Bhutto secured the release of 93,000prisoners of war through theDelhi Agreement, a trilateral accord signed between India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh on 28 August 1973, and ratified only by India and Pakistan. He also reclaimed five thousand square miles (13,000 km2) of Indian-held territory through theSimla Agreement, signed between India and Pakistan in July 1972. He strengthened diplomatic ties with otherMuslim countries, as well asChina; and recognised Bangladesh in 1974 while hosting the historicIslamic Summit inLahore, attended by leaders from across theMuslim world. In collaboration with theparliamentary opposition, Bhutto's government drafted and promulgated Pakistan’scurrent constitution in 1973, with the approval of 97 percent of the parliament — bringing an end to emergency rule and restoringparliamentary democracy across the country, with Bhutto assuming officeas prime minister. He played a crucial role in initiating thecountry's nuclear program. However, his policies, particularly extensivenationalisation, have remained controversial throughout.
Bhutto's legacy remains contentious, praised fornationalist and asecularinternationalist agenda, yet criticised for economic challenges, political repression and human rights abuses. He is often considered one ofPakistan's greatest leaders and referred to as theQuaid-e-Awām ("the People's Leader"). He was posthumously awarded theNishan-e-Pakistan, the highest civilian award of the country. His party, the PPP, continues to be a significant political force in Pakistan, with his daughterBenazir Bhutto serving twice as prime minister, and his son-in-law,Asif Ali Zardari, becoming president.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto belonged to aSindhi family;Owen Bennett-Jones writes that the family traces its ancestry back to a 9th-centuryRajput prince of theBhati clan who ruled the town of Tanot (in current-dayRajasthan, India), Bhutto's ancestors later appearing in different Rajasthani chronicles in prominent roles, the family converting to Islam mostly around the 17th century before moving to Sindh.[2]
He was born toShah Nawaz Bhutto and Khursheed Begum nearLarkana.[3] His father was thedewan of theprincely state ofJunagadh and enjoyed an influential relationship with the officials of theBritish Raj. His mother, Khursheed Begum, was born Lakhi Bai, and had been a professional dance girl from aHindu family butconverted to Islam when she married Shah Nawaz. Reportedly, Shah Nawaz Bhutto had seen her dancing and had proposed, eventually marrying her.[4] Zulfikar was their third child — the first, Sikandar Ali, had died from pneumonia at age seven in 1914, and the second, Imdad Ali, died ofcirrhosis at age 39 in 1953.[5]
In 1949, as a sophomore, Bhutto transferred to theUniversity of California, Berkeley, where he earned a B.A. (honours) degree in political science in 1950.[8] A year later on 8 September 1951, he married a woman of Iranian Kurdish origin—Nusrat Ispahani, popularly known asBegum Nusrat Bhutto. During his studies at theUniversity of California, Berkeley, Bhutto became interested in the theories of socialism, delivering a series of lectures on their feasibility in Islamic countries. During this time, Bhutto's father played a controversial role in the affairs of Junagadh. Coming to power in a palace coup, he secured the accession of his state to Pakistan, which was ultimately negated by Indian intervention in December 1947.[9] In June 1950, Bhutto travelled to the United Kingdom to study law atChrist Church, Oxford and received aBA injurisprudence, followed by an LLM degree in law and an M.Sc. (honours) degree in political science.[8] Upon finishing his studies, he served as a lecturer in international law at theUniversity of Southampton in 1952, and he was called to the bar atLincoln's Inn in 1953.[8][failed verification]
In 1957, Bhutto became the youngest member of Pakistan's delegation to the United Nations. He addressed theUN Sixth Committee on Aggression that October and led Pakistan's delegation to the firstUN Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1958. That year, Bhutto became Pakistan's youngest cabinet minister, taking up the reins of theMinistry of Commerce by PresidentIskander Mirza, pre-coup d'état government.[8] Bhutto became a trusted ally and advisor of Ayub Khan, rising in influence and power despite his youth and relative inexperience. Bhutto was a junior minister in Ayub Khan administration at the time of signing theIndus Waters Treaty with India in 1960 and was not part of the negotiating team. Bhutto was against this treaty due to yielding too much of water resources to India. Later he vehemently talked publicly against the IWT during his campaign against Ayub Khan regime. Bhutto negotiated anoil-exploration agreement with the Soviet Union in 1961, which agreed to provide economic and technical aid to Pakistan.[citation needed]
Bhutto, aPakistani nationalist andsocialist,[10] held distinctive views on the democracy required in Pakistan. Upon becoming foreign minister in 1963, his socialist stance led to aclose relationship with neighboring China, challenging the prevailing acceptance ofTaiwan as the legitimate government of China whentwo governments each claimed to be "China".[11] In 1964, the Soviet Union and itssatellite statesbroke off relations with Beijing over ideological differences, with onlyAlbania and Pakistan supporting the People's Republic of China. Bhutto staunchly supported Beijing in the UN and theUNSC, while also maintaining connections with the United States.[12]
Bhutto's strong advocacy for closer ties with China drew criticism from the United States, with PresidentLyndon B. Johnson cautioning him about potential repercussions on congressional support for aid to Pakistan.[13] Bhutto, known for his demagogic speeches, led theforeign ministry assertively, rapidly gaining national prominence. During a visit toBeijing, Bhutto and his staff received a warm welcome from the Chinese leadership, includingMao Zedong.[14] Bhutto contributed to negotiating trade and military agreements between Pakistan and China, fostering collaboration on various military and industrial projects.[14]
In 1962, as territorial differences escalated between India and China, Beijing considered stagingan invasion in northern Indian territories. PremierZhou Enlai and Mao invited Pakistan to join the raid to reclaim theState of Jammu and Kashmir from India. Bhutto supported the plan, but Ayub opposed it due to fears of Indian retaliation.[11] Instead, Ayub proposed a "joint defense union" with India, shocking Bhutto, who felt Ayub Khan lacked understanding of international affairs. Bhutto, aware of China's restraint from criticising Pakistan despite its membership in anti-communist western alliances, criticised the U.S. for providing military aid to India during and after the 1962 Sino-Indian War, seen as a breach of Pakistan's alliance with the United States.[18]
On Bhutto's counsel, Ayub Khan launchedOperation Gibraltar in an attempt to"liberate" Kashmir. The operation failed, leading to theIndo-Pakistani War of 1965.[11] This war followed brief skirmishes between March and August 1965 in theRann of Kutch, Jammu and Kashmir, and Punjab. Bhutto joined Ayub in Uzbekistan to negotiate apeace treaty with Indian prime ministerLal Bahadur Shastri. Ayub and Shastri agreed to exchange prisoners of war and withdraw respective forces to pre-war boundaries. The agreement, deeply unpopular in Pakistan, caused significant political unrest against Ayub's regime. Bhutto's criticism of the final agreement created a major rift with Ayub. Initially denying rumors, Bhutto resigned in June 1966, expressing strong opposition to Ayub's regime.[18]
During his term, Bhutto formulated aggressive geostrategic and foreign policies against India.[19] In 1965, Bhutto received information from his friendMunir Ahmad Khan about the status ofIndia's nuclear program. Bhutto stated, "Pakistan will fight, fight for a thousand years. If India builds the (atom) bomb, Pakistan will eat grass or leaves, even go hungry, but we (Pakistan) will get one of our own (atom bomb).... We (Pakistan) have no other choice!" In his 1969 bookThe Myth of Independence, Bhutto argued for the necessity of Pakistan acquiring a fission weapon and starting a deterrence program to stand up to industrialised states and a nuclear-armed India. He developed a manifesto outlining the program's development and selected Munir Ahmad Khan to lead it.[19]
After resigning as foreign minister, large crowds gathered to hear Bhutto's speech upon his arrival in Lahore on 21 June 1967. Riding a wave of anger against Ayub, Bhutto traveled across Pakistan, delivering political speeches. In October 1966, Bhutto explicitly outlined the beliefs of his new party: "Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, socialism is our economy. All power to the people."[20]
At the Lahore residence of Mubashir Hassan, On 30 November 1967Pakistan People's Party flag, commonly used.Asghar Khan (right) visits Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who was on house arrest inLarkana, circa 1968-69
Mubashir Hassan, an engineering professor atUET Lahore, played a pivotal role in the success and rise of Bhutto. Under Hassan's guidance and Bhutto's leadership, the PPP became part of the pro-democracy movement involving diverse political parties from all across Pakistan. PPP activists staged large protests and strikes in different parts of the country, increasing pressure on Ayub to resign.[21]
Asghar Khan recalls Bhutto asking him to join his party, thePakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Asghar Khan declined, stating he had no interest in politics. After Dr. Hassan and Bhutto's arrest on 12 November 1968, Asghar Khan held a press conference in Lahore on 17 November 1968. Asghar Khan led protests calling for Bhutto's release, which ultimately led to his freedom and grew so close to Bhutto that many saw him as a potential successor.[22][23][24][25][26][27] After his release, Bhutto, joined by key leaders of PPP, attended the Round Table Conference called by Ayub Khan inRawalpindi but refused to accept Ayub's continuation in office andSheikh Mujibur Rahman'sSix point movement for regional autonomy.[21]
Following Ayub's resignation, his successor, GeneralYahya Khan, promised to holdparliamentary elections on 7 December 1970. Under Bhutto's leadership, the democraticsocialists, leftists, andMarxist-communists gathered and united into oneparty platform for the first time in Pakistan's history. The Socialist-Communist bloc, under Bhutto's leadership, intensified its support in Muhajir and poor farming communities in West Pakistan, working through educating people to cast their vote for their better future.[21] Gathering and uniting the scattered socialist-communist groups in one single center was considered Bhutto's greatest political achievement and as a result, Bhutto's party and other leftists won a large number of seats from constituencies in West-Pakistan.[20] However, Sheikh Mujib'sAwami League won an absolute majority in the legislature, receiving more than twice as many votes as Bhutto's PPP. Bhutto strongly refused to accept an Awami League government and infamously threatened to "break the legs" of any elected PPP member who dared to attend the inaugural session of theNational Assembly. On 17 January 1971, President Yahya visited Bhutto at his baronial family estate, Al-Murtaza, in Larkana, Sindh, accompanied by Lt. General S. G. M. Pirzada, Principal Staff Officer to President Yahya, and General Abdul Hamid Khan, Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army and Deputy ChiefMartial Law Administrator.
On 22 February 1971, the generals in West Pakistan took a decision allegedly to crush the Awami League and its supporters. Capitalising on West Pakistani fears ofEast Pakistani separatism, Bhutto demanded that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman form a coalition with the PPP. And at some stage proposed "idhar hum, udhar tum", meaning he should govern the West and Mujib should Govern the East. President Yahya postponed the meeting of the national assembly which fueled a popular movement in East Pakistan. Amidst popular outrage in East Pakistan, on 7 March 1971, Sheikh Mujib called the Bengalis to join the struggle for "Bangladesh". According to historical references and a report published by the leading Pakistani newspaperThe Nation, "Mujib no longer believed in Pakistan and is determined to make Bangladesh". Many also believed that Bhutto wanted power in the West even at the expense of the separation of the East.[28] However, Mujib still kept doors open for some sort of settlement in his speech of 7 March.
Yahya started a negotiating conference in Dhaka, presumably to reach a settlement between Bhutto and Mujib. The discussion was expected to be "fruitful" until the president left forWest Pakistan on the evening of 25 March. On that night of 25 March 1971, the army initiatedOperation Searchlight, which had been planned by the military junta of Yahya Khan, presumably to suppress political activities and movements by the Bengalis. Mujib was arrested and imprisoned in West Pakistan. Genocide and atrocities by the military against the Bengali population were alleged during the operation.[29][30][31]
Bhutto in 1971
Bhutto stayed inDhaka on the night of 25 March and commented that Pakistan had been saved by the army before leaving on the 26th. While supportive of the army's actions and working to rally international support, Bhutto distanced himself from the Yahya Khan regime and began to criticise Yahya Khan for mishandling the situation.[32] He refused to accept Yahya Khan's scheme to appoint Bengali politicianNurul Amin as prime minister, with Bhutto as deputy prime minister.[32] Soon after Bhutto's refusal and continuous resentment toward General Yahya Khan's mishandling of the situation, Khan ordered Military Police to arrest Bhutto on charges oftreason, quite similar to Mujib.[32] Bhutto was imprisoned in theAdiala Jail along with Mujib, where he was set to face the charges.[32] The army crackdown on theBengalis of East Pakistan fueled an armed resistance by theMukti-Bahini (a guerrilla force formed for the campaign of an independent Bangladesh and trained by the Indian army). Pakistan launched an air attack on India in the western border that resulted in the Indian intervention in East Pakistan, which led to the very bitter defeat of Pakistani forces, who surrendered on 16 December 1971. Consequently,the state of People's Republic of Bangladesh was born, and Bhutto and others condemned Yahya Khan for failing to protect Pakistan's unity.[32] Isolated, Yahya Khan resigned on 20 December and transferred power to Bhutto, who became president, commander-in-chief, and the first civilian chief martial law administrator.[20]
Bhutto was the country's first civilian chief martial law administrator since 1958, as well as the country's first civilian president.[20] With Bhutto assuming control, the leftists and democratic socialists entered the country's politics and later emerged as power players in the country's politics. And, for the first time in the country's history, the leftists and democratic socialists had a chance to administer the country with the popular vote and widely approved exclusive mandate, given to them by the West's population in the 1970s elections.[20]
In a reference written byKuldip Nayar in his bookScoop! Inside Stories from the Partition to the Present, Nayar noted that "Bhutto's releasing of Mujib did not mean anything to Pakistan's policy as in [sic] if there was [sic] no liberation war."[33] Bhutto's policy, and even as of today, the policy of Pakistan continues to state that "she will continue to fight for the honor and integrity of Pakistan. East Pakistan is an inseparable and unseverable part of Pakistan".[33]
APakistan International Airlines flight was sent to fetch Bhutto from New York City, where he was presenting Pakistan's case before theUnited Nations Security Council on the East Pakistan Crisis. Bhutto returned home on 18 December 1971. On 20 December, he was taken to the President House in Rawalpindi, where he took over two positions from Yahya Khan, one as president and the other as the first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator. Thus, he was the first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator of the dismembered Pakistan. By the time Bhutto had assumed control of what remained of Pakistan, the nation was completely isolated, angered, and demoralised. Bhutto addressing the nation through radio and television said:
My dear countrymen, my dear friends, my dear students, labourers, peasants... those who fought for Pakistan... We are facing the worst crisis in our country's life, a deadly crisis. We have to pick up the pieces, very small pieces, but we will make a new Pakistan, a prosperous and progressive Pakistan, a Pakistan free of exploitation, a Pakistan envisaged by theQuaid-e-Azam.[34]
As president, Bhutto faced mounting challenges on both internal and foreign fronts. The trauma was severe in Pakistan, a psychological setback and emotional breakdown for Pakistan. Thetwo-nation theory—the theoretical basis for the creation of Pakistan—lay discredited, and Pakistan's foreign policy collapsed when no moral support was found anywhere, including long-standing allies such as the U.S. and China. However, this is disputed even by Bangladeshi academics who insist that the two-nation theory was not discredited.[35] Since her creation, the physical and moral existence of Pakistan was in great danger. On the internal front,Baloch,Sindhi,Punjabi, andPashtun nationalisms were at their peak, calling for their independence from Pakistan. Finding it difficult to keep Pakistan united, Bhutto launched full-fledged intelligence and military operations to stamp out any separatist movements. By the end of 1978, these nationalist organisations were brutally quelled by Pakistan Armed Forces.[36]
Bhutto immediately placed Yahya Khan under house arrest, brokered a ceasefire, and ordered the release of Mujib, who was being held prisoner by the Pakistan Army. To implement this, Bhutto overturned the verdict of Mujib's earlier court-martial trial, in which BrigadierRahimuddin Khan had sentenced him to death. Bhutto aimed to prevent East Pakistan's secession through dialogue and sought to createa loose confederation within the framework of one Pakistan.Stanley Wolpert writes that he sent Mujib to a bungalow inRawalpindi, where Mujib swore upon theQuran to retire and hand over the nation to him. Bhutto also offered him 50,000, which Mujib declined.[37] Mujib informed Bhutto that he would make this decision once he arrived in Bangladesh. On 8 January, he was flown to London, from where he was taken toDelhi, whereIndira Gandhi and her cabinet greeted him. From there, he was taken toDhaka, as a direct flight to Bangladesh was not possible. There, he delivered a speech at theRamna Racecourse, completely rejecting Bhutto's offer and severing ties with West Pakistan, saying, "You live in peace and let us live in peace."[38]
Appointing a new cabinet, Bhutto appointed Lieutenant-GeneralGul Hasan asCommander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army in 20 December 1971. On 2 January 1972 Bhutto announced the nationalisation of all major industries, including iron and steel, automobiles, heavy engineering, heavy electricals, petrochemicals, cement, and public utilities.[39] Bhutto had named his economic policiesIslamic Socialism or as he called "Mussawat-e Muhammadi".[40] 31 industries across 10 sectors were nationalised including 13 banks, 10 shipping companies, 26 Vegetable Oil Companies,[41] Two petroleum companies[42] and 43 insurance companies which were tied together intoState Life Insurance Corporation of Pakistan.[43] Ayub Khan'sGhandhara Industries, Sharif ownedIttefaq Foundry, National Bank of Pakistan andHabib Bank Limited were also nationalised. This wave of nationalisation didn't effect textile production light and food industries.[44] In addition to foreign owned companies, Such as the British Attock Petroleum Company and American owned Esso Fertilizers.[45]
In June 1972, Bhutto visited India to meet Prime MinisterIndira Gandhi and negotiated a formal peace agreement and the release of 93,000 Pakistaniprisoners of war. The two leaders signed theSimla Agreement, which committed both nations to establish a new-yet-temporaryLine of Control in Kashmir and obligated them to resolve disputes peacefully through bilateral talks.[39] Bhutto also promised to hold a future summit for the peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute and pledged to recognise Bangladesh. Although he secured the release of Pakistani soldiers held by India, Bhutto was criticised by many in Pakistan for allegedly making too many concessions to India. It is theorised that Bhutto feared his downfall if he could not secure the release of Pakistani soldiers and the return of territory occupied by Indian forces.[46] Bhutto established an atomic power development program and inaugurated the first Pakistaniatomic reactor, built in collaboration with Canada inKarachi on 28 November. On 30 March, 59 military officers were arrested by army troops for allegedly plotting a coup against Bhutto, who appointed then-BrigadierMuhammad Zia-ul-Haq to head a military tribunal to investigate and try the suspects. The National Assembly approved thenew 1973 Constitution, which Bhutto signed into effect on 12 April. The constitution proclaimed an "Islamic Republic" in Pakistan with a parliamentary form of government.[citation needed] On 10 August, Bhutto turned over the post of president toFazal Ilahi Chaudhry, assuming the office of prime minister instead.[39]
Bhutto, the founder of Pakistan's atomic bomb program, earned the title "Father of Nuclear Deterrence" due to his administration and aggressive leadership of this program.[36][47][48] Bhutto's interest in nuclear technology began during his college years in the United States, attending a political science course discussing the political impact of the U.S.'s first nuclear test,Trinity, on global politics.[49]
While at Berkeley, Bhutto witnessed the public panic when the Soviet Union first exploded their bomb, codenamedFirst Lightning in 1949, prompting the U.S. government to launch their research on'hydrogen' bombs.[49] However, in 1958, as Minister for Fuel,Power, andNational Resources, Bhutto played a key role in setting up thePakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) administrative research bodies and institutes.[50] Soon, Bhutto offered a technical post to Munir Ahmad Khan in PAEC in 1958 and lobbied for Abdus Salam to be appointed as Science Adviser in 1960.[50] Before being elevated toForeign Minister, Bhutto directed funds for key research in nuclear weapons and related science.[50]
In October 1965, as the foreign minister, Bhutto visited Vienna, where nuclear engineerMunir Ahmad Khan held a senior technical post at theIAEA. Munir Khan briefed him on the status of theIndian nuclear programme and the options for Pakistan to develop its own nuclear capability. Both agreed on the necessity for Pakistan to establish a nuclear deterrent against India. Although Munir Khan had failed to convince Ayub Khan, Bhutto assured him, "Don't worry, our turn will come." Shortly after the 1965 war, Bhutto declared at a press conference, "Even if we have to eat grass, we will make a nuclear bomb. We have no other choice," observing India's progress toward developing the bomb.[19] In 1965, Bhutto advocated for Salam, successfully appointing him as the head of Pakistan's delegation at the IAEA, and assisted Salam in lobbying for nuclear power plants.[50] In November 1972, Bhutto advised Salam to travel to the United States to avoid the war and encouraged him to return with key literature onnuclear weapons history. By the end of December 1972, Salam returned to Pakistan with suitcases loaded with literature on theManhattan Project. In 1974, Bhutto initiated a more aggressive diplomatic offensive on the United States and the Western world over nuclear issues. Writing to world and Western leaders, Bhutto conveyed:
Pakistan was exposed to a kind of "nuclear threat and blackmail" unparalleled elsewhere.... If the world's community failed to provide political insurance to Pakistan and other countries against nuclear blackmail, these countries would be constrained to launch atomic bomb programs of their own!... Assurances provided by the United Nations were not 'Enough!'...
— Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,statement written inEating Grass, source[51]
Roughly two weeks after the1971 winter war, on 20 January 1972, Bhutto convened a conference of nuclear scientists and engineers atMultan.[citation needed] While at the Multan meeting, scientists wondered why the President, who had much on his hands in those trying days, was paying so much attention to scientists and engineers in the nuclear field. At the meeting, Bhutto slowly discussed the recent war and the country's future, emphasising the great mortal danger the country faced. As the academicians listened carefully, Bhutto stated, "Look, we're going to have thebomb". He asked them, "Can you give it to me? And how long will it take to make a bomb?"[citation needed]
Before the 1970s, nuclear deterrence was well-established under the government ofHuseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, but it was entirely peaceful and dedicated tocivilian power needs. Bhutto, in his bookThe Myth of Independence in 1969, wrote:
If Pakistan restricts or suspends hernuclear deterrence, it would not only enable India toblackmail Pakistan with hernuclear advantage but would impose a crippling limitation on the development of Pakistan'sscience and technology.... Our problem in its essence is how to obtain such a weapon in time before the crisis begins...
After India's nuclear test—codenamedSmiling Buddha—in May 1974, Bhutto sensed and saw this test as the final anticipation for Pakistan's death.[36] In a press conference held shortly after India's nuclear test, Bhutto said, "India's nuclear program is designed to intimidate Pakistan and establish "hegemony in the subcontinent".[53] Despite Pakistan's limited financial resources, Bhutto was so enthusiastic about the nuclear energy project that he is reported to have said "Pakistanis will eat grass but make a nuclear bomb".[54]
The militarisation of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission was initiated on 20 January 1972 and, in its initial years, was implemented by Pakistan Army'sChief of Army Staff GeneralTikka Khan. TheKarachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP-I) was inaugurated by Bhutto during his role as the President of Pakistan at the end of 1972.[50] The nuclear weapons program was set up loosely based on the Manhattan Project of the 1940s under the administrative control of Bhutto.[49]
Senior academic scientists had direct access to Bhutto, who kept him informed about every inch of the development. Bhutto's Science Advisor,Abdus Salam's office was also set up in Bhutto's prime minister secretariat. On Bhutto's request, Salam had established and led the Theoretical Physics Group (TPG) that marked the beginning of the nuclear deterrent program. The TPG designed and developed the nuclear weapons as well as the entire program.[49] Later, Munir Ahmad Khan had him personally approved the budget for the development of the programme.[49]
Wanting a capable administrator, Bhutto sought Lieutenant-GeneralRahimuddin Khan to chair the commission, which Rahimuddin declined, in 1971.[55] Instead, in January 1972, Bhutto chose a U.S.-trainednuclear engineer, Munir Khan, as chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC). Bhutto realised he wanted an administrator who understood the scientific and economic needs of this technologically ambitious program. Since 1965, Munir Khan had developed an extremely close and trusted relationship with Bhutto, and even after his death, Benazir and Murtaza Bhutto were instructed by their father to keep in touch with Munir Khan. In the spring of 1976,Kahuta Research Facility, then known asEngineering Research Laboratories (ERL), as part of codenameProject-706, was also established by Bhutto and brought under nuclear scientistAbdul Qadeer Khan and thePakistan Army Corps of Engineers'Lieutenant-GeneralZahid Ali Akbar.[49]
Because Pakistan, under Bhutto, was not a signatory or party to theNuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), theNuclear Suppliers Group (NSG),Commissariat à l'énergie atomique (CEA), andBritish Nuclear Fuels (BNFL) had immediately cancelled fuel reprocessing plant projects with PAEC. According toCausar Nyäzie, the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission officials had misled Bhutto, and he embarked on a long journey to try to obtain a nuclear fuel reprocessing plant from France.[56] It was on the advice of A. Q. Khan that no fuel existed to reprocess and urged Bhutto to follow his pursuit of uranium enrichment.[56] Bhutto tried to show he was still interested in that expensive route and was relieved when Kissinger persuaded the French to cancel the deal.[56] Bhutto had trusted Munir Ahmad Khan's plans to develop the programme ingeniously, and the mainstream goal of showing such interest in the French reprocessing plant was to give time to PAEC scientists to gain expertise in building its own reprocessing plants. By the time France's CEA cancelled the project, the PAEC had acquired 95% of the detailed plans of the plant and materials.[36]
Munir Ahmad Khan andIshfaq Ahmad believed that, since PAEC had acquired most of the detailed plans, work, and materials, the PAEC, based on that 95% work, could build the plutonium reprocessing reactors on its own. Pakistan should stick to its original plan, the plutonium route.[36] Bhutto did not disagree but saw an advantage in establishing another parallel programme, the uranium enrichment programme under Abdul Qadeer Khan.[36] Both Munir Khan and Ahmed had shown their concern over Abdul Qadeer Khan's suspected activities, but Bhutto backed Khan when Bhutto maintained that: "No less than any other nation did what Abdul Qadeer Khan (is) doing; the Soviets and Chinese; the British and the French; the Indians and the Israelis; stole the nuclear weapons designs previously in the past and no one questioned them but rather tend to be quiet. We are not stealing what they (illegally) stole in the past (as referring the nuclear weapon designs) but we're taking a small machine which is not useful for making the atomic bomb but for a fuel".[49] International pressure was difficult to counter at that time, and Bhutto, with the help of Munir Ahmad Khan and Aziz Ahmed, tackled the intense heated criticism and diplomatic war with the United States at numerous fronts—while the progress on nuclear weapons remained highly classified.[49][57]
During this pressure, Aziz Ahmed played a significant role by convincing the consortium industries to sell and export sensitive electronic components before the United States could approach them and try to prevent the consortium industries from exporting such equipment and components.[49] Bhutto slowly reversed and thwarted the United States' any attempt to infiltrate the programme as he had expelled many of theAmerican diplomatic officials in the country, underOperation Sun Rise, authorised by Bhutto underISI.[49] On the other hand, Bhutto intensified his staunch support and blindly backed Abdul Qadeer Khan to quietly bring theUrenco's weapon-grade technology to Pakistan, keeping the Kahuta Laboratories hidden from the outside world.[49] Regional rivals such as India and the Soviet Union had no basic intelligence on Pakistan'snuclear energy project during the 1970s, and Bhutto's intensified clandestine efforts seemed to pay off in 1978 when the programme was fully matured.[49]
In a thesis presented inThe Myth of Independence, Bhutto argued that nuclear weapons would enable India to deploy itsAir Force warplanes with smallbattlefield nuclear devices against the Pakistan Army cantonments, armoured and infantry columns, PAF bases, and nuclear and military industrial facilities.[58] The Indian Air Force would not face adverse reactions from the world community as long as civilian casualties could be minimised. This strategy aimed to lead India to defeat Pakistan, compel its armed forces into a humiliating surrender, and annex theNorthern Areas of Pakistan andAzad Kashmir. Subsequently, India would partition Pakistan into smaller states based on ethnic divisions, marking the resolution of the "Pakistan problem" once and for all.[58]
By the time Bhutto was ousted, this crash programme had fully matured in terms of technical development and scientific efforts.[49] By 1977, PAEC and KRL had constructed their uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing plants, and the selection for test sites atChagai Hills was completed by the PAEC.[citation needed] In 1977, the PAEC's Theoretical Physics Group had completed the design of the first fission weapon, and KRL scientists succeeded inelectromagnetic isotope separation of Uranium fissile isotopes.[citation needed] Despite this, little progress had been made in the development of weapons, and Pakistan's nuclear arsenal was actually created during General Zia-ul-Haq's military regime, overseen by several Naval admirals, Army and Air Force generals, includingGhulam Ishaq Khan. In 1983, Bhutto's decision was posthumously vindicated when PAEC conducted a cold test near Kirana Hills, evidently made from non-fissioned plutonium. Recent press speculation suggests that Dr. Khan's uranium enrichment designs were exchanged with the Chinese foruranium hexafluoride (UF6) and some highly enriched weapons-grade uranium. Later, this weapons-grade uranium was offered back to the Chinese as the Pakistanis used their own materials.[56]
We (Pakistan)...know that (Israel) and (South Africa) have full nuclear capability — a Christian, Jewish and Hindu civilization have this [nuclear] capability ... the Islamic civilization is without it, but the situation (is) about to change!...
— Zulfikar Ali Bhutto—called for a test from his jail cell, 1978[59]
Bhutto was sworn in as the prime minister of the country on 14 August 1973, after securing 108 votes in a house of 146 members.Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was elected as the president under the new constitution.[60] During his five years of government, the Bhutto administration implemented extensive reforms at every level of governance.[61] Capital and Western reforms initiated and built in 1947 were transformed and replaced with asocialist system throughout the 1970s. Bhutto's policies were perceived as people-friendly but failed to yield long-lasting effects, and civil disorder against Bhutto began to escalate in 1977.[61]
Bhutto is considered the main architect of the 1973 constitution as part of his vision to lead Pakistan toward parliamentary democracy.[62] One of the major achievements in Bhutto's life was the drafting of Pakistan's first-ever consensus constitution for the country.[62] Bhutto supervised the promulgation of the 1973 constitution, triggering an unstoppable constitutional revolution through his politics wedded to the emancipation of the downtrodden masses, giving them a voice in Parliament and introducing radical changes in the economic sphere for their benefit.[62]
During his time in office, the government carried out seven major amendments to the 1973 Constitution.[63] The First Amendment led to Pakistan's recognition of and diplomatic ties with Bangladesh.[60] The Second Amendment in the constitution declared theAhmadis as non-Muslims and defined the term non-Muslim.[60][64] The rights of the detained were limited under the Third Amendment, while the powers and jurisdiction of the courts for providing relief to political opponents were curtailed under the Fourth Amendment. The Fifth Amendment, passed on 15 September 1976, focused on curtailing the power and jurisdiction of the Judiciary. This amendment was highly criticised by lawyers and political leaders. The main provision of the Sixth Amendment extended the term of the Chief Justices of the Supreme Court and the High Courts beyond the age of retirement. This amendment was made in the Constitution to favour the then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, who was supposed to be a friend of Bhutto.[60]
The Bhutto government implemented a series of reforms in the industrial sector, focusing on nationalisation and improving workers' rights.[65] The initial phase, in 1972, involved the nationalisation of basic industries such as steel, chemical, and cement.[65] A significant move occurred on 1 January 1974, when Bhutto nationalised all banks.[65] The final step in this sequence was the nationalisation of all flour, rice, and cotton mills across the country. However, this nationalisation process didn't meet Bhutto's expectations and faced challenges. Many nationalised units were small businesses that didn't qualify as industrial units, leading to adverse consequences for numerous small businessmen and traders who were either ruined, displaced, or left unemployed. In hindsight, nationalisation resulted in significant losses to both the national treasury and the people of Pakistan.[65]
The Bhutto government established an extensive network of both rural and urban schools, including approximately 6,500 elementary schools, 900 middle schools, 407 high schools, 51 intermediate colleges, and 21 junior colleges.[61] Departing from the Western education system, Bhutto returned most literature to the Western world and encouraged local academicians to publish books in their respective fields. Although these local books were made more affordable to the public, these reforms stirred controversy. Bhutto's government mandated the inclusion ofIslamic andPakistan studies in school curricula. Book banks were introduced in most institutions, and over 400,000 copies of textbooks were supplied to students.[61]
Bhutto is credited with establishing the world-classQuaid-e-Azam University andAllama Iqbal Open University in Islamabad in 1974, along with founding Gomal University in Dera Ismail Khan in 1973. During his tenure as foreign minister, he collaborated with Abdus Salam in 1967 to set up the Institute of Theoretical Physics. As prime minister, Bhutto made groundbreaking efforts to enhance the education system, founding theAllama Iqbal Medical College in 1975.[66]
In 1974, with Abdus Salam's assistance, Bhutto authorised theInternational Nathiagali Summer College on Contemporary Physics (INSC) at Nathiagali. To this day, the INSC conference continues to be held in Pakistan, attracting thousands of scientists worldwide to interact with Pakistan's academic community. In 1976, Bhutto established theEngineering Council,Institute of Theoretical Physics,Pakistan Academy of Letters, and Cadet College Razmak in North Waziristan. Additionally, he inaugurated four new universities in Multan, Bahawalpur, and Khairpur. The People's Open University, another innovative venture, commenced operations in Islamabad. The government's Education Policy included fee remission and the provision of numerous scholarships for higher education to the children of low-paid employees. After the 1977 election, plans were in place to add seven thousand new hostel seats to the existing accommodation. In 1975, Bhutto acknowledged the challenges and shortcomings faced by college students in many existing hostels. Consequently, he directed the provision of fans, water coolers, and pay telephones in each hostel as quickly as physically possible.[61]
During his tenure as prime minister, several land reforms were introduced.[65] The significant land reforms included the reduction of land ceilings and the introduction of tenancy security for tenant farmers.[65] The land ceiling was fixed at 150 acres (0.61 km2) of irrigated land and 300 acres (1.2 km2) of non-irrigated land. Another step that Bhutto took was to democratise Pakistan's Civil Service.[65] InBalochistan, the pernicious practice of Shishak and Sardari System was abolished. In 1976, the Bhutto government established the Federal Flood Commission (FFC), tasked with preparing national flood protection plans, flood forecasting, and research to harness floodwater.[67][68] Bhutto later went on to upgrade a number of dams and barrages built inSindh Province.
Bhutto strongly advocated empowering small farmers, asserting that a weak and demoralised farming community would jeopardise Pakistan's agricultural strength. He believed that farmers needed to feel psychologically secure for the country to achieve self-sufficiency in food.[69] Consequently, the Bhutto government launched programmes to lead the country towards self-sufficiency inrice hulling,sugar milling, and wheat husking industries.[69] Bhutto's government increased control over rice hulling, sugar mills, and wheat husking factories, initially believing that public sector involvement would diminish the influence of multinational corporations and prevent monopolies. The government sponsored schemes to address waterlogging and salinity issues.[69] Tax exceptions were introduced for small landowners to promote agricultural growth.[69] While his nationalisation of Sindh-based industries benefited the poor, it caused discontent among influential feudal lords.[citation needed]
Bhutto implementedsocialist economics while working to prevent any further division of the country. Major heavy mechanical, chemical, and electrical engineering industries were immediately nationalised by Bhutto, and all of the industries came under direct control of government. Industries, such asKarachi Electric Supply Corporation (KSEC), were under complete government control with no private influence in KESC decision. Bhutto abandoned Ayub Khan'sstate capitalism policies and introduced socialist policies in a move to reduce income inequality. Bhutto also established thePort Qasim,Pakistan Steel Mills, the Heavy Mechanical Complex (HMC), and several cement factories.[65][70] However, the growth rate of the economy relative to that of the 1960s when East Pakistan was still part of Pakistan and large generousaid from the United States declined after theglobal oil crises in 1973, which also had a negative impact on the economy.[71] Despite the initiatives undertaken by Bhutto's government to boost the country's economy, the economical growth remained at an equilibrium level.[65] But Bhutto's policy largely benefited the poor and working class when the level of absolute poverty was sharply reduced, with the percentage of the population estimated to be living in absolute poverty falling from 46.5% by the end of 1979–80, under General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule, to 30.8%.[65][72] The land reform programme provided increased economic support to landless tenants, and development spending was substantially increased, particularly on health and education, in both rural and urban areas, and provided "material support" to rural wage workers, landless peasants, and urban wage workers.[65][73]
Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
Bhutto's nationalisation policies aimed to empower workers, giving them control over the means of production and protecting small businesses.[74] However, economic historians argued that the nationalisation program initially affected small industries and had devastating effects on Pakistan's economy, diminishing Bhutto's credibility.[74] Conservative critics believed the nationalisation policies damaged investor confidence, andgovernment corruption in nationalised industries grew, although no serious corruption cases were ever proven against Bhutto by the military junta.[74] In 1974, Bhutto maintained that foreign companies and industries in Pakistan were exempt from nationalisation policies, and his government would welcome foreign investment to establish factories.[75] Commenting on his policies in 1973, Bhutto told a group of investors from the Lahore Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) that "activity of the public sector or state sector prevents the concentration of economic power in a few hands and protects small and medium entrepreneurs from the clutches of giant enterprises and vested interests."[71]
Bhutto's departure from certain socialist policies greatly displeased his democratic socialist alliance and many in thePakistan Peoples Party. Notably,Malik Meraj Khalid and other colleagues, resigned from Bhutto and left for the Soviet Union.[76] Ongoing disagreements eventually led to the collapse of the government's socialist alliance, which later united with the secularIndependence Movement led byAsghar Khan.[76]
As part of his investment policies, Bhutto established theNational Development Finance Corporation (NDFC) in July 1973, with an initial government investment of 100 millionPRs. Initially aimed at financing public sector industrial enterprises, its charter was later modified to provide finance to the private sector as well. The NDFC is currently the largest development finance institution in Pakistan, engaging in diversified activities in industrial financing and investment banking. Forty-two projects financed by NDFC have contributed Rs. 10,761 million to Pakistan's GDP, generating Rs. 690 million in after-tax profits and creating 40,465 jobs. By the mid-1990s, NDFC had a pool of resources amounting to US$878 million. The Bhutto government increased the level of investment, both private and public, in the economy from less than Rs. 7,000 million in 1971–72 to more than Rs. 17,000 million in 1974–75.
Banking reforms were introduced to provide more opportunities to small farmers and businesses, such as mandating that 70% of institutional lending should be for small landholders of 12.5 acres or less—a revolutionary idea at a time when banks primarily served privileged classes.[71] The number of bank branches increased by 75% from December 1971 to November 1976, rising from 3,295 to 5,727.[70] This move by Bhutto was one of the most radical, expanding bank infrastructure to cover all towns and villages with a population of 5,000, following the nationalisation of banks.[70]
By the end of Bhutto's government, the concentration of wealth had declined compared to the height of the Ayub Khan era when 22 families owned 66% of industrial capital and controlled banking and 97% of insurance.[71]
Measures taken in the first few months of 1972 set a new framework for the revival of the economy. The diversion of trade from East Pakistan to international markets was completed within a short period. By 1974, exports exceeded one billion dollars, showing a 60% increase over the combined exports of East and West Pakistan before separation. This growth was achieved and benefited from during the major1973 oil crisis and in the middle of a global recession. The national income of Pakistan increased by 15%, and industrial production rose by as much as 20% in four years.[61]
Following the secession of East Pakistan, calls for the independence ofBalochistan byBaloch nationalists grew immensely. Surveying the political instability, Bhutto's central government sacked two provincial governments within six months, arrested the two chief ministers, two governors, and forty-fourMNAs andMPAs, obtained an order from theSupreme Court banning theNational People's Party on the recommendation ofAkbar Bugti, and charged everyone with high treason to be tried by a specially constitutedHyderabad tribunal of hand-picked judges.[8]
In January 1973, Bhutto ordered the Pakistan Armed Forces to suppress a rising insurgency in the province of Balochistan. He dismissed the governments in Balochistan and theNorth-West Frontier Province once more.[39] Following the allegeddiscovery of Iraqi arms in Islamabad in February 1973, Bhutto dissolved theProvincial Assembly of Balochistan. The operation, under GeneralTikka Khan, soon took shape in a five-year conflict with theBaloch separatists. The sporadic fighting between theinsurgency and the army started in 1973, with the largest confrontation taking place in September 1974. Later on, Pakistan Navy, under Vice-Admiral Patrick Julius Simpson, also jumped into the conflict as it had applied naval blockades to Balochistan's port. The Navy began its separate operations to seize the shipments sent to aid Baloch separatists. Pakistan Air Force also launched air operations, and with the support of navy and army, the air force had pounded the mountainous hidden havens of the Separatists. TheIranian military, also fearing a spread of the greater Baloch resistance in Iran, aided the Pakistani military as well.[77] Among Iran's contributions were 30Huey cobra attack helicopters and $200 million in aid.[78]
Iraq under Sunni PresidentSaddam Hussein sent Iraqi-made weapons to Pakistan's warm water ports.[79] Pakistan's navy mounted an effective blockade.[80] Saddam's government provided support for Baloch separatists in Pakistan, hoping their conflict would spread to rival Iran.[79] In 1973, Iraq provided the Balochs with conventional arms, and it opened an office for the Baluchistan Liberation Front (BLF) in Baghdad. This operation was supposed to be covert, but in 1973, the operation was exposed byM.I. when senior separatist leaderAkbar Bugti defected to Bhutto, revealing a series of arms stored in the Iraqi Embassy.[79]
On the midnight of 9 February 1973, Bhutto launched an operation to seize control of the Iraqi Embassy, and preparation for the siege was hastily prepared. The operation was highly risky, and a wrong step could have started a war between the two countries. The operation was carefully analysed and at 00:00 hrs (12:00 am), theSSG Division accompanied byArmy Rangers stormed the Embassy.Military Police arrested the Iraqi Ambassador, the military attaché, and Iraq's diplomatic staff.[79] Following the incident, authorities discovered 300 Soviet sub-machine guns with 50,000 rounds of ammunition and a large amount of money that was to be distributed amongst Baloch separatist groups. Bhutto was angered and frustrated. Without demanding an explanation, he ordered the Military Police to immediately expel the Iraqi Ambassador and his staff aspersona non grata on the first available flight. The government announced the Iraqi plan to further dismember the country, and Bhutto's successful diplomatic offensive against Iraq isolated Saddam internationally with global condemnation.[79] This incident caused Pakistan to support Iran during theIran–Iraq War in the 1980s.[79]
The Bhutto government granted the right of apassport to every citizen of Pakistan, facilitating millions of skilled and non-skilled Pakistanis to seek employment in Gulf countries through a series of bilateral agreements.[62] FromKhyber Pakhtunkhwa, alone, 35,000 workers were given the opportunity to work in theUnited Arab Emirates andSaudi Arabia.[62] Bhutto utilised thePakistani community of London tolobby and influenceEuropean governments to improve the rights of expatriate Pakistani communities in Europe.[81] The remittances from overseas Pakistanis, now totaling around $US25 billion per annum, constitute a dependable source of foreign exchange for Pakistan.[62]
Bhutto's government implemented comprehensive labour reforms, introducing conditions on worker dismissals and establishing Labour Courts for swift grievance redressal. A scheme for workers' participation in management was introduced, ensuring 20% participation at the factory level. The government abolished workers' contribution to the Social Security Fund, shifting the burden to employers. Compensation rates under the Worker's Compensation Act were increased.[61]
In 1972, the government initially provided old age benefits through group insurance, enhanced compensation rates, and gratuity. To address immediate needs, a pension scheme was introduced, offering Rs. 75 per month after retirement at 55 for men and 50 for women with 15 years of insurable employment. This applied to establishments employing ten or more workers with monthly wages up to Rs. 1,000, including benefits for skilled workers invalid after five years of insurable employment. Contrary to the Western model, Bhutto's government aimed to relieve workers of the financial burden, funding the scheme through a 5% contribution from employers based on the wage bill.[61]
After assuming power, Bhutto aimed to diversify Pakistan's relations, leading to its exit fromCENTO andSEATO. He strengthenedArab relations and developedSino-Pakistani relations.[82] Bhutto believed in an independent Foreign Policy, distinct from Western influence, particularly the United States'sphere of influence.[83] With Bhutto as foreign minister and prime minister, Pakistan and Iran formed a special relationship, as Iran provided military assistance.[83]
Sino-Pakistani relations were immensely improved, and Pakistan, under Bhutto, had built a strategic relationship with the People's Republic of China, when PRC was isolated.[82] In 1974, Bhutto hosted the secondOrganisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1974 where he delegated and invited leaders from theMuslim world toLahore,Punjab Province of Pakistan.[84] Bhutto was a strong advocate of Afro-Asian Solidarity and had cemented ties with Afro-Asian and Islamic countries and by 1976 had emerged as the Leader of the Third World.[85]
Bhutto pursued a peace agreement, theSimla Agreement, withIndira Gandhi, the Premier of India. He successfully brought back 93,000P.O.Ws to Pakistan and secured 5,000 sq mi (13,000 km2) held by India without compromising on the Kashmir stance or recognising Bangladesh, which were key Indian demands.[84] Negotiating with a power that had dismembered the country was a significant challenge for Bhutto, but he smoothly convinced India to return the territory and the POWs to Pakistan.[86] Before the conference, Bhutto and his colleagues thoroughly prepared, considering that theArabs had not succeeded in regainingterritory lost in the1967 war with Israel.[86] Bhutto understood that capturing land does not attract the sameinternational attention as the plight of prisoners.[86] According to Benazir Bhutto, Bhutto demanded control of the territory in the first stage of the Agreement, surprising and shocking the Indian delegation.[86] From Bhutto's perspective, the POW problem was more of ahumanitarian problem that could be addressed at any time, but theterritorial problem could become integrated into India over time.[86] Indian premier Gandhi was stunned and astonished at Bhutto's demand but eventually agreed to give the territory back to Bhutto in the first stage of the agreement after Bhutto negotiated with economic packages.[86] Bhutto's knowledge and intellectualism impressed Gandhi personally, making this agreement, with Pakistan paying a small price, one of Bhutto's most significant diplomatic successes.[86]
Bhutto's extensive knowledge, intelligence, and keen awareness ofpost-World War II and thenuclear history enabled him to shape foreign policy, resulting in unparalleled unity in Pakistan's foreign policy history.[87] Elements of his policy were continued by successive governments, playing a vital role in world politics.[87] In 1974, Bhutto and his Foreign Minister Aziz Ahmed brought aU.N. resolution, recommending the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia. They aggressively criticised the Indian nuclear program. While Abdul Qadeer Khan was tasked with acquiring gas-centrifuge technology throughatomic proliferation, the resolution's goal was achieved when Bhutto put India on thedefensive and promoted Pakistan as anon-proliferationist.[87][84]
Since the 1960s, Bhutto had been anti-SEATO and preferred a non-aligned policy.[88] Soon after assuming office, Bhutto took a lengthy foreign trip to Southeast Asia, seeking closer relations withVietnam, Thailand,Laos, Burma, andNorth Korea. His policy largely followed tight relations with China, normalised relationships with the Soviet Union, built an Islamic bloc, and advocated the creation of a new economic alliance benefiting third and second world countries.[88]
All of these initiatives and implications had disastrous effects on Japan, prompting Japan to oppose Bhutto, although Bhutto was a great admirer of Japan, even though Japan was not a constituent part of Bhutto's foreign policy.[88] In the 1970s, Japan made several attempts to get close to Bhutto, sending its military officials, scientists, and parliamentary delegations to Pakistan.[88] Hence Japan went far by condemning India for carrying out a nuclear test,Smiling Buddha, in 1974, and publicly supported Pakistan's non-nuclear weapon policy and pledged to build several newnuclear power plants.[88] In 1970, Bhutto advised Japan not to be a party to NPT, but Japan signed it but later regretted not being properly progressed.[89]
In Bhutto's view, Japan had been under the United States' influence, and a much bigger role of Japan in Asia would only benefit American interests in the region.[88] By the 1970s, Japan completely lost its momentum in Pakistan as Pakistan followed a strict independent policy.[88] Bhutto envisioned Pakistan's new policy as benefiting economic relations rather than the military alliance, which also affected Japan's impact on Pakistan. However, much of the foreign policy efforts were reverted by General Zia-ul-Haq, and ties were finally restored after Bhutto's execution.[88]
Bhutto sought to improve Pakistan's ties with the Arab world and sided with the Arab world during the Arab-Israeli conflict.[87]Colonel Gaddafi of formerSocialist Libya considered Bhutto one of his greatest inspirations and was said to be very fond of Bhutto's intellectualism.[87] In 1973, during theYom Kippur War, Pakistan's relations with the Arab world represented a watershed.[87] In both Pakistan and the Arab world, Pakistan's swift, unconditional, and forthright offer of assistance to the Arab states was deeply appreciated.[87]In 1974, pressured by other Muslim nations, Pakistan eventually recognised Bangladesh asMujib stated he would only go to the OIC conference in Lahore if Pakistan recognised Bangladesh.[87][90] Pakistan established full diplomatic relations with Bangladesh on 18 January 1976, and relations improved in the following decades.[83] Bhutto aided theSyrian andEgyptian Air Force by sending thePakistan Air Force andNavy's top fighter pilots, where they flew combat missions against Israel. However, Iraq did not benefit from Bhutto's policies.[91]
In early 1977, Bhutto decided to use theISI to provide credible intelligence on theIraqi nuclear program that Pakistan and theISI had secretly gained. The government passed intel that identified the Iraqi nuclear program and theOsirak Nuclear Reactor atOsirak to Israel'sMossad. Helping Israel infiltrate the Iraqi nuclear program was also continued by General Zia-ul-Haq as their policy to teach Iraq and Saddam Hussein a lesson for supporting the Baloch liberation fronts and movements.[79]
In 1974, India carried out a nuclear test, codenamedSmiling Buddha, near Pakistan's eastern border. Bhutto unsuccessfully lobbied for the United States to impose economic sanctions on India. However, at the request of Bhutto, Pakistan's Ambassador to the United States convened a meeting with Secretary of StateHenry Kissinger. Kissinger told Pakistan's ambassador to Washington that the test is "a fait accompli and that Pakistan would have to learn to live with it", although he was aware this was "a little rough" on the Pakistanis.[92] In 1976, ties were further strained as Bhutto had continued to administer the research on weapons, and in 1976, in a meeting with Bhutto and Kissinger, Kissinger had told Bhutto, "that if you [Bhutto] do not cancel, modify, or postpone the Reprocessing Plant Agreement, we will make a horrible example of you".[93] The meeting was ended by Bhutto as he had replied: For my country's sake, for the sake of the people of Pakistan, I did not succumb to that blackmailing and threats.[93]
After this meeting, Bhutto intensified Pakistan's foreign policy towards a more neutral stance, aligning with theMovement of Non-Aligned Countries, and sought to develop relations with both the Soviet Union and the United States. Bhutto was keenly aware ofGreat Britain's policy of "divide and rule" andAmerican policy of "unite and rule."[82] In 1974, Bhutto, as prime minister, visited the Soviet Union.[94] Prime Minister Bhutto deliberately worked to improve relations with the Soviet Union and theCommunist bloc.[95] The foundation stone forPakistan Steel Mills was laid on 30 December 1973 by Bhutto. The Soviet Union sent advisors and experts to supervise the construction of the mega-project.[96]
ThoughRichard Nixon maintained amicable relations with Bhutto,Pakistan's ties with the United States soured during Jimmy Carter's presidency as the US opposed Pakistan's nuclear program.[82][97] Carter intensified the embargo on Pakistan and exerted pressure through theUnited States Ambassador to Pakistan, Brigadier-GeneralHenry Byroade.[97] Bhutto's socialist orientation irked the United States, concerned about losing Pakistan as an ally in the Cold War.[97] When Carter waselected in 1976, he declared in his inaugural speech his intent to pursue a nuclear weapons ban.[97] With Carter's election, Bhutto lost the connections to theUnited States administration that he had enjoyed during Nixon's term. Despite Carter's embargo on Pakistan, Bhutto persisted in acquiring materials for Pakistan'satomic bomb project, ultimately contributing to the breakdown of theStrategic Arms Limitation Talks.[97]
In 1972, Bhutto initially attempted to forge friendly ties with Afghanistan, but these efforts were rebuffed in 1973.[98] By 1974, Afghanistan covertly engaged in Pakistan'sKhyber Pakhtunkhwa, causing increasing concern for Bhutto's government.[99] Afghan PresidentDawood Khan's controversialPashtunisation policies led to gruesome violence and civil disturbances in Pakistan.[99] The ISI highlighted President Daud's support for anti-Pakistan militants, including backing Baloch separatists in theconflict.[100] Consequently, Bhutto's government opted to retaliate, launching a covert counter-operation in 1974 under Major-GeneralNaseerullah Babar, then Director-General of theM.I. Directorate-General for Western Fronts (DGWI).[99] General Babar deemed it an excellent idea, with a significant impact on Afghanistan.[99] The operation aimed to arm Islamic fundamentalists and instigate attacks across Afghanistan.[99] In 1974, Bhutto authorised a covert operation inKabul, where the Pakistan Air Force,AI, and theISI successfully extraditedBurhanuddin Rabbani,Jan Mohammad Khan,Gulbadin Hekmatyar, andAhmad Shah Massoud toPeshawar. Fearful of Rabbani's potential assassination, this move took place amid heightened tensions.[101]
By the end of 1974, Bhutto had given final authorisation for a covert operation to train Afghan mujaheddin, ultimately proving successful.[102][103][84][104]
By 1976, Daud grew concerned about his country's overdependence on the Soviet Union and the rising insurgency. Bhutto's three-day state visit to Afghanistan in June 1976 was followed by Daud Khan's five-day visit to Pakistan in August 1976. An agreement on the resumption of air communications between Afghanistan and Pakistan was reached on 2 March 1977, signaling improved relations.[105] Bhutto and Daud exchanged official visits to pressure Afghanistan to accept theDurand Line as the permanent border.[98] However, these developments were interrupted by Bhutto's removal and Daud Khan's overthrow in a military coup shortly after.[98] Western experts considered Bhutto's policy astute in addressing the border question, increasing pressure on Afghanistan and likely contributing to the Afghan government's move towards accommodation. Deputy Afghan Foreign Minister Abdul Samad Ghaus also admitted that, before the compromise, Afghanistan had been heavily involved inside Pakistan.[98]
Bhutto faced mounting criticism and growing unpopularity during his term. Initially targeting opposition leaderAbdul Wali Khan and hisNational Awami Party (NAP), ademocratic socialist party, the socialist andcommunist masses under Bhutto's leadership began to disintegrate. Despite ideological similarities, clashes between them became increasingly farcical. The federal government ousted the NAP provincial government in Balochistan for alleged secessionist activities,[106] leading to the ban on the NAP. Subsequently, much of the NAP top leadership was arrested, following the killing of Bhutto's confidantHayat Khan Sherpao in a Peshawar bomb blast. Chief JusticeHamoodur Rahman also died of a cardiac arrest while in office. Between 1974 and 1976, many of Bhutto's original members left due to political differences or natural causes. In 1974, Bhutto's trusted Science AdvisorAbdus Salam left Pakistan when Parliament declared Ahmadis as non-Muslims. Salam's departure slowed down nuclear weapons research as Dr.Mubashir Hassan, now Bhutto's appointed Science Advisor, focused more on politics than scientific research. Many civil bureaucrats and military officers loyal to Bhutto were replaced by new faces, leaving Bhutto with new advisers and collaborators.[107]
Dissidence grew within the PPP, and the murder of dissident leaderAhmed Raza Kasuri's father triggered public outrage and intra-party hostility. Bhutto faced accusations of masterminding the crime. Prominent PPP leaders, includingGhulam Mustafa Khar, former governor of Punjab, openly condemned Bhutto, urging protests against his regime.[107] The political crisis in the North-West Frontier Province and Balochistan escalated, with civil liberties suspended. An estimated 100,000 deployed troops faced accusations of human rights abuses and large-scale civilian casualties.[39]
On 8 January 1977, the opposition coalesced into thePakistan National Alliance (PNA),[39] a nine-party coalition against Bhutto's government. Despite Bhutto calling for fresh elections, the PNA failed to secure a clear majority and disputed the results, accusing their opponents of rigging the election. Claiming that 40 seats in the national assembly were rigged, the dissidents boycotted the provincial elections, leading to low voter turnout. The PNA declared the newly elected Bhutto government illegitimate, with hard-line Islamist leaders likeMaulana Maududi calling for Bhutto's overthrow.[107] Bhutto's Science Advisor, Mubashir Hassan, feared a possible coup and unsuccessfully attempted to reach an agreement with the PNA.[108] A crackdown on the conservativePakistan Muslim League followed, initiated by Bhutto's government.[109]
The President of thePeople's National Party and formerLeader of the Opposition,Khan Abdul Wali Khan, viewed Bhutto's actions as his last stand against the PNA, leaving Bhutto and his colleagues isolated.[110][failed verification] In a public seminar, Vali Khan quoted, "There is one possible grave for two people ... let us see who gets in first."[110] TheFederal Security Force allegedly arrested or extrajudicially killed members of the Muslim League, leading to protest and civil unrest inLahore, resulting in the People's Party losing administrative control over the city.[109]
On 3 July 1977, GeneralKhalid Mahmud Arif secretly met with Bhutto, revealing that a coup was being planned in the General Combatant Headquarters (GHQ).[76] General Arif urged Bhutto to "rush the negotiation with the PNA before it's too late."[76] Growing political and civil disorder led Bhutto to engage in talks with PNA leaders, resulting in an agreement to dissolve the assemblies and hold fresh elections under a government of national unity.[111] However, on 5 July 1977, Bhutto and his cabinet members were arrested by troops under the command of General Zia.[39] Despite Bhutto reaching an agreement with the opposition, the coup took place on the pretext of unrest.[109]
Bhutto had intelligence within the Army, and officers like Major-GeneralTajamül Hussain Malik remained loyal to him until the end.[109] Nevertheless, General Zia-ul-Haq initiated a training program with officers from theSpecial Air Service (SAS).[109] Many of Bhutto's loyal officers were ordered to attend the first course.[109] Senior officers' classes were delayed until midnight, and none were allowed to leave until late in the evening before the coup, during which arrangements were made.[109]
General Zia declared martial law, suspended the constitution, dissolved all assemblies, and promised elections within ninety days. Zia ordered the arrest of senior PPP and PNA leaders but assured elections in October. Bhutto was released on 29 July and received a warm welcome from supporters in Larkana. He toured Pakistan, delivering speeches to large crowds and planning his political comeback. Bhutto was arrested again on 3 September and released on bail on 13 September. Fearing another arrest, he appointed his wife,Nusrat, as president of the Pakistan People's Party. Bhutto was imprisoned on 16 September, and many PPP leaders, including Mubashir Hassan, were arrested and disqualified from contesting elections. Observers noted that when Bhutto was removed from power in July 1977, thousands of Pakistanis cheered and celebrated.[112]
On 5 July 1977, GeneralMuhammad Zia-ul-Haq led a military coup, removing Bhutto from power and detaining him for a month. Zia promised new elections within 90 days but continuously postponed them, asserting that Bhutto's party wouldn't return to power if he participated.[113][114]
Upon release, Bhutto toured the country, addressing adulatory crowds of PPP supporters. Banned from train travel due to delays caused by these gatherings, Bhutto's last visit toMultan marked a turning point. Despite administration efforts to block the gathering, the crowd's size led to disorder, providing a pretext for Bhutto's arrest, claiming it was necessary for his safety.[115]
On 3 September, Bhutto was arrested again, charged with authorising the murder ofNawab Muhammad Ahmed Khan Kasuri in March 1974.[116] The charges were deemed "questionable" by some scholars, includingVali Nasr.[117] A politician,Ahmed Raza Kasuri, claimed he was the target of the attack orchestrated by Bhutto.[118] Bhutto's wife,Nusrat Bhutto, assembled a defense team, securing his release after ten days due to contradictory evidence. However, Bhutto was arrested again under martial law, leading to the cancellation of upcoming elections.[119]
Arraigned before theLahore High Court, Bhutto was denied a lower court appeal level. The trial, lasting five months, began on 24 October 1977, with key witness testimony from Masood Mahmood, director general of theFederal Security Force. Irregularities, alleged torture, and inconsistent confessions marred the trial.[120] FormerU.S. Attorney GeneralRamsey Clark observed numerous irregularities and lack of corroborating evidence.[121] When Bhutto began testifying on 25 January 1978, Chief JusticeMaulvi Mushtaq, presiding over the trial, closed the courtroom to observers. Bhutto, alleging bias, demanded a retrial, but the court refused.[120]
On 18 March 1978, Bhutto was pronounced guilty of murder and was sentenced to death.[122][123][124] Bhutto's former Legal Minister,Abdul Hafiz Pirzada petitioned the Supreme Court for the release of Bhutto's Science Adviser, Mubashir Hassan, and to review Bhutto's death sentence based on the split decision.[124] The Supreme Court denied Hassan's release because he was held by Military Police, but the court agreed to hear the arguments.[124] After 12 days of proceedings, the Supreme Court concluded that the President of Pakistan can change a death sentence into life imprisonment.[124] Pirzada filed an application to then-Chief Martial Law Administrator.[124] However, General Zia-ul-Haq did not act immediately and claimed that the application had gone missing.[124]
Devastated, Pirzada relayed the news to Bhutto, disclosing General Zia-ul-Haq's intentions.[124] Consequently, Bhutto chose not to pursue an appeal.[124] As he was transferred to a cell inRawalpindi central jail, his family appealed on his behalf, leading to a Supreme Court hearing in May. Bhutto was granted one week to prepare, issuing a comprehensive rejoinder to the charges, although Zia impeded its publication. Chief JusticeS. Anwarul Haq adjourned the court until the end of July 1978, purportedly because five of the nine appeal court judges were inclined to overturn the Lahore verdict, with one pro-Bhutto judge set to retire in July.[citation needed]
Chief Justice S. Anwarul Haq, despite his close ties to Zia, presided over the trial and even served as Acting President when Zia was abroad. Bhutto's legal team successfully secured his right to conduct his own defense before the Supreme Court. On 18 December 1978, Bhutto appeared in public before a crowded courtroom in Rawalpindi. Having spent 9 months on death row, he had allegedly endured 25 days without fresh water at that point. Bhutto addressed the court for four days, delivering his statements without the aid of notes.[citation needed]
I did not kill that man. My God is aware of it. I am big enough to admit if I had done it, that admission would have been less of an ordeal and humiliation than this barbarous trial which no self respecting man can endure. I am a Muslim. A Muslim's fate is in the hands of God Almighty. I can face Him with a clear conscience and tell Him that I rebuilt His Islamic State of Pakistan from ashes into a respectable Nation. I am entirely at peace with my conscience in this black hole of Kot Lakhpat. I am not afraid of death. You have seen what fires I have passed through.
— Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,My Dearest Daughter: A letter from the Death Cell, [125]
The appeal concluded on 23 December 1978. On 6 February 1979, the Supreme Court voted 4–3, delivering a guilty verdict.[126] Bhutto's defender, Ramsey Clark, noted that during the appeal, "not one witness was re‐examined, nor did the court rectify" what he called "the glaring defects of the lower court's proceedings." Clark also highlighted that two of the Supreme Court's nine justices were absent from the decision, both showing signs of having been forced to not participate. One judge who had earlier remarked that he would not succumb to pressure retired in the fall of 1978 even though judicial propriety demanded that his leaving the Court be deferred until the conclusion of the case. The other judge was prevented from sitting in the Court from November because of an illness pronounced by a government‐appointed medical board.[118] If they had been present and voted not guilty in a 5–4 decision, Bhutto would have gone free. The Bhutto family had seven days to appeal, and the court granted a stay of execution while studying the petition. Appeals for clemency arrived from many heads of state by 24 February 1979 when the next court hearing began, but Zia dismissed them as "trade union activity" among politicians.[citation needed]
On 24 March 1979, the Supreme Court dismissed the appeal, and Zia upheld the death sentence. Bhutto was hanged atCentral Jail Rawalpindi on 4 April 1979,[127] after enduring severe torture in jail, leading to vomiting and intense chest pain,[128] and he was laid to rest at hisfamily mausoleum inGarhi Khuda Baksh.[104][129][130]
During his imprisonment, Bhutto's childrenMurtaza and Benazir worked tirelessly to garner international support for their father's release.[131]Libya'sColonel Gaddafi dispatched his Prime MinisterAbdus Salam Jalloud on an urgent mission to Pakistan for talks with the military establishment to secure Bhutto's release.[131] In a press conference, Jalloud revealed that Gaddafi had proposed to exile Bhutto to Libya, and thePresidential aircraft awaited Bhutto at theIslamabad International Airport.[131] However, after a week at the airport, General Zia rejected Jalloud's request and upheld the death sentence.[131] Bhutto's execution shocked much of theMuslim world.[131] In his final speech before being hanged, Bhutto's last words were: "Oh Lord, help me for... I am innocent".[132]
On 2 April 2011, 32 years after Bhutto's trial and execution, thePPP (theruling party at that time) filed a petition at theSupreme Court of Pakistan (SCP) to reopen Bhutto's trial. Senior journalistIftikhar Ahmad aired a series of televised interviews onGeo News with those who played significant and often controversial roles in Bhutto's death. Prime MinisterYusuf Raza Gilani'scabinet organised a legal team to seek the reopening of the trial.[133] PresidentAsif Ali Zardari consented to the resulting presidential order under Article 186 of the Constitution, and the Supreme Court took up the petition on 13 April 2011.[134] Chief JusticeIftikhar Chaudhry eventually presided over the three-judge bench (expanded with law experts fromfour provinces of Pakistan), whileMinister of LawBabar Awan counseled Bhutto's case.[135]
Immediately,Babar Awan resigned from his position asLaw Minister, opting to leave theJustice Ministry entirely to independently counsel Bhutto's case. Chief JusticeIftikhar Chaudhry commended this move by the senior PPP leadership, labeling it as "historic" in his noting remarks.[136] In a significant development, the Supreme Court transferred the decision on the legal status of Bhutto's execution to a larger bench yet to be formed.[137]
Following a series of hearings at the Supreme Court, the case was adjourned and eventually dismissed after the PPP sanctioned the suspension of Babar Awan on 2 May 2012.[138]
In 1943, he entered into his first marriage with his cousin Shireen Amir Begum, from whom he later separated. On 8 September 1951, Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto marriedNusrat Ispahani, also known as Begum Nusrat Bhutto, ofIranian Kurdish origin inKarachi. Their first child,Benazir, was born in 1953, followed byMurtaza in 1954, Sanam in 1957, andShahnawaz in 1958.[140]
Bhutto remains a complex and debated figure inPakistan. While lauded for his nationalism, he faced criticism for suppressing political opponents. In 1971, when he assumed control, Pakistan was in disarray after a brutal civil war.[141] Critics blamed his socialist policies for economic setbacks, but Bhutto argued he addressed inequality from previous regimes.[21]
Controversially, some attribute Bhutto for theBangladesh Liberation War. GeneralZia-ul-Haq released GeneralYahya Khan in 1977, who accused Bhutto of breaking Pakistan in 1971.[21][142] Bhutto also faces criticism for human-rights abuses in Baluchistan.[39]
Internationally, Bhutto is viewed positively as a secularinternationalist. Despite domestic criticism, he remains Pakistan's most popular leader.[39] Bhutto successfully united parties for the 1973 constitution and pursued nuclear weapons, earning him the title of the father of Pakistan's nuclear program.[141][50][36]
While his legacy is contested, Bhutto is hailed for his accomplishments. Some, like former statesmanRoedad Khan, commend his early achievements but note a decline later on.[143] His family, active in politics, faced tragedy with the assassinations ofBenazir Bhutto in 2007 andMurtaza Bhutto in 1996.[144][145]
Despite criticisms, Bhutto remains a revered figure in Pakistan's collective memory, symbolising influence in public, scientific, and political spheres.[112] His family continues its political legacy, withBilawal Bhutto Zardari serving as theForeign Minister of Pakistan from April 2022 to August 2023.
^Amnesty International criticized the trial for not meeting fair trial standards. The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) in Geneva issued a report in 1979 stating that the trial before the Lahore High Court and the appeal in the Supreme Court “did not measure up to the requirements of a fair trial".
^"The Sino-Pakistan boundary agreement".Lamb, A. (1964). "The Sino-Pakistani Boundary Agreement of 2 March 1963". Australian Outlook, 18(3), 299–312.doi:10.1080/10357716408444182.
^Hossain, A. A. (1 May 2012). "Islamic Resurgence in Bangladesh's Culture and Politics: Origins, Dynamics and Implications".Journal of Islamic Studies.23 (2):165–198.doi:10.1093/jis/ets042.
^International Institute for Strategic Studies, (IISS) (3 May 2006)."Bhutto was father of Pakistan's Atom Bomb Programme".2006 Dossier of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. International Institute for Strategic Studies through the 2006 dossier. Initial research and publishing was done by The News International of Pakistan. Archived fromthe original on 14 March 2012. Retrieved13 April 2011.Dr.Abdul Qadeer Khan is not the father of the Pakistan atom bomb project. It is [Zulfikar Ali] Bhutto!. Focusing on the efforts of Bhutto since 1958, when he became a minister in the Ayub cabinet. Surprisingly, the dossier has paid rich tributes to the services of Bhutto for developing the nuclear programme. The dossier, in a chapter on Pakistan's nuclear programme and imports, reveals that Dr AQ Khan can only be accorded many epithets, including "founder of Pakistan uranium enrichment programme".The First 2006 dossier published by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS)
^Rehman, Shahid-ur (1999).Long Road to Chagai. Vol. 1 (1st ed.). Islamabad, Islamabad Capital Territory: Printwise Publications. pp. 21–23.ISBN978-969-8500-00-9.
^abcdefghijklmRehman, Shahid-ur (1999). "5 The Theoretical Physics Group: A Cue to Manhattan Project?".Long Road to Chagai. Vol. 1 (1st ed.). Islamabad, Islamabad Capital Territory: Printwise Publications. pp. 55–101.ISBN978-969-8500-00-9.
^abcdefFitzpatrick, Mark (3 May 2007)."Bhutto, not A. Q. Khan, was the Father of Pak nuke programme".2007 Final Dossier of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. International Institute for Strategic Studies through the last 2007 dossier. Initial research and publishing was done by the Directorate-General for the News Intelligence of Pakistan's Jang Media Cell. Archived fromthe original on 29 March 2012. Retrieved2 October 2011.Dr Abdul Q. Khan, a metallurgical engineer, is not the Father of the Pakistan bomb. It is Zulfi Ali Bhutto. Dr A.Q. Khan should only be accorded many epithets, including "founder of Pakistan uranium enrichment programme"...The News International, pp. 1–6
^abcdefMalik, M.A. (2 October 2011)."PPP sticks to revolutionary culture".The Nation.Archived from the original on 16 October 2011. Retrieved16 October 2011."Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, besides lifting Pakistan from the ashes after the Dhaka debacle and giving the first-ever consensus constitution to the country, revolution through his politics wedded to the emancipation of the downtrodden masses by giving them a voice and introducing radical changes in the economic sphere for their benefit"....M.A. Malik, The Nation
^Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: An architect of New Pakistan, From Chaos to Stability and The Constitution, pp. 5–14
^University Press (17 August 2019)."Allama Iqbal Medical University".Pakistan Education News, Universities Admission Scholarships, and Results. Allama Iqbal Medical University.
^abc"Bhutto's Nationalization".Robber Barons, researcher at the Sustainable Development Policy Institute. Sustainable Development Policy Institute.The Bhutto government's credit allocation policy made it mandatory on banks to divert credit into areas which otherwise would not have received credit under normal commercial banking. The rationing of credit might look unreasonable in 1997 but it was revolutionary, considering the situation in 1977 when banks were serving only industrial clients of a privileged class... Robber Barons
^abcSiddiqui, Irfan."The wavey economy".Irfan Siddiqui (in Urdu). Irfan Siddiqui and the Jang News Group. Archived fromthe original on 22 September 2011. Retrieved22 September 2011.
^abcdefgLaurie Mylroie (2005).Study of Revenge: The First World Trade Center Attack and Saddam Hussein's War Against America. United States: Summary Publishing ltd.ISBN978-0-8447-4169-7.
^Selig Harrison (2005).In Afghanistan's Shadow: Baluch Nationalism and Soviet Temptation. Selig Harrison.ISBN978-1-4128-0469-1.
^abcdSharmila Farooqi, Member ofPAS (2011)."ZA Bhutto – architect of a new Pakistan".Sharmila Farooqi, member of Sindh Provincial Assembly of Pakistan. Sharmila Faruqui. Retrieved15 April 2001.Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the maker of Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the architect of Pakistan.
^"Z.A. Bhutto". Ariftx.tripod.com. Retrieved9 December 2012.
^abcdefgAjithkumar, M P."Secret of Shimla Agreement".M P Ajithkumar (Lecturer in History, Sanathana Dharma College, Alappuzha). M.P Ajithkumar. Archived fromthe original on 25 April 2013. Retrieved27 October 2011.
^Malik, Ahmad Rashid (2009).Pakistan-Japan Relations: Continuity §Japanese reaction to Indian bomb. United States, Canada, and Pakistan: Routledge Publications. pp. 145–190.ISBN978-0-203-89149-0.
^Hagerty, Devin T. (2005)South Asia in world politics, Rowman & Littlefield.ISBN0742525872. p. 73.
^Hassan, Mubashir (2000).The Mirage of Power: An Inquiry into the Bhutto Years, 1971–1977.Oxford University Press.ISBN0-19-579300-5. "The Final Days of Socialism in Pakistan", pp. 296 ff.
^Blood, Peter (1994)."Pakistan – Zia-ul-Haq".Pakistan: ACountry Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. Retrieved28 December 2007.... hanging ... Bhutto for complicity in the murder of a political opponent...
^Halim, Parvez (9 March 2011)."Bhutto broke Pakistan, not Mujib".Probe News Magazine. Archived from the original on 24 March 2012. Retrieved26 March 2010.
Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali (1969).The Myth of Independence. Oxford University Press.
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