| Chronicle of Zuqnin ܟܪܘܢܝܩܐ ܕܙܘܩܢ̈ܝܢ | |
|---|---|
| Vatican Library British Library | |
![alt=In the month of iyyōr (May) a white sign was seen in the sky, before early twilight, in the north-east [quarter], in the Zodiac [sign] which is called Aries, to the north from these three stars in it, which are very shining. And it resembled in its shape a broom, while it was still in the same Aries at its end in/at the initial degree [of] the second [sign] (i.e. Taurus) from these wandering stars, Kronos (Saturn) and Ares (Mars), like somehow a bit to the south, on [day] 22 in the same month. And the sign itself remained for fifteen nights, until dawn of the feast of Pentecost. And [at] its one end/tip, the narrow one, a very bright star was seen at its head/end/tip. And it was tilting to the north side, but the other wide and very dark one was tilting to the south side, and it was going bit by bit to the North-East [direction]. Its shape is as follows [pointing to the drawing]. However, at the beginning of [the] third [day] after Pentecost, it was seen again at evening time, from the north-west [quarter] and it remained for twenty-five evenings. And it was going bit by bit to the south ܀ And it again disappeared. And then it returned [and] was seen in the south-west [quarter], and thus there it remained for many days.](/mt/?noimg=&dark=on&url=https%3a%2f%2fen.wikipedia.org%2fwiki%2fFile%3aChronicle_of_Zuqnin_(Vat.sir.162)%2c_fol.136v_(comet_excerpt).jpg) Excerpt from the chronicle (fol.136v) describing & illustrating the appearance of a comet iniyyōr 1071SE (May 760 AD) | |
| Type | Chronicle |
| Date | mid-8th century AD |
| Place of origin | Zuqnin Monastery |
| Language | Classical Syriac with many Arabisms |
| Scribe | Elisha of Zuqnin |
| Author | Joshua the Stylite |
| Condition | Well-preserved palimpsest, damaged preface, missing first & last pages |
| Contents | Biblical history, late antique Near Eastern events, early Islamic rule, spiritual commentary, anti-Chalcedonian polemics |
TheChronicle of Zuqnin is an 8th-centurySyriac historical work composed by a monk, most likelyJoshua the Stylite, from theMonastery of Zuqnin nearAmida on the upperTigris. It covers history from thecreation of the world to the mid-8th century AD with an account of political, social, and religious life in the Near East, in addition to spiritual affairs like miracles, martyrdom, and celestial observations from the author’s perspective and lived experience, during and after theMuslim conquest.
Divided into four parts, the chronicle draws from a variety of sources, both Syriac and non-Syriac, including theBible andJohn of Ephesus, and also features the author's own original commentary. Some documents, such as theRevelation of the Magi, are only extant in this chronicle, making it an invaluable resource for modern academia andSyriac studies.
The author’s name and origins have not survived, which has led to several false attributions. TheMaronite figureGiuseppe Simone Assemani once credited the work toDionysius I of Tell-Mahre, the 9th-centurySyriac Orthodox patriarch, for seemingly no reason, and this proved anachronistic. Recognizing the problem,Chabot introduced the conventional designation "Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Maḥrē", a name still commonly used in scholarship despite its lack of connection to the historical Dionysius,patriarch of Antioch.[1]
The author of theChronicle of Zuqnin remains anonymous, though it is generally agreed that he was a monk from a monastery in the region of Zuqnin nearAmida (modernDiyarbakır), and most probablyJoshua the Stylite.[2] This association is partly due to a latercolophon added by aSyrian monk, Elisha of Zuqnin, who copied the manuscript in the late 9th or early 10th century. While repairing damaged portions — especially from theEdessan Chronicle material — Elisha inserted Joshua’s name into the text and attributed the work to him. Elisha, who had lived for a time at the Monastery ofDeir el-Surian in Egypt, likely made this copy during a return visit to Zuqnin.[3] For this reason, several modern scholars, includingFrançois Nau, Amir Harrak, and Andrew Palmer, have supported Joshua’s authorship.[4] Joshua likely wrote it at the request of his abbot, Sergius.[5]
The monastery of Zuqnin, where the work was produced, was also a center of learning. Founded in the 4th century nearDiyarbakir, it flourished as a major monastic and intellectual hub until its decline in the 10th century.[6] Its library contained numerous manuscripts, including a biography ofMatthew the Hermit.[7]
TheChronicle of Zuqnin is structured around different source materials. For the biblical period, the author relied on the Syriac translation ofEusebius’sChronicon; for the years 495–507, he incorporated a detailed Edessan chronicle of local events, and for the 6th century, he drew heavily on the now-lost second part ofJohn of Ephesus’sEcclesiastical History. The final section, covering the 8th century, is considered the author’s original contribution based his own knowledge and experience.[2]
The chronicler drew on a wide variety of sources, bothSyriac and non-Syriac. Among them were theChronicon andEcclesiastical History ofEusebius, theEcclesiastical History of John of Ephesus, theRevelation of the Magi, thePlerophoria ofJohn Rufus, and various Edessan chronicles,[8] including theChronicon ofJacob of Edessa.[9] Non-Syriac material also appears, including from Theophanes,Al-Tabari, Al-Azadi, and evenNeo-Babylonian chronicles that correlated planetary movements with fluctuations in market prices.[10] The Bible was a major foundation as well, with the chronicler drawing heavily from both thePeshitta and theSeptuagint.[11]
TheChronicle of Zuqnin begins with the creation of the world and extends to the author’s own time in0750 c. 750 – c. 776 AD, and is divided into four parts.[12] The first runs fromAdam toConstantine, the second from Constantine toTheodosius the Lesser, the third continues to the reign ofJustin II, and the fourth covers the years 599–775.[13] The work is the largest Syriac historiographical composition written before the 9th century[14] and it forms one of the most important sources for the history of theJazira region in the period of theAbbasid caliphAbu Jafar Al-Mansur.[15] It preserves valuable information not found anywhere else about the earlyhistory of Islam and themedieval Near East.[16]
The text begins with a mutilated letter addressed to the author's spiritual fathers named "George the Chorepiscopos of Amid, Euthalius the Abbot, Lazarus the Periodeute, the honorable Anastasius, and the entire monastic community".[17] In this letter, the chronicler describes his work using several Syriac designations, such as "commentary", "story", "account", and "memorandum".[17] He also includes a list of living rulers likeal-Mansur (r. 754–775) andal-Mahdi (r. 775–785).[17] The manuscript contains numerous misspelled words, many of which were corrected by Chabot in his edition. Since most are phonetic in nature, it suggests that the content may have been dictated to the author.[18]
Part III is largely based onJohn of Ephesus'sEcclesiastical History.[19] It recounts the persecution ofMiaphysite Christians underChalcedonians, describing how monks were forced into a nomadic lifestyle for their safety, and how theSyriac Orthodox were suppressed by imperial authorities and Chalcedonian loyalists.[20] It also narrates theplague of Justinian and its devastating impact on monastic communities on top of the Chalcedonian persecution, including John of Ephesus himself, who was eventually stricken.[20]
Part IV covers the years 767–775, a period of economic collapse in Mesopotamia. The Abbasids, particularly Caliph al-Mansur and the governor of Mosul,Musa ibn Mus'ab, reduced the Jazira — long a breadbasket of the region — into ruin by exploiting its agricultural and human resources.[20] The chronicler describes Musa ibn Mus'ab in highly personal terms like "a vessel of sin, son of perdition, advocate of the devil, and one who held everything sacred and religious in contempt".[21]
The chronicle comprises multiple unique details like the list of 80 kings ofEdessa,[22] a variety of hagiographical elements (miracles, non-human characters, grotesque martyrdoms), and the mere account of historical events.[23]
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The work recounts numerous historical events such as the destruction of aNestorian monastery inSeleucid year 1077 (766 AD) onMt. Qardu and a flood inMosul soon afterwards.[24] It offers a detailed account of the martyrdom ofCyrus of Harran when he was murdered for refusing to convert to Islam, in sharp contrast to many other Christians in the Jazira that apostatized under threat of financial instability.[25] Similarly, the text recounts the life of Mar Habib, bishop ofEdessa, and a miracle in which he saved a monastery in Upper Mesopotamia fromArab invaders.[26]
The narrative presents significant detail concerning the oppressive economic policies devised by theAbbasid caliphs that devastatedUpper Mesopotamia. Once a productive area abundant in water, manpower, and agricultural capacity, the territory turned desolate and sparsely populated due to heavy taxation and overutilization. Toward the end of the text, the author recounts a few stories that involveChristian-Muslim relations, including the execution of a Christian whoconverted to Islam but later recanted. Both Abbasid and Umayyad taxation policies are described in detail, with special attention to the violence that often accompanied them. The dire consequences of Islamic rule on Christians is mentioned, especially in the densely populated regions of the Jazira. TheArab-Byzantine border is presented as having suffered severely. While relations between Christians and Muslims were frequently marked by tension and violence, those between steadfast Christians and apostates were characterized by deep mistrust and ridicule of the other's faith.[27]
The chronicle addresses major events like theiconoclast reforms ofYazid II, the wars waged by theMarwanid dynasty in Upper Mesopotamia, the career ofMarwan II prior to his rise to caliph, and the broader conflicts between Muslims and theKhazars andRomans. The compiler provides a detailed narration of Church affairs in the style ofMichael the Syrian’s chronicle. The author also points out, likeJohn of Ephesus, that the state remains opposed toMiaphysiteOrthodoxy in all forms, which led to the heavy persecution of theSyriac Orthodox faithful.[28] It also narrates the campaigns of theUmayyad princeMaslama against the Romans under EmperorLeo III and theTurks. Furthermore, the chronicle discusses theAbbasid revolution, noting the helpless conditions of Christians during that time and the hardships faced by the Arabs under thePersians.[29]
The text further discusses the social and cultural context and events pertaining to theArabization of Upper Mesopotamia during the Abbasid rule. It underscores the deepening confessional divide between theMiaphysites andChalcedonians to the extent that the author sees the early Islamic conquests as a liberation from the "tyranny of the Romans". He portrays the Byzantine persecutors as worse than the Muslims, despite detailing the latter's persecution of theAssyrians quite vividly. The Chalcedonians, as the chronicle explains, have abandoned their language and traditions in favor of those of the invading Arab Muslims, assimilating into the larger Arab society. In contrast, theJacobites maintained a stronger preference for and preservation ofSyriac culture well into the Crusades.[30]
The chronicle is one of the few Syriac sources, alongside works like theLife ofSimeon of the Olives, from the seventh and eighth centuries that document socio-economic activities at a micro level.[31]
Like other chronicles past and present, this chronicle emphasizes that worldly punishments like plagues, earthquakes, and droughts were brought upon by God to punish corrupt human behavior — a theme common to biblical thought,Byzantine chronography, and more than anything else,Assyrian andBabylonian literature.[10] Historical examples of punishment for sin are presented so that future generations would take heed and not sin, even stating "It is our own fault; because we sinned, slaves have become our masters" with regard to persecution by Muslims. When Muslims conquered themonastery of St. Simeon the Stylite and took many innocent Christian captives, the author blames this on the lack of faithfulness and fasting among them, who opted for the debauchery of drunkenness, dancing, and festivals.[32] Likewise, when Arabs were driven away nearAleppo in 813, they had no one to blame but themselves as the author attributes this to their disobedience to God.[33]
The chronicler frequently compares his own time to the period of biblical history, a common feature of theSyriac tradition in which later writers build on earlier ones. He compares the Abbasids to theAssyrians andEgyptians of Scripture who oppressed the people of God — theIsraelites at the time and the Christians in his own time, theSyriac Orthodox in particular.[34][35]
The chronicle discusses the persecutions of the Miaphysite faithful amid significant Chalcedonian incursions. It also highlights a distinctly separate experience; while Chalcedonians grappled with theirecumenical councils, these matters were merely historical footnotes for the Miaphysites, irrelevant to the non-Chalcedonian Churches in the East.[36] Although anti-Chalcedonian sentiment is strong throughout, the chronicle still longs forChurch unity despite the harsh memories of persecution.[37]
The chronicle includes a letter from the Jews toEmperor Marcian in which they ask for forgiveness for theirtransgressions in crucifying the Messiah and request permission to reopen theirsynagogues. They argue that, asChalcedon has affirmed, what was crucified wasmerely a man and not God Himself. This serves as a polemic against Chalcedonians and not so much against the Jews.[38]
Astronomical phenomena are vividly described with detailed drawings, including multipleauroras, unusual clouds, andcomets, most famously a two-tailed sighting ofHalley's Comet in 760. These are framed as supernatural warnings connected todivine wrath and theSecond Coming.[39]
One section of interest is called theRevelation of the Magi, found in pages 17–25. The story, an expansion of theAdoration of the Magi as seen in theGospel of Matthew, appears to date from some point in the 2nd–5th century, but was preserved nowhere else than theZuqnin chronicle.[40]
The chronicle's structure is chronological but lacks a consistent division between years and periods. Events are dated mainly by theSeleucid calendar which is called the "era ofAlexander" or "of the Greeks", though theHijri, Antiochene, and Laodicean calendars appear once each.[19]
The work contains plenty of Arabisms as well, which reflect the author's own familiarity with Arabic. Examples includeܥܣܟܪ ('Askir) forعسكر ('Askar), meaning military;ܪܣܘܠܐ (Rasūlā) forرسولcode: ara promoted to code: ar (Rasūl), meaning "messenger" and referring toMohammed;ܫܠܬܢܐ (Šultānā) forسلطانcode: ara promoted to code: ar (Sulṭān), meaning "governor"; andܫܪ̈ܬܐ (Šartā) forشرطةcode: ara promoted to code: ar (Šurṭa), meaning "police". Even when native Syriac cognates exist, the author opted for Arabisms instead, such asܓܙܝܪܬܐ (Jazīrtā) forجزيرةcode: ara promoted to code: ar (Jazīra) instead of the nativeܒܝܬ ܢܗܪ̈ܝܢ (Bêth Nahrain), meaning "Mesopotamia";ܓܘܫܕܐ (Gušdā) forجسدcode: ara promoted to code: ar (Jasad) instead of the nativeܫܠܕܐ (Šaldā), meaning "body"; andܒܓܠܐ (Bağlā) forبغلcode: ara promoted to code: ar (Bağl) instead of the nativeܟܕܢܐ (Kadnā), meaning "mule".[35]
Numerous grammatical and spelling mistakes are found in the text; thus, the author of the text likely was not an academic-level historian likeMichael the Syrian orGregory Bar Hebraeus, but is instead a monk who spent much time in constant prayer and meditation atop apillar.[21] Many of the misspelled words were fixed in modern editions and translations, and since most of these errors are phonetic in nature, it may indicate that some content was dictated to the author.[18]
In addition, the chronicle preservesAkkadian words and toponyms in theSyriac dialect of that time, as referenced in the chronicle regarding the castle "ÉGAL" ofSennacherib, whom the author calls "king ofAssyria".[41]
The entire chronicle survives in a singlepalimpsest manuscript of 179 folios, of which 173 are now preserved in theVatican Library asCodex Zuqninensis (Vat. Syr. 162), acquired from the Monastery ofDeir el-Surian in Egypt by Assemani, while 6 folios (ff. 2-7) are held in theBritish Library (Add. 14,665).[12] The first and last folios are missing but a heavily damaged preface still survives. The manuscript is thought to be an autographon that was begun in 773–774 and completed between 775–776.[42] A digital version of the Vatican manuscript isavailable online through the Vatican Library.
Part II of the chronicle has been edited and translated multiple times. Paul Martin produced a French edition in 1876,William Wright an English edition in 1882, Archbishop MorYohanon Dolabani issued an edition inMardin in 1959, and N. V. Pigulevskaya prepared a Russian translation in 1940.[43]J. B. Chabot also translated Part I into Latin (1872)[44] and later published French translations of Parts II and IV; Hespel also produced a French translation of Part IV.[45]
