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| Zhonghua minzu | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Traditional Chinese | 中華民族 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Simplified Chinese | 中华民族 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Literal meaning | Chineseminzu[note 1] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Zhonghua minzu is a political term in modernChinese nationalism related to the concepts ofnation-building,ethnicity, andrace in the Chinesenationality. Collectively, the term refers to the56 ethnic groups of China, but being a part of theZhonghua minzu does not mean one must haveChinese nationality (Chinese:中国国籍;pinyin:Zhōngguó guójí) and thus have an obligation to be loyal to thePeople's Republic of China (PRC).[4][5][6][7][8]
TheRepublic of China (ROC) of theBeiyang (1912–1927) period developed the term to describeHan Chinese (hanzu) and four other major ethnic groups (theManchus,Mongols,Hui, andTibetans)[9][10] based onFive Races Under One Union. Conversely,Sun Yat-sen and theKuomintang (KMT) envisioned it as a unified composite of Han and non-Han people.[11][non-primary source needed]
The PRC adoptedZhonghua minzu after thedeath of Mao Zedong. It was used to describe the Han Chinese and other ethnic groups as a collective Chinese family.[4][7] Since the late 1980s,Zhonghua minzu (中华民族; 'the Chinese nation') replaced the termZhongguo renmin (中国人民; 'the Chinese people'), signalling a shift of nationality and minority policy from amultinational communistpeople's statehoodof China to one multi-ethnic Chinesenation state with one single Chinesenational identity.[8]
An older proto-nationalist term throughout Chinese history wasHuaxia, but the immediate roots of theZhonghua minzu lie in theQing dynasty founded by theManchu clanAisin Gioro in what is todayNortheast China.[12] The Qing Emperors sought to portray themselves as ideal Confucian rulers for theHan Chinese,Bogda Khans for theMongols, andChakravartin kings forTibetan Buddhists.[13]
Dulimbai gurun (ᡩᡠᠯᡳᠮᠪᠠᡳ
ᡤᡠᡵᡠᠨ) is the Manchu name for China. It has the same meaning as the Chinese nameZhongguo (中國; 'Middle kingdom').[15][16][17] The Qing adopted the Han Chinese imperial model[18] but considered the Manchu and Chinese names for "China" to be equivalent. It used "China" to describe the entirety of the state and its territory regardless of ethnic composition. The 'Chinese language' (Dulimbai gurun i bithe) referred to Chinese, Manchu, and Mongol languages.Zhongguo zhi ren (中國之人;ᡩᡠᠯᡳᠮᠪᠠᡳ
ᡤᡠᡵᡠᠨ ᡳ
ᠨᡳᠶᠠᠯᠮᠠDulimbai gurun-i niyalma 'Chinese people') referred to all Han, Manchu, and Mongol subjects of the Qing.[19] The Qing used phrases likeZhongwai yijia (中外一家) orneiwai yijia (內外一家; 'interior and exterior as one family') to portray itself as a unifying force between the "inner" Han Chinese and the "outer" non-Han like the Mongols and Tibetans.[20]
These terms were used in official documents. "China" was commonly used in international communications and treaties such as theTreaty of Nanking.[18] A Manchu language memorial usedDulimbai gurun to proclaim the1759 conquest of Dzungaria.[21][22][23] A Manchu language version of a treaty with the Russian Empire concerning criminal jurisdiction over bandits called people from the Qing as "people of the central kingdom (Dulimbai gurun)".[24][25][26][27] In the Manchu officialTulisen's Manchu languageaccount of his meeting with theTorghut Mongol leaderAyuka Khan, it was mentioned that while the Torghuts were unlike the Russians, the "people of the Central Kingdom" (dulimba-i gurun) were like the Torghut Mongols, and the "people of the Central Kingdom" referred to the Manchus.[28]
Beforenationalism, loyalty was generally to thecity-state, thefeudal fief and its lord or, in the case of China, to adynastic state.[29] SomeHan nationalists such asSun Yat-sen initially described the Manchus as "foreign invaders" to be expelled,[30] and planned to establish a Hannation-state modelled closely after Germany and Japan; this was discarded because alienating non-Han groups potentially meant the loss of imperial territory.[citation needed] This development in Chinese thinking was mirrored in the expansion of the meaning of the termZhonghua minzu to encompassFive Races Under One Union based on Qing ethnic categories; the term was originally created by the late-Qing philologistLiang Qichao and only referred to theHan Chinese.[31][32] This revision ofZhonghua minzu was used as early as 1912 by theRepublic of China to supports claims of sovereignty over all Qing territories.[citation needed] By 1920,Sun Yat-sen also supported the creation of a "Chinese nation" from the various ethnic groups.[33] This conflicted with the views of non-Han groups like the Mongols and Tibetans; they considered their fealty to be held by the Qing sovereign, and whose abdication left them independent and without obligations to the new Chinese state.[citation needed]
After the founding of the PRC, the concept ofZhonghua minzu became influenced bySoviet nationalities policy. Officially, the PRC is aunitary state composed of56 ethnic groups, of which the Han are by far the largest. The concept ofZhonghua minzu is seen as an all-encompassing category consisting of people within the borders of the PRC.[citation needed]
This term has continued to be invoked and remains a powerful concept in China into the 21st century. In mainland China, it continues to hold use as the leaders of China need to unify into one political entity a highly diverse set of ethnic and social groups as well as to mobilize the support ofoverseas Chinese in developing China.[citation needed] The term is included in article 22 of the Regulations on United Front Work of theChinese Communist Party: "...promote national unity and progress, and enhance the identification of the masses of all ethnic groups with the great motherland, the Chinese nation (Zhonghua minzu), Chinese culture, the Chinese Communist Party, andsocialism with Chinese characteristics."[34]Zhonghua minzu is also one of theFive Identifications.[35]
InTaiwan, it has been invoked by former PresidentMa Ying-jeou as a unifying concept that includes the people of both Taiwan and mainland China without a possible interpretation that Taiwan is part the People's Republic of China.[36]
The adoption of theZhonghua minzu concept may give rise to the reinterpretation of Chinese history. For example, the Qing dynasty was originally sometimes characterized as aconquest dynasty or non-Han regime. Following the adoption of theZhonghua minzu ideology, which regards the Manchus as a member of theZhonghua minzu, dynasties founded by ethnic minorities are no longer stigmatized.[citation needed]
The concept ofZhonghua minzu nevertheless also leads to the reassessment of the role of many traditional hero figures. Heroes such asYue Fei andZheng Chenggong, who were originally often considered to have fought for China against barbarian incursions, have been re-characterized by some asminzu yingxiong ('ethnic heroes') who fought not against barbarians but against other members of theZhonghua minzu—theJurchens andManchus respectively.[37] At the same time, China exemplified heroes such asGenghis Khan, who became a national hero as a member of theZhonghua minzu.[38]
The concept of theZhonghua minzu has sometimes resulted in friction with neighboring countries such asMongolia,North Korea andSouth Korea, who claim regional historical peoples and states. For instance, Mongolia has questioned the concept of Genghis Khan as a "national hero" during theRepublic of China period. Since the collapse of socialism, Mongolia has clearly positioned Genghis Khan as the father of the Mongolian nation.[39] Some Chinese scholars rejections of that position involve tactics such as pointing out that more ethnicMongols live within China than Mongolia and that the modern-day state of Mongolia acquired its independence from the Republic of China which claimed the legal right to inherit all Qing territories, including Mongolia, through theImperial Edict of the Abdication of the Qing Emperor.[40][41][42] There is also controversy between China and the Korean Peninsula regarding the historical status ofGoguryeo.[43]
TheXi Jinping administration, sinceXi Jinping's appointment asGeneral Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in November 2012, has promoted the slogan of the "Great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation".
Reverence for the legendary ancestor of the Chinese people, theYellow Emperor, has intensified, and in some regions such asUyghur andTibet, there are individuals who feel resentment toward being subsumed under the concept of the "Zhonghua minzu"[44].
Furthermore, resistance to Chinese nationalism also exists amongTaiwanese independence advocates and theHong Kong localist camp.[45] In response to this,Hong Kong nationalism emerged, andTaiwanese nationalism, advocated by Taiwanese historianSu Beng, gained traction. The theory thatHongkongers constitute a distinct ethnic group, known as Hong Kong ethnic theory, was also influenced by these ideas[46].
The concept of the Chinese nation has also been discussed in connection withterritorial disputes, based on the notion that “the land inhabited by the Chinese nation should be governed by a single state”[47]. These ideas are referred to asGreater Chinese nationalism [ja], and in Hong Kong, supporters of such ideology are often mocked with the termZhōnghuá jiāo [zh][48]. The term “Greater China” itself originates from the traditional idea that China has historically been aunified civilization.
Liu Zhongjing, apolitical theorist residing in theUnited States, has argued that the concept of the Chinese nation is a political fabrication and has advocated for the theory ofZhu-Xiaism [ja] (諸夏主義).
Chan Ho-tin stated that Peking claims the People’s Republic of China is a nation-state with a unified national identity called “Zhonghua Minzu” or the “Chinese race.”[49][50] This concept, used to serve political and imperial goals, includes diverse groups such as Tibetans, Mongolians, Shanghainese, Taiwanese, Hong Kongers, and the Chinese diaspora worldwide. According to Beijing’s official stance, all these groups are part of the “Zhonghua” race and thus owe loyalty to the central government.[49][50] While this is considered absurd by many scholars, it remains the party line. Chan Ho-tin criticized this nationalism as a cover forChinese imperialism. He pointed to Beijing’s breaches of the Seventeen Point Agreement with Tibet, broken promises upon joining the WTO, and violations of the Sino-British Joint Declaration that have reduced freedoms in Hong Kong.[49][50]
Tang Chunfeng, a Chinese scholar specializing in Okinawan affairs, has expressed support for theRyukyu independence movement and asserted that theRyukyuan people are descendants of the Chinese nation.[51]
Zhao Dong of thePreparatory Committee for the Ryukyu Special Autonomous Region of China, which claims that Okinawa is Chinese territory, stated that "Ryukyu is part of the Chinese nation's domain".[52]
In August 1948,Kiyuna Tsugumasa, a formerspy for theRepublic of China, declared, “We are part of the Chinese nation and must support the liberation of our Ryukyuan brothers.”[53]
... however, the CCP's nationalist claims are increasingly falling on deaf ears. Popular nationalists like Jin Hui now speak regularly of the "Motherland" (zuguo) and the "Chinese race" (Zhonghua minzu) - without reference to the Party. And they care so deeply
Repeated use of what should now be translated as 'Chinese race, (Zhonghua Minzu 中华民族), alongside omission of ethnic minorities in official narratives ...
hokkaido-np1-0124959 was invoked but never defined (see thehelp page).{{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)| Sino-Tibetan |
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Underlined: the 56 officially recognised ethnic groups ranked by population in their language families according to2020 census | |||||||||||
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