglas Murray,The Strange Death of Europe: Immigration, Identity, Islam (2017)
The whole world ought to be opposed to Europe for its cruel history, Jack, and yet in favor of it because after about a thousand years it may have learned some sense.
Grace Paley, "The Immigrant Story" inEnormous Changes at the Last Minute (1974)
Manifestly, in August 1914 the status quo of western Europe was about to vanish. Either the liberal democracies would engage in a terrible episode of bloodletting in order to preserve their independence, territorial integrity and great power status, or they would avoid bloodshed by permitting the autocracy and militarism of the kaiser’s Germany to overwhelm them. That is, the alternative to the horrors of this war was not the continuation of the existing order. It was western Europe's abandonment of some of its finest achievements. These achievements derive from its struggles against absolute church and absolute monarchy, and from its endorsement of the principles of the enlightenment: elected governments, freedom of speech and of conscience, respect for the rights of minorities, and at least partial acknowledgment of the notion that all people are created equal and possess the same entitlements to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
Robin Prior & Trevor Wilson,The First World War (1999), 2001 paperback edition; ISBN 0–304-35984-X (even though Wikiquote is registering this as an invalid ISBN), p. 217
Europe has produced certain ideas and institutions, has been able, on and off, and with varying degrees of means, to blend them, purify them, make them work effectively, and has been able also to spread them around the world.
What is Europe really but a sterile trunk which owes everything to oriental grafts?
Friedrich Schelling. Letter of 18 December 1806 to Windischmann, quoted in Poliakov, L. (1974). The Aryan myth : a history of racist and nationalist ideas in Europe p. 195, and quoted in Gérard (René). L'Orient et la pensée romantique allemande
Europe owes its greatness to the fact that the primary loyalties of the European people have been detached from religion and re-attached to the land. Those who believe that the division of Europe into nations has been the primary cause of European wars should remember the devastating wars of religion that national loyalties finally brought to an end. And they should study ourart andliterature for its inner meaning. In almost every case, they will discover, it is an art and literature not of war but of peace, an invocation of home and the routines of home, of gentleness, everydayness and enduring settlement... The idea that the citizen owes loyalty to a country, a territory, a jurisdiction and all those who reside within it — the root assumption of democratic politics, and one that depends upon the nation as its moral foundation - that idea has no place in the minds and hearts of many who now call themselves citizens of European states.
Roger Scruton,England and the Need for Nations (2006)
There are only two kinds of states in Europe: small states, and small states that have not yet realised they are small.
The odd thing about modern Europe is that, if you look at the borders, you might think that Germany had won theFirst World War... The European Union and the old Soviet states are associated with a Europe that feels as if it is run from Berlin. FromScandinavia toTurkey, lorries trundle back and forth with German industrial goods; theeuro is mainly German, theDeutsche Bank dominates the eurozone.
Europeans believe that people from other cultures are threatening their national identities and livelihoods... Europe is rediscoveringnationalism... Europeans have long defined themselves by a strong sentiment of national belonging, often linked to language, ethnicity and religion, and distrust of foreigners. The love for the place you were born, the trust of the people who surround you, and the fear of what strangers could do to you and your community is a basic human feeling. But in Europe, nationalism is particularly notable for the sheer scale of death and destruction it historically has brought.
But there is no point in indulging in wishful thinking about the past. The changes were brought about by theWorld War and its repercussions. The war tore Europe from its previous position and transformed it into a continent bleeding from many wounds and left impoverished – not only in Germany – valuable segments of the population. “Where iron grows in the mountain shafts, the masters of the Earth arise." Europe is no longer the main source of the world’s raw materials, and we can no longer delude ourselves that Europe is the leader of the world. For this reason the peoples of Europe are drawing closer together to protect themselves against conquest and inundation. And inasmuch aseconomics has an effect on politics, this drawing together, even though it might be questionable from the standpoint of economics, does constitute progress toward international understanding and peace. Even though the psychology of this process, which involves billions, causes sociologists to have reason for misgiving, the process is still an asset to mutual understanding among the nations.
In the heart of Europe runs the purest stream of humanlove, ofjustice, of spirit ofself-sacrifice for higher ideals. TheChristian culture of centuries has sunk deep in her life's core. In Europe we have seen noble minds who have ever stood up for the rights of man irrespective of colour and creed.
Rabindranath Tagore. "Nationalism in the West", 1917. Reprinted in Rabindranath Tagore and Mohit K. Ray,Essays (2007, p. 475). Also cited in John Jesudason Cornelius,Rabindranath Tagore: India's Schoolmaster, (1928, p. 83).
Staticinequality is a snapshot view of inequality; it does not reflect what will happen to you in the course of your life. Consider that about 10 percent ofAmericans will spend at least a year in the top 1 percent, and more than half of all Americans will spent a year in the top 10 percent. This is visibly not the same for the more static—but nominally more equal—Europe. For instance, only 10 percent of the wealthiest five hundred American people or dynasties were so thirty years ago; more than 60 percent on the French list are heirs and a third of the richest Europeans were the richest centuries ago. In Florence, it was just revealed that things are even worse: the same handful of families have kept the wealth for five centuries.
Nassim Nicholas Taleb,Skin in the Game: Hidden Asymmetries in Daily Life (2018, Random House)
From these shores, it may seem to some of you that by comparison with the risk and sacrifice which America has borne through four decades and the courage with which you have shouldered unwanted burdens, Europe has not fully matched your expectations. Bear with me if I dwell for a moment on the Europe to which we now belong. It is not the Europe of ancient Rome, of Charlemagne, ofBismarck. We who are alive today have passed through perhaps the greatest transformation of human affairs on the Continent of Europe since the fall of Rome. In but a short chapter of its long history, Europe lost the position which it had occupied for two thousand years -- and it is your history as much as ours. For five centuries, that small continent had extended its authority over islands and continents the world over. For the first forty years ofthis century, there were seven great powers:United States,Great Britain,Germany,France,Russia,Japan,Italy. Of those seven, two now tower over the rest -- United States and theSoviet Union. To that swift and historic change Europe -- a Europe of many different histories and many different nations -- has had to find a response. It has not been an easy passage to blend this conflux ofnationalism,patriotism,sovereignty, into aEuropean Community, yet I think that our children and grandchildren may see this period -- these birth pangs of a new Europe -- more clearly than we do now. They will see it as a visionary chapter in the creation of a Europe able to share the load alongside you. Do not doubt the firmness of our resolve in this march towards this goal, but do not underestimate what we already do. Today, out of the forces of theAlliance in Europe, 95%; of the divisions, 85%; of the tanks, 80%; of the combat aircraft, and 70%; of the fighting ships are provided, manned and paid for by the European Allies and Europe has more than three million men under arms and more still in reserve. We have to. We are right in the front line. The frontier of freedom cuts across our continent. Members ofCongress, the defense of that frontier is as vital to you as it is to us.
What we should grasp, however, from the lessons of European history is that, first, there is nothing necessarily benevolent about programmes of European integration; second, the desire to achieve grandutopian plans often poses a grave threat tofreedom; and third, European unity has been tried before, and the outcome was far from happy.
Margaret Thatcher,Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World (2002).
'Europe' in anything other than the geographical sense is a wholly artificial construct. It makes no sense at all to lump togetherBeethoven andDebussy,Voltaire andBurke,Vermeer andPicasso,Notre Dame andSt Paul's, boiled beef and bouillabaisse, and portray them as elements of a 'European' musical, philosophical, artistic, architectural or gastronomic reality. If Europe charms us, as it has so often charmed me, it is precisely because of its contrasts and contradictions, not its coherence and continuity.
Margaret Thatcher,Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World (2002), p. 328.
I think thefuture is something that always has to be thought of in relatively concrete terms — and it has to be different from the present ... Only something that's different from the present and very concrete can have any sort of charismatic force. Looking at Western Europe, I would say, there are ... basically three plausible futures on offer. Number one isIslamicsharia law, and if you're a woman you get to wear aburqa. Number two istotalitarianAIà laChina, where thecomputerstrack you in everything you do — all the time — and that's kind of creepy. So theEye of Sauron, to use theLord of the Rings reference, is watching you at all times. And then the third one is hyper-environmentalism, where you drive ane-scooter and you recycle. And even though I'm not a radicalenvironmentalist ... if those are the three choices, I think you can understand why theGreen Movement is winning — because those are the three visions of the future we have. And the challenge on theconservative orlibertarian side is to offer something that is a picture of the future that's different from these two dystopian and one somewhat stagnant one.
Europeans may wish to opt out of theglobal battle for corporate domination. They may even hope that they may thus achieve a greater degree of freedom fordemocraticpolitics. But the risk is that their growing reliance on other people’stechnology, the relative stagnation of the eurozone and the consequent dependence of Europe’s growth model on exports to other people’s markets will render those pretensions to autonomy quite empty. Rather than an autonomous actor, Europe risks becoming the object of other people’scapitalistcorporatism. Indeed, as far asinternational finance is concerned, the die has already been cast. In the wake of the double crisis, Europe is out of the race. The future will be decided between the survivors of the crisis in the United States and the newcomers ofAsia. They may choose to locate in theCity of London, but afterBrexit even that cannot be taken for granted.Wall Street,Hong Kong andShanghai may simply bypass Europe.
Adam ToozeCrashed: How a Decade of Financial Crises Changed the World (2018)
I would rather visit Latin America or theMiddle East than Europe. The people – especially Arabs andKurds – are more pleasant to be around.
In the European century that began in the 1840s fromEngels's article of 1849 down to the death of Hitler, everyone who advocatedgenocide called himself a socialist, and no exception has been found.
George Watson,The Lost Literature of Socialism, Cambridge: England, The Lutterworth Press (1998) p. 80
Europe is equal to its historical task. Against the anti-spiritual, anti-heroic 'ideals' of America-Jewry, Europe pits its metaphysical ideas, its faith in its Destiny, its ethical principles, its heroism. Fearlessly, Europe falls in for battle, knowing it is armed with the mightiest weapon ever forged by History: the superpersonal Destiny of the European organism. Our European Mission is to create the Culture-State-Nation-Imperium of the West, and thereby we shall perform such deeds, accomplish such works, and so transform our world that our distant posterity, when they behold the remains of our buildings and ramparts, will tell their grandchildren that on the soil of Europe once dwelt a tribe of gods.
I am a citizen of the greatest Republic of Mankind. I see the human race united like a huge family by brotherly ties. We have made a sowing of liberty which will, little by little, spring up across the whole world. One day, on the model of the United States of America, a United States of Europe will come into being. The United States will legislate for all its nationalities.
Washington wrote to Lafayette that he considered himself a "citizen of the great republic of humanity," adding: "I see the human race a great family, united by fraternal bonds." Elsewhere he wrote prophetically: "We have sown a seed of liberty and union that will gradually germinate throughout the earth. Some day, on the model of the United States of America, will be constituted the United States of Europe."
Presented as the actual letter cited isthis letter to theMarquis de Lafayette (15 August 1786), which contains general assertions of Humanity's unity, but without any predictions of a "United States of Europe":
Altho' I pretend to no peculiar information respecting commercial affairs, nor any foresight into the scenes of futurity; yet as the member of an infant empire,as a Philanthropist by character, and (if I may be allowed the expression) as a Citizen of the great republic ofhumanity at large; I cannot help turning my attention sometimes to this subject. I would be understood to mean, I cannot avoid reflecting with pleasure on the probable influence that commerce may hereafter have on human manners and society in general. On these occasionsI consider how mankind may be connected like one great family in fraternal ties. I indulge a fond, perhaps an enthusiastic idea, that as the world is evidently much less barbarous than it has been, its melioration must still beprogressive; that nations are becoming morehumanized in their policy, that the subjects ofambition and causes for hostility are daily diminishing, and, in fine, that the period is not very remote, when the benefits of a liberal and free commerce will, pretty generally, succeed to the devastations and horrors of war.
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