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The ZUNR emerged as a breakaway state amid thedissolution of Austria-Hungary, and in January 1919 nominallyunited with theUkrainian People's Republic (UPR) as itsautonomous WesternOblast.Poland had also claimed this territory, and by July occupied most of it and forced the West Ukrainian government intoexile. When the UPR decided late the same year that it would trade the territory for analliance with Poland againstSoviet Russia, the exiled West Ukrainian government broke with the UPR. The exiled government continued its claim until it dissolved in 1923.
Thecoat of arms of the ZUNR wasazure, agolden lion rampant. The colours of the flag were blue and yellow, with the blue in a much lighter shade than in the modern Ukrainian flag.
Until November 13, 1918, the state was officially known as theUkrainian State. After theUnification Act on January 22, 1919, the state became a part of the unifiedUkrainian People's Republic and simultaneously became an autonomous region, known as theWestern Oblast of the Ukrainian People's Republic.[3][4]
The name of the West Ukrainian People's Republic is often abbreviated asZUNR (as a direct translation of the Ukrainian abbreviation — ЗУНР). Sometimes it can also be abbreviated asWUPR (fromWest Ukrainian People's Republic) orWUNR (fromWest Ukrainian National Republic).
According to the Austro-Hungarian census of 1910, the territory claimed by the West Ukrainian People's Republic had about 5.4 million people. Of these, 3,291,000 (approximately 60%) were Ukrainians, 1,351,000 (approximately 25%) were Poles, 660,000 (approximately 12%) were Jews, and the rest included Rusyns, Germans, Hungarians, Romanians, Czechs, Slovaks, Romani, Armenians and others.[5] The cities and towns of this largely rural region were mostly populated by Poles and Jews, while the Ukrainians dominated the countryside. Out of this region's 44 territorial divisions, Poles were a majority in only one — Lviv county.[6] This would prove problematic for the Ukrainians, because largest city and proclaimed capitalLviv had 49.4% Polish population compared to 19.9% Ukrainian population;[7] and was considered by Poland to be one of its most important cities.[8]
The West Ukrainian People's Republic was proclaimed on 1 November 1918.[9] TheUkrainian National Rada (a council consisting of all Ukrainian representatives from both houses of the Austrian parliament and from the provincialdiets inGalicia andBukovina) planned to declare the West Ukrainian People's Republic on 3 November 1918, but moved the date forward to 1 November due to reports that thePolish Liquidation Committee was to transfer fromKraków toLviv.[10] Shortly after the republic proclaimed independence from theAustro-Hungarian Empire apopular uprising took place in Lviv, where half of the residents were Polish and did not want to be part of a non-Polish state. A few weeks later Lviv's rebellious Poles received support from Poland. On 9 November, Polish forces attempted to seize theDrohobych oil fields by surprise but were driven back, outnumbered by the Ukrainians.[11] The resulting stalemate saw the Poles retaining control over Lviv and a narrow strip of land around a railway linking the city to Poland, while the rest of eastern Galicia remained under the control of the West Ukrainian National Republic.
The Polish population was hostile to the newly formed West Ukrainian state. They considered it a rule "by bayonet, cudgel, and axe".[12] Polish officials resigned en masse, which undermined the Republic's ability to lead an effective administration. Poles dominated the urban areas and started an uprising against the Ukrainian rule not only in Lviv, but also in Drohobych,Peremyshl,Sambir andYaroslav.[13] This made the West Ukrainian government unable to exert control over the western half of its territory, and made the Polish offensive possible.[citation needed]
Two smaller states west of the West Ukrainian People's Republic also declared independence as result of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.[14] TheKomańcza Republic, an association of 30Lemko villages based aroundKomańcza in easternLemko Region, existed between 4 November 1918 and 23 January 1919. Being pro-Ukrainian it planned to unite with the West Ukrainian People's Republic, but was suppressed by thePolish government. On 5 December 1918, theLemko-Rusyn Republic, centred around the village ofFlorynka, declared independence.Western Ukrainian Russophiles sentiment prevailed among its inhabitants, who were opposed to a union with the West Ukrainian People's Republic and instead sought unification with Russia.[15]
An agreement to unite western Ukraine with the rest of Ukraine was made as early as 1 December 1918. The government of the West Ukrainian People's Republic officially united with theUkrainian People's Republicon 22 January 1919, after which the former was known as the WesternOblast of the Ukrainian People's Republic.[9][16] This was mostly asymbolic act, however. During thePolish–Ukrainian War, the West Ukrainian army was able to hold off Poland for approximately nine months,[17] but by July 1919, Polish forces had taken over most of the territory claimed by the Western Oblast.
Since western Ukraine had a different tradition in its legal, social and political norms, it was to be autonomous within a united Ukraine.[17] Furthermore, western Ukrainians retained their ownUkrainian Galician Army and government structure.[18] Despite the formal union, the Western Ukrainian Republic and the Ukrainian People's Republic fought in separate wars. The former was preoccupied with aconflict with Poland, while the latter struggled withSoviet andRussian forces.[17]
Relations between the western Ukrainian polity and the Kyiv-based Ukrainian People's Republic were at times strained. The leadership of the former tended to be more conservative in orientation.[19] Well-versed in the culture of the Austrian parliamentary system and an orderly approach to government, they looked upon thesocialist revolutionary attitude of their Kyiv-based peers with some dismay and with the concern that the social unrest in the East would spread to Galicia.[20] Likewise, the West Ukrainian troops were more disciplined while those of Kyiv'sUkrainian People's Army were more chaotic and prone to committing pogroms,[21] something actively opposed by the western Ukrainians.[22] The poor discipline in Kyiv's army and the insubordination of its officers shocked the Galician delegates sent to Kyiv.[20]
The national movement in western Ukraine was as strong as in other eastern European countries,[23] and the Ukrainian government was able to mobilize over 100,000 men, 40,000 of whom were battle-ready.[24] Despite the strength of the Ukrainian nationalist forces, they received little support and enthusiasm from the local Ukrainian population; in general, the attitude was often that of indifference, and the male Ukrainian population often tried to avoid service in its military.[25]
Interpretation of the coat of arms of the ZUNR from the diplomatic passport ofYevhen Petrushevych, issued by the Consulate inBratislava in 1923.
Part of the defeated army found refuge inCzechoslovakia and became known there under the nameUkrajinská brigáda (Czech).[citation needed] On 16 July 1919,[26] the remaining army consisting of about 50,000 soldiers,[citation needed] crossed into the territory of theUkrainian People's Republic and continued the struggle for Ukrainian independence there.
The same month, the Western Oblast established a government-in-exile in the city ofKamianets-Podilskyi.[27] Relations between the exiled West Ukrainian government and theKyiv-based government continued to deteriorate, in part because the Western Ukrainians saw the Poles as the main enemy (with the Russians a potential ally) whileSymon Petliura in Kyiv considered the Poles a potential ally against his Russian enemies. In response to theKyiv government's diplomatic talks with Poland, the Western Ukrainian government sent a delegation to theSoviet 12th Army, but ultimately rejected Soviet conditions for an alliance. In August 1919,Kost Levytsky, head of the Western Ukrainian state secretariat, proposed an alliance withAnton Denikin'sWhite Russians which would involve guaranteed autonomy within a Russian state. Western Ukrainian diplomats in Paris sought contact with Russian counterparts in that city.[28] The Russian Whites had mixed views of this proposed alliance. On the one hand, they were wary of the Galicians'Russophobia and concerned about the effect of such an alliance on their relationship with Poland. On the other hand, the Russians respected the discipline and training of the Galician soldiers and understood that an agreement with the Western Ukrainians would deprive Kyiv'sUkrainian People's Army, at war with the Russian Whites, of its best soldiers.[19] In November 1919 theUkrainian Galician Army, without authorization from their government, signed a ceasefire with the White Russians and placed their army under White Russian authority.
In talks withKyiv's Directorate government, Western Ukrainian presidentPetrushevych argued that the Whites would be defeated anyway but that the alliance with them would strengthen relations with the Western powers, who supported the Whites and would help the Ukrainian military forces for their later struggle against the victorious Soviets. Such arguments were condemned byPetliura. As a result, Petrushevych recognized that the West Ukrainian government could no longer work with Petliura's Directorate and on 15 November the West Ukrainian government left for exile in Vienna.[28] The Directorate informed Poland on 2 December that it had no interest in western Ukraine.[29] The West Ukrainian government-in-exile then "rejected the joint institutions" with the Directorate and on 20 December unilaterally repealed the Unification Act.[29][30] The exiled government resumed the name West Ukrainian People's Republic at the beginning of 1920.[29]
In 1918, theEntente countries sought to form a common anti-Bolshevik front, which was to include the Polish,White Russian, Romanian and Ukrainian armies. The outbreak ofPolish-Ukrainian hostilities in Lviv on 1 November thwarted these plans, so the Entente states began to press both the Poles and Galicians to seek a settlement and adopt the demarcation line proposed by the allied states.
On 19 January 1919, by the order of GeneralFranchet d'Esperey, a peacekeeping mission under the command of General Joseph Barthelemy arrived inKraków. Initially, the mission familiarised itself with the Polish position, which opted for theBug-Świca [pl] line. It then travelled to Lviv, meeting with the Ukrainian delegation. The Ukrainians opted for theSan line as a future demarcation line.
In this situation, General Barthelemy presented his compromise proposal on 28 January 1919. The armistice line was to run along the Bug River toKamionka Strumiłłowa, then along the border of the districts toBóbrka, then along the Bóbrka-Wybranka railway line, westwards toMikołajów (leaving Mikołajów itself on the Ukrainian side), then along the railway lineLviv-Stryi to the border of the disputed territory in theEastern Carpathians. TheStryi-Lavochne railway line was to remain in Ukrainian hands.[31] This was to be a temporary line, until the matter was settled by theParis Peace Conference.[32]
The Polish side accepted this solution,[33][34] but the Ukrainian delegation insisted on the 'San line'. As a result of the Ukrainian disapproval, the Entente delegation made another attempt at mediation. This was carried out by theInter-allied Commission for Poland [pl] subcommittee set up on 15 February 1919 and headed byJoseph Noulens. The sub-commission consisted of General Joseph Barthelemy (France) as chairman, ColonelAdrian Carton de Wiart (UK), Dr Robert Howard Lord (United States) and Major Giovanni Stabile (Italy).[35] The subcommittee presented a drafttruce convention on 15 February 1919. The truce, along the Barthelemy Line, was to be purely military and not affect the decisions of the Paris Peace Conference in any way. An integral part of the convention was to be a supplementary treaty concerning theBoryslav-Drohobychian Oil Basin [pl]. It was to remain on the Polish side of the truce line under the management of an international commission, with 50% of oil production to be transferred to the Ukrainian side. Poland and ZUNR were only to be able to record the volume of production and pay for oil supplies. The project secured Entente interests in the oil basin and was the first step towards its neutralisation. At the time of the proposal, the territory of the basin was under the control of theUkrainian Galician Army. For the West Ukrainian government, the terms of the Armistice Convention were unfavourable; however, they offered a chance to compromise with Poland and obtain international recognition of the Ukrainian state by the Entente.[36]
The commission succeeded in getting thearmistice treaty signed on 24 February 1919, and presented its proposals to the parties on 28 February, which was rejected by the West Ukrainian side. As a result of the failure to agree on the demarcation line, Polish-Ukrainian hostilities resumed on 2 March.
In April 1920,Józef Piłsudski andSymon Petliura agreed in theTreaty of Warsaw to a border on the riverZbruch, officially recognizing Polish control over the disputed territory of Eastern Galicia. In exchange for agreeing to a border along theZbruch River, recognizing the recent Polish territorial gains in western Ukraine, as well as the western portions ofVolhynian Governorate,Kholm Governorate, and other territories (Article II), Poland recognized the Ukrainian People's Republic as an independent state (Article I) with borders as defined by Articles II and III and underotaman Petliura's leadership.[37]
Neither the Polish government in Warsaw nor the exiled Western Ukrainian government agreed to this treaty.
The Western Ukrainians continued pressing their interests during the negotiations following World War I at theParis Peace Conference. These efforts ultimately resulted in the League of Nations declaring on 23 February 1921 that Galicia lay outside the territory of Poland, that Poland did not have the mandate to establish administrative control in that country, and that Poland was merely the occupying military power ofEastern Galicia, whose fate would be determined by theCouncil of Ambassadors at theLeague of Nations.
After a long series of further negotiations, on 14 March 1923 it was decided that eastern Galicia would be incorporated into Poland "taking into consideration that Poland has recognized that in regard to the eastern part of Galicia ethnographic conditions fully deserve its autonomous status."[38] The following day, the government of the West Ukrainian People's Republic disbanded.[39] The Polish government reneged on its promise of autonomy for eastern Galicia.[citation needed]
The Entente powers and the issue of Eastern Galicia
TheParis Peace Conference approved the provisional administration of theSecond Polish Republic on the territory ofEastern Galicia on 25 June 1919. TheEntente states and the bodies appointed by them (Council of Ambassadors,Council of the League of Nations) recognised Eastern Galicia as disputed territory not belonging to the Polish state until 14 March 1923, over whichsovereignty was to be exercised by the Entente states under thepeace treaty with Austria.[40] The Entente also never recognised the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. With regard to the territory of eastern Galicia, it attempted to introduce a makeshift solution, a long-lasting (25 years)mandate for Poland to administer Galicia, with the territory being granted the status ofautonomy. The expiry of the mandate period was to be followed by aplebiscite.[41] The political intention of the Entente states at the time was to preserve the territory of eastern Galicia forWhite Russia. Poland opposed these ideas, while at the same time pursuing a policy of establishing its own governance on the disputed territory, integrating it into the Polish state.[42]
Following the consolidation ofSoviet power in Russia and the restoration ofnon-Bolshevik Russia becoming unachievable, the Council of Ambassadors recognised thesovereignty of theSecond Polish Republic over the territory ofEastern Galicia on 15 March 1923, with the reservation that Poland introduce autonomous status for this territory, a surrogate for which was the Act on Provincial Self-Government of September 1922, stating in its very title the special character of the territory of Eastern Galicia within the Polish state.[43]
Following a decision by the Council of Ambassadors, the West Ukrainian government in exile led bySydir Holubovych inVienna dissolved on 15 March 1923, and most of its members returned to Poland, being actively involved in the political and social life of theUkrainian minority in the Second Polish Republic.
From 22 to 25 November elections took place in Ukrainian-controlled territory for the 150-member Ukrainian National Council that was to serve as the legislative body until the convention of aconstituent assembly.[44]Yevhen Petrushevych, the chairman of the Council and a former member of theAustro-Hungarian parliament, automatically became the Republic's president. Subordinated to him was theState Secretariat, whose members includedKost Levytsky (president of the secretariat and the Republic's minister of finance),Dmytro Vitovsky (head of the armed forces),Lonhyn Tsehelsky (secretary of internal affairs), andOleksander Barvinsky (secretary of education and religious affairs), among others.[45] The country essentially had a two-party political system, dominated by theUkrainian National Democrats and by its smaller rival, theUkrainian Radical Party. The ruling National Democrats gave some of their seats to minor parties in order to ensure that the government represented a broad national coalition.[46] In terms of the Ukrainian National Council's social background, 57.1% of its members came frompriestly families, 23.8% from peasant households, 4.8% from urban backgrounds, and 2.4% from thepetty nobility.[47] In terms of the identified council members' vocational background, approximately 30% were lawyers, 22% were teachers, 14% werefarmers, 13% were priests, and 5% were civil servants. Approximately 28% hadPhD's, mostly in law.[48]
The West Ukrainian People's Republic governed an area with a population of approximately 4 million people for much of its nine-month existence.Lviv functioned as the Republic's capital from 1 November until the loss of that city to Polish forces on 21 November, followed byTernopil until late December 1918 and then by Stanyslaviv (present-dayIvano-Frankivsk) until 26 May 1919.[46] Despite the war, the West Ukrainian People's Republic maintained the stability of the pre-war Austrian administration intact, employingUkrainian andPolish professionals. The boundaries of counties and communities remained the same as they had been during the time of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The county, regional, and local courts continued to function as they had while the country had been a part of Austria, as did schools, the postal service, telegraphs and railroads.[46] Austrian laws remained temporarily in force. Likewise, the government generally retained the Austrian system of tax collection, although war losses had impoverished the population and the amount of taxes collected was minimal. Most of the government's revenue came from the export of oil and salt.
Although ethnic Poles represented only a small minority in the rural areas, they dominated the urban areas and almost 39% of eastern Galician lands had been in the hands of large Polish landowners prior to World War I.[28] The Western Ukrainian People's Republic passed laws that confiscated vast manorial estates from private landlords and distributed this land to landless peasants. Other than in those limited cases, the right to private property was made fundamental and expropriation of lands was forbidden. This differentiated the policies of the West Ukrainian People's Republic from those of thesocialistic Kyiv-based Ukrainian government.[46]
The territory of the West Ukrainian People's Republic comprised 12 military districts, whose commanders were responsible for conscripting soldiers. The government was able to mobilize 100,000 soldiers in the spring of 1919, but due to a lack of military supplies, only 40,000 were battle-ready.
In general, the government of the West Ukrainian People's Republic was orderly and well-organized. This contrasted with the chaotic state of theUkrainian governments that arose on the territory of the former Russian Empire.
Policies towards national minorities and inter-ethnic relations
HistorianYaroslav Hrytsak stated that the Ukrainian nationalism that developed before the First World War in Austria was anti-Polish, but neither "very xenophobic" nor antisemitic.[50] In November 1918 a decision was made to include cabinet-level state secretaries of Polish, Jewish and German affairs.[17] According to Hrytsak during the entire time of its existence there were no cases of mass repressions against national minorities in territories held by the West Ukrainian People's Republic, Hrytsak states that this differentiated the Ukrainian government from that of Poland.[46] Katarzyna Hibel writes that while officially West Ukrainian People's Republic like Poland declared guarantees of rights of its national minorities, in reality, both countries were violating them and treated other foreign nationalities likefifth column.[51] On 15 February 1919 a law was passed that madeUkrainian thestate language. According to this law, however, members of national minorities had the right to communicate with the government in their own languages.
Polish historian Rafał Galuba writes that Polish population was treated as second class citizens by West Ukrainian authorities.[52] After 1 November, several members of Polish associations were arrested or interned by Ukrainian authorities; a similar fate awaited officials who refused to swear an oath of loyalty to Ukrainian state.[53] On 6 November, a ban on Polish press and publications was issued in Lviv by Ukrainian authorities and printing presses demolished.[54] (Poles had similarly banned Ukrainian publications in territories they controlled).[55] Ukrainian authorities tried to intimidate Polish population in Lviv by sending soldiers and armed trucks into the streets and dispersed crowds that could turn to Polish demonstrations.[56] Christoph Mick states that initially, the Ukrainian government refused to take Polish hostages[57] but as both the Polish civilian and military resistance to Ukrainian forces grew, Polish civilians were threatened withsummary executions by Ukrainian commander in chief for alleged attacks and shots on Ukrainian soldiers. In response, the Polish side proposed a peaceful solution of the conflict and joint Polish-Ukrainian militia to oversee the public safety in the city.[57]
InZolochiv, 17 Poles were executed by the Ukrainian authorities.[58] InBriukhovychi, Polish railwaymen who refused to comply with Ukrainian orders to work were executed.[59]
On 29 May 1919, the archbishop Józef Bilczewski sent a message toIgnacy Paderewski attending the Peace Conference in Paris, asking for help and alleging the brutal murders of Polish priests and civilians by the Ukrainians.[60]
Many Poles didn't support the Ukrainian authorities and set up an underground resistance movement that engaged in acts of sabotage.[55] All fieldwork was stopped, the harvest destroyed and machinery purposely broken; Poles also issued to keep up the morale among the population. In response, Ukrainian authorities engaged in terror, including mass executions, court martial and set up detention centers where some Poles were interned.[61] The conditions in these camps involved unheated wooden barracks, lack of bedding and lack of medical care, resulting in high levels of morbidity fromtyphoid. Estimated casualties at these camps include nearly 900 at a camp inKosiv, according to various sources from 300 to 600 (dying from typhoid) in Mykulyntsi, 100 in Kolomyia, and 16 to 40 inBerezhany, due to unheated barracks at temperatures of −20 °C. Cases of robbing, beating, torturing or shooting of Polish prisoners were reported.[62]
According to the historian Christopher Mick, the Ukrainian government in general treated the Polish population under its control no worse than the Polish government treated the Ukrainians under its control,[55] writing that Ukrainian authorities didn't treat the Polish population "gently" and that Ukrainian authorities mirrored Polish authorities by making speaking in Polish unwelcome.[63] Mick acknowledges that Ukrainian side during the siege of Lviv stopped caring about supplies reaching the city and attempted to disrupt water supply to city. Its fierce artillery fire killed many civilians, including women and children.[55]
In a report that he submitted to the Polish Foreign Ministry in early 1920, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of LvivJózef Bilczewski stated that the anti-Polish violence under Ukrainian governance was widespread and organised by the government, rather than being spontaneous. He headed a rescue committee that provided food to the poorest, and along with the Greek Catholic MetropolitanAndrey Sheptytsky he tried to negotiate a peace between the Polish and Ukrainian populace.[12]
Although relations between Poles and the West Ukrainian People's Republic were antagonistic, those between the Republic and its Jewish citizens was generally neutral or positive. Deep-seated rivalries existed between the Jewish and Polish communities, and anti-Semitism, particularly supported by thePolish National Democratic Party, became a feature of Polish national ideology. As a result, many[quantify] Jews came to considerPolish independence as the least desirable option following the First World War. In contrast to the antagonistic position taken by Polish authorities towards Jews, the Ukrainian government actively supported Jewish cultural and political autonomy as a way of promoting its own legitimacy.
The Western Ukrainian government guaranteed Jewish cultural and national autonomy, provided Jewish communities with self-governing status, and promoted the formation of Jewish national councils which, with the approval of the Western Ukrainian government, established the Central Jewish National Council in December 1918 to represent Jewish interests in relation to the Ukrainian government and to the Western allies.[64] The Council of Ministers of the West Ukrainian National Republic boughtYiddish-language textbooks and visual aids for Jewish schools and provided assistance to Jewish victims of thePolish pogrom in Lviv. The Ukrainian press maintained a friendly attitude towards the West Ukrainian Republic's Jewish citizens. Their Hebrew and Yiddish schools, cultural institutions and publishers were allowed to function without interference.[64]
Reflecting the republic's demographics, approximately one-third of the seats in the national parliament were reserved for the national minorities (Poles, Jews, Slovaks and others). The Poles boycotted the elections, while the Jews, despite declaring their neutrality in the Polish-Ukrainian conflict, participated and were represented by approximately 10 percent of the delegates. Localized anti-Jewish assaults and robberies by Ukrainian peasants and soldiers, while far fewer in number and less brutal than similar actions by Poles, occurred between January and April 1919. The government publicly condemned such actions and intervened in defence of the Jewish community, imprisoning and even executing perpetrators of such crimes.[64] The government also respected Jewish declared neutrality during the Polish-Ukrainian conflict. By the orders ofYevhen Petrushevych it was forbidden to mobilize Jews against their will or to otherwise force them to contribute to the Ukrainian military effort.[22] In an effort to aid Western Ukraine's economy, the Western Ukrainian government granted concessions to Jewish merchants.[64]
The West Ukrainian government's friendly attitude towards Jews was reciprocated by many members of the Jewish community. Although Jewish political organizations officially declared their neutrality in the Polish-Ukrainian struggle, many individual Jews offered their support or sympathized with the West Ukrainian government in its conflict with Poland. Jewish officers of the defunct Austro-Hungarian army joined the West Ukrainian military, and Jewish judges, lawyers, doctors and railroad employees joined the West Ukrainian civil service.[65] From November 1918, ethnic Poles in the civil service who refused to pledge loyalty to the West Ukrainian government either quiten masse or were fired; their positions were filled by large numbers of Jews who were willing to support the Ukrainian state. Jews served as judges and legal consultants in the courts inTernopil,Stanyslaviv, andKolomyia.[64] Jews were also able to create their own police units,[66] and in some locations the Ukrainian government gave local Jewish militias responsibility for the maintenance of security and order. In the regions ofSambir andRadekhiv approximately a third of the police force was Jewish.[64] Jews fielded their own battalion in thearmy of the Western Ukrainian National Republic,[67] and Jewish youths worked as scouts for the West Ukrainian military.[64] Most of the Jews cooperating with and serving in the West Ukrainian military wereZionists.[48] In general, Jews made up the largest group of non-ethnic Ukrainians who participated in all branches of the West Ukrainian government.[64]
The liberal attitude taken towards Jews by the Western Ukrainian government could be attributed[by whom?] to the Habsburg tradition of inter-ethnic tolerance and cooperation leaving its mark on the intelligentsia and military officers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.[64] The friendly attitude towards Jews that the Galician Ukrainians had was in stark contrast to theDirectorate of Ukraine, which enjoyed no sympathy amongst the Jewish population.
The republic did not have its own currency, but rather used theAustro-Hungarian crown. After the act of unification with the Ukrainian People's Republic, the banknotes in circulation were overprinted with nominals in theUkrainian hryvnia.
Along with these official issues, some cities printed their local contingency banknotes (Notgeld) since 1914.
^Klapchuk, Volodymyr & Klapchuk, Mykhailo & Pozdniakov, Oleksandr & Novosolov, Oleksandr. (2019). Administrative-territorial division and population dynamics in Galicia during the second half of the 19th century - the first third of the 20th century. Skhid. 17-24. 10.21847/1728-9343.2019.2(160).164762.
^Piotr Eberhardt.Ethnic groups and population changes in twentieth-century Central-Eastern Europe: history, data, analysis. M.E. Sharpe, 2003. pp.92–93.ISBN978-0-7656-0665-5
^Timothy Snyder. (2003).The Reconstruction of Nations. New Haven: Yale University Press, p. 134
^Moklak, Jarosław (2012).The Lemko Region in the Second Polish Republic Political and Interdenominational Issues(PDF). Kraków: Jagiellonian University Press. pp. 15–16.ISBN9788323387947.The political fate of the western Lemko region took a different direction. The political involvement of Lemkos in Gorlice, Grybów, Jasło, and Nowy Sącz were influenced to a considerably higher degree than in the eastern region by Austro-Hungarian repressions and the ensuing legend of Thalerhof, which fostered the spread of anti-Ukrainian attitudes. Those feelings also led to the rise of the Florynka Republic.
^abcdPalij, Michael (1995).The Ukrainian-Polish defensive alliance, 1919–1921: an aspect of the Ukrainian revolution. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at University of Alberta. pp. 48–58.
^abAnna Procyk. (1995).Russian nationalism and Ukraine: the nationality policy of the volunteer army during the Civil War. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at the University of Alberta, pp. 134–144.
^abPeter J. Potichnyj. (1992).Ukraine and Russia in their historical encounter. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, University of Alberta pg. 148: Dr.Lonhyn Tsehelsky, the western Ukrainian negotiator with the Kyiv government and primary author of the Union between the West Ukrainian Republic and the Kyiv-based Ukrainian People's Republic, expressed shock at the actions of the "rabble" (holota) when the Ukrainian People's Republic came to power.
^Andrew Wilson (1997).Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s: a minority faith. Cambridge University Press pg. 13
^abMyroslav Shkandrij (2009).Jews in Ukrainian literature: representation and identity. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 94–95
^Rafał Galuba, "Let us be judged by sword and blood ...". Konflikt polsko-ukraiński o Galicję Wschodnią w latach 1918-1919, Poznań 2004,ISBN83-7177-281-5 p.99.
^Władysław Pobóg-Malinowski,Najnowsza historia polityczna Polski vol. II 1914-1939, first national edition, Gdańsk 1990, published by Oficyna wydawnicza Graf,ISBN83-85130-29-2, pp.300-302.
^"According to a member of the Ukrainian delegation in Lviv, Dr.Michael Lozynsky the French representative on the commission, warned the Ukrainians that their military advantage could disappear quickly once General Haller's Polish Army arrived from France." John Stephen Reshetar.The Ukrainian Revolution, 1917–1920: A Study of Nationalism. Princeton University Press. 1952. pp. 273, 176.
^Subcommittee for the Suspension of Arms on the Front of the Polish-Ukrainian Struggle in Eastern Galicia' was formed on 15 February 1919. Chairman: Joseph Barthélemy. Members: Robert Howard Lord (United States), ColonelAdrian Carton de Wiart (UK), Major Giovanni Stabile (Italy) The sub-commission was to bring about the cessation of thePolish-Ukrainian War, so that theParis Peace Conference could settle the nationality ofEastern Galicia. The position ofJoseph Noulens prevailed in the Inter-Socialist Commission for Poland, which advocated the purely military nature of possible agreements with the West Ukrainian People's Republic, without prejudging any political issues. Indeed,Esme Howard advocated linking the possible agreement with WUNR to the promise of recognitionUkrainian People's Republic (of which WUNR was formally a part after theUnification Act) by theEntenteHoward's proposal was not supported by a majority of the Commission. Rafał Galuba,"Let us be judged by sword and blood ...". Konflikt polsko-ukraiński o Galicję Wschodnią w latach 1918-1919, Poznań 2004,ISBN83-7177-281-5 p. 108.
^Rafał Galuba, "Let us be judged by sword and blood ...". Konflikt polsko-ukraiński o Galicję Wschodnią w latach 1918-1919, Poznań 2004,ISBN83-7177-281-5 pp.101-102.
^Lytvyn, Mykola Romanovych; Rubliov, Oleksandr Serhiyovych (2005). Smoliy, V.A. (ed.).Західноукраїнська Народна Республіка (ЗУНР) [West Ukrainian People's Republic (WUPR)].Енциклопедія історії України (in Ukrainian). Vol. 3.Naukova Dumka. Retrieved23 May 2021.{{cite encyclopedia}}:|trans-website= ignored (help)
^"Under pressure from the United Kingdom, the Council of the League of Nations adopted on 23 February 1921. a resolution stating that: (1)The provisions of the Peace Conference on the rights of national minoritiescannot be applied to East Galicia because it lies outside the Polish border; (2) The provisions on the execution of mandates and the control of the League of Nations over mandataries cannot be applied to East Galicia becausePoland has not been given a mandate, but only the right to administer this land; (3) Nor can the principles of the Hague Convention be applied to this case, because at the time when that Convention was signed, Poland as a state did not exist; (4)...Poland is only the de facto military occupier of Galicia, the sovereign being the Entente States (Art. 91 of the Treaty of Saint Germain-en-Laye) and therefore the Council of the League of Nations decides to submit the demands of the Galicians concerning the legal position of East Galicia and the future of that country to theCouncil of Ambassadors. Raphael Galuba,Let us be judged by sword and blood.... Konflikt polsko-ukraiński o Galicję Wschodnią w latach 1918-1919, Poznań 2004,ISBN83-7177-281-5, p. 284.
^With regard to the area of eastern Galicia, the major powers opted for the so-called Mandate Concept on 20 November 1919. Poland would be given a mandate for East Galicia for twenty-five years, after which its further fate would be decided by the League of Nations. The matter did not continue. Poland exercised (with the exception of the period of the Soviet offensive in the summer of 1920) administrative functions in the area. This was attempted to be countered by the exiled Cabinet ofYevhen Petrushevich His policy was not changed by the statement of the Council of Ambassadors on 12 July 1921 not to recognise the ZURL government as representing East Galicia. Karol Grünberg, Bolesław Sprenger,Difficult Neighbourhood, Warsaw 2005, pp. 264-265.
^Rafał Galuba,Let us be judged by sword and blood.... Konflikt polsko-ukraiński o Galicję Wschodnią w latach 1918-1919, Poznań 2004,ISBN83-7177-281-5, pp. 285-286.
^'In view of the fact that it has been recognised by Poland that, as regards the eastern part of Galicia, the ethnographic conditions make autonomous regime necessary'. - the official Polish text of the decision of the Conference of Ambassadors appearing in the Polish Journal of Laws of 20 April 1923 (Journal of Laws - 1923/49/333),Odbudowa państwowości polskiej. Most important documents 1912-1924 edited by Kazimierz W. Kumaniecki, Warsaw-Krakow 1924, p. 676 ('Considerant qu'il est reconnu par la Pologne, qu'en ce qui concerne la partie orientale de la Galicie, les conditions ethnographiques necessitent un regime d'autonomie'. - French text).
^Енциклопедія українознавства. Словникова частина (ЕУ-II). Vol. 3. 1994. p. 1112.
^abChristoph Mick. (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914–1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, pg. 177–184
^Bandera – romantyczny terrorysta "Bandera – Romantic Terrorist, interview with Jarosław Hrycak.Gazeta Wyborcza, May 10, 2008. Hrytsak, a history professor atCentral European University states: "Before the First World War Ukrainian nationalism under Austrian rule was neither very xenophobic nor aggressive. It was anti-Polish, which was understandable, but not antisemitic."
^"Wojna na mapy" – "wojna na słowa". Onomastyczne i międzykulturowe aspekty polityki językowej II Rzeczpospolitej w stosunku do mniejszości ukraińskiej w Galicji Wschodniej w okresie międzywojennym page 106 Katarzyna Hibel LIT Verlag 2014
^„Niech nas rozsądzi miecz i krew”...Konflikt polsko-ukraiński o Galicję Wschodnią w latach 1918–1919, Poznań 2004,ISBN83-7177-281-5, pages 145–146, 159–160
^Wojna polsko-ukraińska 1918–1919: działania bojowe, aspekty polityczne, kalendarium Grzegorz Łukomski, Czesław Partacz, Bogusław Polak Wydawn. Wyższej Szkoły Inżynierskiej w Koszalinie; Warszawa, 1994 page 95-96
^Spór o Galicję Wschodnią 1914–1923 Ludwik Mroczka. Wydawnictwo Naukowe WSP, January 1998 page 102
^abcdChristoph Mick. (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914–1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, pg. 175
^Lwów 1918–1919 Michał Klimecki Dom Wydawniczy Bellona, 1998, page 99
^abChristoph Mick. (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914–1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, pg. 150
^Konflikt polsko-ukraiński w prasie Polski Zachodniej w latach 1918–1923 Marek Figura Wydawn. Poznańskie, page 120, 2001
^Wojna polsko-ukraińska 1918–1919: działania bojowe, aspekty polityczne, kalendarium Grzegorz Łukomski, Czesław Partacz, Bogusław Polak Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Inżynierskiej w Koszalinie; Warszawa, 1994 – 285 page 96Kiedy w Brzuchowicach kolejarze polscy odmówili pracy, zostali rozstrzelani
^Udział duchowieństwa w polskim życiu politycznym w latach 1914–1924 page 300 Michał Piela RW KUL, 1994 – 359
^Czesław Partacz – Wojna polsko-ukraińska o Lwów i Galicję Wschodnią 1918–1919 Przemyskie Zapiski Historyczne – Studia i materiały poświęcone historii Polski Południowo-Wschodniej. 2006–09 R. XVI-XVII (2010) page 70
^Galuba, Rafał (2004).Polish-Ukrainian conflict of Eastern Galicia in 1918–1919. Poznan.ISBN83-7177-281-5.Let the sword and the blood judge us...{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^Christoph Mick. (2015). Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, 1914–1947: Violence and Ethnicity in a Contested City. West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, pg. 180
^abcdefghiAlexander Victor Prusin. (2005).Nationalizing a Borderland: War, ethnicity, and anti-Jewish violence in Eastern Galicia, 1914–1920. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, pp.97–101.
^Alexander V. Prusin. (2010).The Lands Between: Conflict in the East European Borderlands, 1870–1992. Oxford: Oxford University Press pg. 93
^Aharon Weiss. (1990).Jewish-Ukrainian Relations During the Holocaust. In Peter J. Potichnyj, Howard Aster (eds.)Ukrainian-Jewish relations in historical perspective. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, pp.409–420.
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