Primarily aguerrilla force at its inception, the Partisans developed into a large fighting force engaging inconventional warfare later in the war, numbering around 650,000 in late 1944 and organized in fourfield armies and 52divisions. The main stated objectives of the Partisans were the liberation of Yugoslav lands from occupying forces and the establishment of a communist-ruled Yugoslav state.
The Partisans were organized on the initiative of Tito following theAxis invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941, and began an active guerrilla campaign against occupying forces afterGermany invaded the Soviet Union in June. Alarge-scale uprising was launched in July, later joined byDraža Mihailović'sChetniks; this led to the creation of the short-livedRepublic of Užice. The Axis mounted aseries of offensives in response but failed to completely destroy the highly mobile Partisans and their leadership. By late 1943, the Allies had shifted their support from Mihailović to Tito as the extent of Chetnik collaboration became evident, and the Partisans received official recognition at theTehran Conference. In Autumn 1944, the Partisans and the SovietRed Army liberatedBelgrade following theBelgrade Offensive. By the end of the war, the Partisans had gained control of the entire country as well asTrieste andCarinthia. After the war, the Partisans were reorganized into theregular armed force of the newly establishedFederal People's Republic of Yugoslavia.
The objectives of the rival resistance movement, theChetniks, were the retention of theYugoslav monarchy, ensuring the safety of ethnicSerb populations,[20][21] and the establishment of aGreater Serbia[22] through theethnic cleansing of non-Serbs from territories they considered rightfully and historically Serbian.[23][24][25][26] Relations between the two movements were uneasy from the start, but from October 1941 they degenerated into full-scale conflict. To the Chetniks, Tito's pan-ethnic policies seemed anti-Serbian, whereas the Chetniks'royalism was anathema to the communists.[10] In the early part of the war Partisan forces were predominantly composed of Serbs. In that period names of Muslim and Croat commanders of Partisan forces had to be changed to protect them from their predominantly Serb colleagues.[27]
After the German retreat forced by the Soviet-Bulgarian offensive in Serbia, North Macedonia, and Kosovo in the autumn of 1944, the conscription of Serbs, Macedonians, and Kosovar Albanians increased significantly. By late 1944, the total forces of the Partisans numbered 650,000 men and women organized in fourfield armies and 52divisions, which engaged inconventional warfare.[28] By April 1945, the Partisans numbered over 800,000.
The movement was consistently referred to as the "Partisans" throughout the war. However, due to frequent changes in size and structural reorganizations, the Partisans throughout their history held four full official names (translated here fromSerbo-Croatian to English):
National Liberation Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia[note 4] (June 1941 – January 1942)
National Liberation Partisan and Volunteer Army of Yugoslavia[note 5] (January – November 1942)
National Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia (November 1942 – February 1945). Increasingly from November 1942, the Partisan military as a whole was often referred to simply as theNational Liberation Army (Narodnooslobodilačka vojska, NOV), whereas the term "Partisans" acquired a wider sense in referring to the entire resistance faction (including, for example, theAVNOJ).
Yugoslav Army[note 6] – on 1 March 1945, the National Liberation Army was transformed into the regular armed forces of Yugoslavia and renamed accordingly.
The movement was originally named National Liberation Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia (Narodnooslobodilački partizanski odredi Jugoslavije, NOPOJ) and held that name from June 1941 to January 1942. Because of this, their short name became simply the "Partisans" (capitalized), and stuck henceforward (the adjective "Yugoslav" is used sometimes in exclusively non-Yugoslav sources to distinguish them from otherpartisan movements).
Between January 1942 and November 1942, the movement's full official name was briefly National Liberation Partisan and Volunteer Army of Yugoslavia (Narodnooslobodilačka partizanska i dobrovoljačka vojska Jugoslavije, NOP i DVJ). The changes were meant to reflect the movement's character as a "volunteer army".
In November 1942, the movement was renamed into the National Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia (Narodnooslobodilačka vojska i partizanski odredi Jugoslavije, NOV i POJ), a name which it held until the end of the war. This last official name is the full name most associated with the Partisans, and reflects the fact that the proletarian brigades and other mobile units were organized into the National Liberation Army (Narodnooslobodilačka vojska). The name change also reflects the fact that the latter superseded in importance the partisan detachments themselves.
Shortly before the end of the war, in March 1945, all resistance forces were reorganized into the regular armed force of Yugoslavia and renamed Yugoslav Army. It would keep this name until 1951, when it was renamed theYugoslav People's Army.
On 6 April 1941, theKingdom of Yugoslavia wasinvaded from all sides by the Axis powers, primarily byGerman forces, but also including Italian, Hungarian and Bulgarian formations. During the invasion,Belgrade was bombed by theLuftwaffe. The invasion lasted little more than ten days, ending with the unconditional surrender of theRoyal Yugoslav Army on 17 April. Besides being hopelessly ill-equipped when compared to theWehrmacht, the Army attempted to defend all borders but only managed to thinly spread the limited resources available.[29]
The occupying forces instituted such severe burdens on the local populace that the Partisans came not only to enjoy widespread support but for many were the only option for survival. Early in the occupation, German forces would hang or shoot indiscriminately, including women, children and the elderly, up to 100 local inhabitants for every one German soldier killed.[35] While these measures for suppressing communist-led resistance were issued in all German-occupied territory, they were only strictly enforced in Serbia.[36] Two of the most significant atrocities by the German forces were themassacre of 2,000 civilians in Kraljevo and3,000 in Kragujevac. The formula of 100 hostages shot for every German soldier killed and 50 hostages shot for every wounded German soldier was cut in one-half in February 1943 and removed altogether in the fall of that same year.[36]
Furthermore, Yugoslavia experienced a breakdown of law and order, with collaborationist militias roaming the countryside terrorizing the population. The government of the puppet Independent State of Croatia found itself unable to control its territory in the early stages of the occupation, resulting in a severe crackdown by theUstaše militias and the German army.[citation needed]
Amid the relative chaos that ensued, theCommunist Party of Yugoslavia moved to organize and unite anti-fascist factions and political forces into a nationwide uprising. The party, led byJosip Broz Tito, was banned after its significant success in the post-World War I Yugoslav elections and operated underground since. Tito, however, could not act openly without the backing of theUSSR, and as theMolotov–Ribbentrop pact was still in force, he was compelled to wait.[37][38][39]
During the April invasion of Yugoslavia, the leadership of the Communist Party was inZagreb, together with Josip Broz Tito. After a month, they left forBelgrade. While theMolotov–Ribbentrop Pact between Germany and the Soviet Union was in effect, the communists refrained from open conflict with the new regime of theIndependent State of Croatia. In these first two months of occupation, they extended their underground network and began amassing weapons.[40] In early May 1941, a so-calledMay consultations of Communist Party officials from across the country, who sought to organize the resistance against the occupiers, was held in Zagreb. In June 1941, a meeting of the Central Committee of KPJ was also held, at which it was decided to start preparations for the uprising.[41]
The extent of support for the Partisan movement varied according to region and nationality, reflecting the existential concerns of the local population and authorities. The first Partisan uprising occurred in Croatia on 22 June 1941, when forty Croatian communists staged an uprising in the Brezovica woods between Sisak and Zagreb, forming the1st Sisak Partisan Detachment.[43]
Sixteen blindfolded Partisan youth await execution by German forces inSmederevska Palanka, 20 August 1941
The first Zagreb-Sesvete partisan group was formed inDubrava in July 1941. In August 1941, 7 Partisan Detachments were formed inDalmatia with the role of spreading the uprising. On 26 August 1941, 21 members of the1st Split Partisan Detachment were executed by firing squad after being captured by Italian and Ustaše forces.[44][45] A number of other partisan units were formed in the summer of 1941, including inMoslavina andKalnik. An uprising occurred in Serbia during the summer, led by Tito, when theRepublic of Užice was created, but it was defeated by the Axis forces by December 1941, and support for the Partisans in Serbia thereafter dropped.
It was a different story for Serbs in Axis occupied Croatia who turned to the multi-ethnic Partisans, or the Serb royalist Chetniks.[46] The journalistTim Judah notes that in the early stage of the war the initial preponderance of Serbs in the Partisans meant in effect a Serbian civil war had broken out.[47] A similar civil war existed within the Croatian national corpus with the competing national narratives provided by the Ustaše and Partisans.
In the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the cause of Serb rebellion was the Ustaše policy ofgenocide, deportations, forced conversions and mass killings of Serbs,[48] as was the case elsewhere in the NDH.[49][50] Resistance to communist leadership of the anti-Ustasha rebellion among the Serbs from Bosnia also developed in the form of the Chetnik movement and autonomous bands which were under command of Dragoljub Mihailović.[51] Whereas the Partisans under Serb leadership were open to members of various nationalities, those in the Chetniks were hostile to Muslims and exclusively Serbian. The uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina started by Serbs in many places were acts of retaliation against the Muslims, with thousands of them killed.[52] A rebellion began inJune 1941 in Herzegovina.[50] On 27 July 1941, a Partisan-led uprising began in the area ofDrvar andBosansko Grahovo.[48] It was a coordinated effort from both sides of theUna River in the territory of southeasternLika and southwestern Bosanska, and succeeded in transferring key NDH territory under rebel control.[53]
On 10 August in Stanulović, a mountain village, the Partisans formed the Kopaonik Partisan Detachment Headquarters. The area they controlled, consisting of nearby villages, was called the "Miners Republic" and lasted 42 days. The resistance fighters formally joined the ranks of the Partisans later on.
At the September 1941Stolice conference, the unified namepartisans and thered star as an identification symbol were adopted for all fighters led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.
In 1941, Partisan forces in Serbia and Montenegro had around 55,000 fighters, but only 4,500 succeeded to escape to Bosnia.[54] On 21 December 1941 they formed the1st Proletarian Assault Brigade (1. Proleterska Udarna Brigada) – the first regular Partisan military unit, capable of operating outside its local area. In 1942 Partisan detachments officially merged into the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia (NOV i POJ) with an estimated 236,000 soldiers in December 1942.[55]
Partisan numbers from Serbia would be diminished until 1943 when the Partisan movement gained upswing by spreading the fight against the axis.[56] Increase of number of Partisans in Serbia, similarly to other republics, came partly in response to Tito's offer of amnesty to all collaborators on 17 August 1944. At that point tens of thousands of Chetniks switched sides to the Partisans.[citation needed] The amnesty would be offered again after German withdrawal from Belgrade on 21 November 1944 and on 15 January 1945.[57]
Territory under control of the Communist Party in Yugoslavia (Liberated Territory), May 1943
By the middle of 1943 partisan resistance to the Germans and their allies had grown from the dimensions of a mere nuisance to those of a major factor in the general situation. In many parts of occupied Europe the enemy was suffering losses at the hands of partisans that he could ill afford. Nowhere were these losses heavier than in Yugoslavia.[58]
The Partisans staged aguerrilla campaign which enjoyed gradually increased levels of success and support of the general populace, and succeeded in controlling large chunks of Yugoslav territory. These were managed via the "People's committees", organized to act as civilian governments in areas of the country controlled by the communists, even limited arms industries were set up. At the very beginning, Partisan forces were relatively small, poorly armed and without any infrastructure. They had two major advantages over other military and paramilitary formations in former Yugoslavia:
A small but valuable cadre ofYugoslav volunteers in the Spanish Civil War who, unlike anyone else at the time, had experience with modern war fought in circumstances quite similar to those of World War II Yugoslavia
They were founded on ideology rather thanethnicity, which meant the Partisans could expect at least some levels of support in any corner of the country, unlike other paramilitary formations whose support was limited to territories with Croat or Serb majorities. This allowed their units to be more mobile and fill their ranks with a larger pool of potential recruits.
Occupying andquisling forces, however, were quite aware of the Partisan threat, and attempted to destroy the resistance in what Yugoslav historiographers defined as seven major enemy offensives. These are:
TheFirst Enemy Offensive, the attack conducted by the Axis in autumn of 1941 against the "Republic of Užice", a liberated territory the Partisans established in westernSerbia. In November 1941,German troops attacked and reoccupied this territory, with the majority of Partisan forces escaping towardsBosnia.[59] It was during this offensive that tenuous collaboration between the Partisans and the royalistChetnik movement broke down and turned into open hostility.[60]
TheSecond Enemy Offensive, the coordinated Axis attack conducted in January 1942 against Partisan forces in easternBosnia. The Partisan troops once again avoided encirclement and were forced to retreat overIgman mountain nearSarajevo.[61]
TheThird Enemy Offensive, an offensive against Partisan forces in eastern Bosnia,Montenegro,Sandžak andHerzegovina which took place in the spring of 1942. It was known asOperation TRIO by the Germans, and again ended with a timely Partisan escape.[62] This attack is mistakenly identified by some sources as theBattle of Kozara, which took place in the summer of 1942.[citation needed]
TheFourth Enemy Offensive, against "Republic of Bihać", also known as the Battle of the Neretva orFall Weiss (Case White), a conflict spanning the area between westernBosnia and northernHerzegovina, and culminating in the Partisan retreat over theNeretva river. It took place from January to April 1943.[63]
TheFifth Enemy Offensive, also known as the Battle of the Sutjeska orFall Schwarz (Case Black). The operation immediately followed the Fourth Offensive and included a complete encirclement of Partisan forces in southeastern Bosnia and northern Montenegro in May and June 1943.[citation needed]
TheSeventh Enemy Offensive, the final attack in western Bosnia in the second quarter of 1944, which includedOperation Rösselsprung (Knight's Leap), an unsuccessful attempt to eliminateTito and annihilate the leadership of the Partisan movement.
It was the nature of partisan resistance that operations against it must either eliminate it altogether or leave it potentially stronger than before. This had been shown by the sequel to each of the previous five offensives from which, one after another, the partisan brigades and divisions had emerged stronger in experience and armament than they had been before, with the backing of a population which had come to see no alternative to resistance but death, imprisonment, or starvation. There could be no half-measures; the Germans left nothing behind them but a trail of ruin. What in other circumstances might possibly have remained the purely ideological war that reactionaries abroad said it was (and German propaganda did their utmost to support them) became a war for national preservation. So clear was this that no room was left for provincialism; Serbs and Croats and Slovenes, Macedonians, Bosnians, Christian and Moslem, Orthodox and Catholic, sank their differences in the sheer desperation of striving to remain alive.[64]
Partisans operated as a regular army that remained highly mobile across occupied Yugoslavia. Partisan units engaged in overt acts of resistance which led to significant reprisals against civilians by Axis forces.[65] The killing of civilians discouraged the Chetniks from carrying out overt resistance, however the Partisans were not fazed and continued overt resistance which disrupted Axis forces, but led to significant civilian casualties.[66]
A Royal Air ForceHalifax bomber of148 Squadron, loaded with parachute canisters containing supplies for the Yugoslav Partisans (1944–1945)
Later in the conflict the Partisans were able to win the moral, as well as limited material support of the westernAllies, who until then had supported GeneralDraža Mihailović's Chetnik Forces, but were finally convinced of their collaboration fighting by many military missions dispatched to both sides during the course of the war.[67]
To gatherintelligence, agents of the western Allies were infiltrated into both the Partisans and the Chetniks. The intelligence gathered by liaisons to the resistance groups was crucial to the success of supply missions and was the primary influence on Allied strategy inYugoslavia. The search for intelligence ultimately resulted in the demise of theChetniks and their eclipse by Tito's Partisans. In 1942, although supplies were limited, token support was sent equally to each. The new year would bring a change. The Germans were executingOperation Schwarz (the Fifth anti-Partisan offensive), one of a series of offensives aimed at the resistance fighters, whenF.W.D. Deakin was sent by the British to gather information.[citation needed] On April 13, 1941, Winston Churchill sent his greetings to the Yugoslav people. In his greeting he stated:
You are making a heroic resistance against formidable odds and in doing so you are proving true to your great traditions. Serbs, we know you. You were our allies in the last war and your armies are covered with glory. Croats and Slovenes, we know your military history. For centuries you were the bulwark of Christianity. Your fame as warriors spread far and wide on the Continent. One of the finest incidents in the history of Croatia is the one when, in the 16th Century, long before the French Revolution, the peasants rose to defend the rights of man, and fought for those principles which centuries later gave the world democracy. Yugoslavs, you are fighting for those principles today. The British Empire is fighting with you, and behind us is the great democracy of the U.S.A., with its vast and ever-increasing resources. However hard the fight, our victory is assured.[64][68]
His reports contained two important observations. The first was that the Partisans were courageous and aggressive in battling the German1st Mountain and 104th Light Division, had suffered significant casualties, and required support. The second observation was that the entire German 1st Mountain Division had traveled from Russia by railway through Chetnik-controlled territory. British intercepts (ULTRA) of German message traffic confirmed Chetnik timidity. All in all, intelligence reports resulted in increased Allied interest in Yugoslavia air operations and shifted policy. In September 1943, at Churchill's request, Brigadier GeneralFitzroy Maclean was parachuted to Tito's headquarters near Drvar to serve as a permanent, formal liaison to the Partisans. While the Chetniks were still occasionally supplied, the Partisans received the bulk of all future support.[69]
Thus, after theTehran Conference the Partisans received official recognition as the legitimate national liberation force by the Allies, who subsequently set up theRAFBalkan Air Force (under the influence and suggestion of Brigadier-General Fitzroy Maclean) with the aim to provide increased supplies and tactical air support for Tito's Partisan forces. During a meeting withFranklin D. Roosevelt and theCombined Chiefs of Staff of 24 November 1943,Winston Churchill pointed out that:
It was a lamentable fact that virtually no supplies had been conveyed by sea to the 222,000 followers of Tito. ... These stalwarts were holding as many Germans in Yugoslavia as the combined Anglo-American forces were holding in Italy south of Rome. The Germans had been thrown into some confusion after the collapse of Italy and the Patriots had gained control of large stretches of the coast. We had not, however, seized the opportunity. The Germans had recovered and were driving the Partisans out bit by bit. The main reason for this was the artificial line of responsibility which ran through the Balkans. (... ) Considering that the Partisans had given us such a generous measure of assistance at almost no cost to ourselves, it was of high importance to ensure that their resistance was maintained and not allowed to flag.
A Partisan woman fighter in occupied Yugoslavia7th Vojvodina Brigade entering liberatedNovi Sad, 1944
The partisan army had long since grown into a regular fighting formation comparable to the armies of other small States, and infinitely superior to most of them, and especially to the pre-war Jugoslav army, in tactical skill, fieldcraft, leadership, fighting spirit and fire-power.[71]
With Allied air support (Operation Flotsam) and assistance from theRed Army, in the second half of 1944 the Partisans turned their attention to Serbia, which had seen relatively little fighting since the fall of the Republic of Užice in 1941. On 20 October, the Red Army and the Partisans liberatedBelgrade in a joint operation known as theBelgrade Offensive. At the onset of winter, the Partisans effectively controlled the entire eastern half of Yugoslavia – Serbia,Vardar Macedonia andMontenegro, as well as theDalmatian coast.[citation needed]
TheAxis invasion led to the division of Yugoslavia between the Axis powers and theIndependent State of Croatia. The largest part of Serbia was organized into theTerritory of the Military Commander in Serbia and as such it was the only example of military regime in occupied Europe.[73] The Military Committee of theProvincial Committee of the Communist Party for Serbia was formed in mid-May 1941. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia arrived in Belgrade in late May, and this was of great importance for the development of the resistance in Yugoslavia. After their arrival, the Central Committee held conferences with local party officials. The decision for preparing the struggle in Serbia issued on June 23, 1941 at the meeting of the Provincial Committee for Serbia. On July 5, a Communist Party proclamation appeared that called upon the Serbian people to struggle against the invaders. Western Serbia was chosen as the base of theuprising, which later spread to other parts of Serbia. Ashort-lived republic was created in the liberated west, the first liberated territory in Europe. The uprising was suppressed by German forces by 29 November 1941. TheMain National Liberation Committee for Serbia is believed to have been founded in Užice on 17 November 1941. It was the body of the Partisan resistance in Serbian territory.
Serbian Partisan detachments entered Bosnian territory after theOperation Uzice which saw theSerbian uprising quelled. The Bosnian Partisans were heavily reduced duringOperation Trio (1942) on the resistance in eastern Bosnia.[citation needed]
Aside from ground forces, the Yugoslav Partisans were the onlyresistance movement in occupied Europe to employ significant air and naval forces.[citation needed]
Naval forces of the resistance were formed as early as 19 September 1942, when Partisans inDalmatia formed their first naval unit made of fishing boats, which gradually evolved into a force able to engage theItalian Navy andKriegsmarine and conduct complex amphibious operations. This event is considered to be the foundation of theYugoslav Navy. At its peak during World War II, the Yugoslav Partisans' Navy commanded 9 or 10 armed ships, 30 patrol boats, close to 200 support ships, six coastal batteries, and several Partisan detachments on the islands, around 3,000 men.[citation needed] Their main base was the small port ofPodgora, which was bombarded several times by Italian naval forces.[74] On 26 October 1943, it was organized first into four, and later into six, Maritime Coastal Sectors (Pomorsko Obalni Sektor, POS). The task of the naval forces was to secure supremacy at sea, organize defense of coast and islands, and attack enemy sea traffic and forces on the islands and along the coasts.[citation needed]
The Partisans gained an effective air force in May 1942, when the pilots of two aircraft belonging to theAir Force of the Independent State of Croatia (French-designed and Yugoslav-builtPotez 25, andBreguet 19biplanes, themselves formerly of theRoyal Yugoslav Air Force),Franjo Kluz andRudi Čajavec, defected to the Partisans in Bosnia.[75] Later, these pilots used their aircraft against Axis forces in limited operations. Although short-lived due to a lack of infrastructure, this was the first instance of a resistance movement having its own air force. Later, the air force would be re-established and destroyed several times until its permanent institution. The Partisans later established a permanent air force by obtaining aircraft, equipment, and training from captured Axis aircraft, the BritishRoyal Air Force (seeBAF), and later theSoviet Air Force.[citation needed]
Soldiers of the 4th Montenegrin Proletarian Brigade
Yugoslav Partisans were predominantly Serb in composition into 1943.[76][27] Also, it should be kept in mind that until the middle of the war the Partisans were in control of relatively large liberated areas only in parts of Bosnia.[76] Over the entirety of the war according to the records of recipients of Partisan pensions from 1977, the ethnic composition of the Partisans was 53.0% Serb, 18.6% Croat, 9.2% Slovene, 5.5% Montenegrin, 3.5% Bosnian Muslim, and 2.7% Macedonian.[77][78] Much of the remainder of the NOP's membership was made up of Albanians, Hungarians and those self-identifying as Yugoslavs.[77][79][80] At the moment of the capitulation of Italy to the Allies, the Serbs and Croats were participating equally according to their respective population sizes in Yugoslavia as a whole.[81] According to Tito, by May 1944, the ethnic composition of the Partisans was 44% Serb, 30% Croat, 10% Slovene, 5% Montenegrin, 2.5% Macedonian and 2.5% Bosnian Muslim.[82] Italians were also in the army: more than 40,000 Italian fighters were in several military formations such as9th Corps (Yugoslav Partisans),Partisan Battalion Pino Budicin,Partisan Division "Garibaldi" andDivision Italia (Yugoslavia) later and others.[83][84]Following the Soviet-Bulgarian offensive in Serbia and North Macedonia in the autumn of 1944, mass Partisan conscription of Serbs, Macedonians and eventually Kosovo Albanians increased. The number of Serbian Partisan brigades went up from 28 in June 1944 to 60 by the end of the year. In regional terms, the Partisan movement was therefore disproportionately west Yugoslav, particularly from Croatia, while until the autumn of 1944, Serbia's contribution was disproportionately small.[85] During 1941 until September 1943 from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina 1,064 of Jews joined the Partisans, and largest part of Jews joined the Partisans after the capitulation of Italy in 1943. At the end of the war, 2,339 of Jewish Partisans from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina survived while 804 were killed.[86] Most of the Jews who joined the Yugoslav Partisans were from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to Romano this number is 4,572; 1,318 of them were killed.[87]
According to the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum,
In partitioned Yugoslavia, partisan resistance developed among the Slovenes in German-annexed Slovenia, engaging mostly in small-scale sabotage. In Serbia, a cetnik resistance organization developed under a former Yugoslav Army Colonel, Draža Mihailovic. After a disastrous defeat in an uprising in June 1941, this organization tended to withdraw from confrontation with the Axis occupying forces. The communist-dominated Partisan organization under the leadership of Josef Tito was a multi-ethnic resistance force – including Serbs, Croats, Montenegrins, Bosniaks, Jews, and Slovenes. Based primarily in Bosnia and northwestern Serbia, Tito's Partisans fought the Germans and Italians most consistently and played a major role in driving the German forces out of Yugoslavia in 1945.[88]
By April 1945, there were some 800,000 soldiers in the Partisan army. Composition by region (ethnicity is not taken into account) from late 1941 to late 1944 was as follows:[89]
According to Fabijan Trgo in the summer of 1944 the National Liberation Army had about 350,000 soldiers in 39 divisions, which were grouped into 12 Corps. In September 1944 about 100,000 soldiers in 17 divisions were ready to enter the final phase of the battle for the liberation of Serbia, overall in all Yugoslav areas the National Liberation Army had about 400,000 armed soldiers. That is, 15 corps, i.e. 50 divisions, 2 operational groups, 16 independent brigades, 130 partisan detachments, the navy and the first aviation formations. At the beginning of 1945, the number of soldiers was about 600,000. On March 1, the Yugoslav Army had more than 800,000 soldiers, grouped in 63 divisions.[93]
The Chetniks were a mainly Serb-oriented group and their Serb nationalism resulted in an inability to recruit or appeal to many non-Serbs. The Partisans played down communism in favour of aPopular Front approach which appealed to all Yugoslavs. In Bosnia, the Partisan rallying cry was for a country which was to be neither Serbian nor Croatian nor Muslim, but instead to be free and brotherly in which full equality of all groups would be ensured.[94] Nevertheless, Serbs remained the dominant ethnic group in the Yugoslav Partisans throughout the war.[95][96] Italian collaboration with Chetniks in northern Dalmatia resulted in atrocities which further galvanized support for the Partisans among Dalmatian Croats. Chetnik attacks onGata, nearSplit, resulted in the slaughter of some 200 Croatian civilians.[97]
In particular, Mussolini's policy of forcedItalianization ensured the first significant number of Croats joining the Partisans in late 1941. In other areas, recruitment of Croats was hindered by some Serbs' tendency to view the organisation as exclusively Serb, rejecting non-Serb members and raiding the villages of their Croat neighbours.[46] A group of Jewish youths from Sarajevo attempted to join a Partisan detachment in Kalinovnik, but the Serbian Partisans turned them back to Sarajevo, where many were captured by the Axis forces and perished.[98] Attacks from CroatianUstaše on the Serbian population was considered to be one of the important reasons for the rise of guerrilla activities, thus aiding an ever-growing Partisan resistance.[99] Following the capitulation of Italy and subsequentBelgrade Offensive, many members of the Ustaše joined the partisans.[100]
At the beginning of the war, the dominant Serb composition of the Partisan rank and file and alliance with the Chetniks, who were engaged in atrocities and killing of Croat and Muslim civilians, forced Croats and Muslims not to join the Bosnian Partisans.[101] Until early 1942, the Partisans in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who were almost exclusively Serbs, cooperated closely with the Chetniks, and some Partisans in eastern Herzegovina and western Bosnia refused to accept Muslims into their ranks. For many Muslims, the behavior of these Serb Partisans towards them meant that there was little difference for them between the Partisans and Chetniks. However, in some areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina the Partisans were successful in attracting both Muslims and Croats from the beginning, notably in theKozara Mountain area in north-west Bosnia and theRomanija Mountain area near Sarajevo. In the Kozara area, Muslims and Croats made up 25 percent of Partisan strength by the end of 1941.[102]
According to Hoare, by late 1943, 70% of the Partisans in Bosnia and Herzegovina were Serb and 30% were Croat and Muslim.[103] At the end of 1977, Bosnian recipients of war pensions were 64.1% Serb, 23% Muslim, and 8.8% Croat.[104]
In 1941–42, the majority of Partisans in Croatia were Serbs. However, by October 1943, the majority were Croats. This change was partly due to the decision of a keyCroatian Peasant Party member,Božidar Magovac, to join the Partisans in June 1943, and partly due to the surrender of Italy.[105] At the moment of the capitulation of Italy to the Allies the Serbs and Croats were participating equally according to their respective population sizes in Yugoslavia as a whole.[81] According to Goldstein, among Croatian partisans at the end of 1941, 77% were Serbs and 21.5% were Croats, and others as well as unknown nationalities. The percentage of Croats in the Partisans had increased to 32% by August 1942, and 34% by September 1943. After the capitulation of Italy, it increased further. At the end of 1944 there were 60.4% Croats, 28.6% Serbs and 11% of other nationalities (2.8% Muslims, Slovenes, Montenegrins, Italians, Hungarians, Czechs, Jews and Germans) in Croatian partisan units.[82][106] According toIvo Banac, the Croatian Partisan movement in the second half of 1944 had about 150,000 combatants under arms, while 100,070 were in operative units where Croats numbered 60,703 (60.7%), Serbs 24,528 (24.5%), Slovenes 5,113 (5.1%), and others.[107] The Serb contribution to Croatian Partisans represented more than their proportion of the local population.[46][108][109][110]
Croatian Partisans were integral to overall Yugoslav Partisans with ethnic Croats in prominent positions in the movement since the very beginning of the war; According to some researchers writing during 1990s, like Cohen, by the end of 1943, Croatia proper, with 24% of the Yugoslav population, provided more Partisans than Serbia, Montenegro, Slovenia and Macedonia combined (though not more than Bosnia and Herzegovina).[46] In early 1943 Partisans took steps to establishZAVNOH (National Anti-Fascist Council of the People's Liberation of Croatia) to act as a parliamentary body for all of Croatia – the only one of its kind in occupied Europe. ZAVNOH held three plenary sessions during the war in areas which remained surrounded by Axis troops. At its fourth and last session, held on 24–25 July 1945 in Zagreb, ZAVNOH proclaimed itself as the Croatian Parliament orSabor.[111]
By the end of 1941 in the territory of the NDH, Serbs comprised approximately one-third of the population but about 95% of all Partisans.[112] This numerical dominance lessened later, but until 1943 Serbs formed a majority of Partisans in Croatia (including Dalmatia).[112] Territories in Croatia proper with a substantial number of Serb inhabitants (Lika, Banija, Kordun) formed the most important source of manpower for the Partisans.[85] In May 1941 the Ustasha regime ceded northern Dalmatia to Fascist Italy, which caused increasingly massive support for the Partisans among the Croats of Dalmatia. In other parts of Croatia Croat support toward the Partisans gradually increased due to Ustasha and Axis violence and misrule, but much more slowly than in Dalmatia.[81] There were only 1,492 Partisans from Serbia out of the 22,148 Partisans of Tito's Main Operational Group (Serbo-Croatian:Glavna operativna grupa) at the Battle of the River Sutjeska in June 1943, and 8,925 were from Croatia (of which 5,195 were from Dalmatia), but in ethnic terms, 11,851 were Serbs beside 5,220 Croats.[81] At the end of 1943 all 13 Dalmatian Partisan brigades had a Croat majority, but among the 25 Partisan brigades from Croatian proper (without Dalmatia) only 7 had a Croat majority (17 had a Serb majority and one had a Czech majority).[81] According to historiansTvrtko Jakovina andDavor Marijan the main reason for massive participation of Croats in Battle of the Sutjeska in June 1943 was ongoing terror of Italian fascists.[113]
According to Tito, one-quarter ofZagreb's population (i.e. more than 50,000 citizens) participated in the Partisan struggle during which over 20,000 of them were killed (half of them as active fighters).[114] As Partisan combatants 4,709 citizens of Zagreb were killed while 15,129 were killed in Ustasha and Nazi prisons and concentration camps, and another 6,500 were killed during anti-insurgency operations.[85]
In the final offensive for the liberation of Yugoslavia, from Croatia was engaged 165,000 soldiers mostly for the liberation of Croatia. On Croatian territory after 30 November 1944 in combat with the enemy participated 5 corps, 15 divisions, 54 brigades and 35 Partisan detachments, a total of 121,341 soldiers (117,112 men and 4239 woman) which at the end of 1944 made up about third of the entire armed forces of the National Liberation Army. At the same time, on the territory of Croatia there was 340,000 of German soldiers, 150,000 of Ustasha and Home Guard soldiers while the Chetniks at beginning of 1945 withdrew towards Slovenia. According to the ethnic composition of Partisans, most were Croats 73,327 or 60.4%, followed by Serbs 34,753 or 28.6%, Muslims 3,316 or 2.8%, Jews 284 or 0.3% and Slovenes, Montenegrins and others with 9,671 or 8.0%, (number of Partisans and ethnic composition does not include 9 brigades which were engaged outside of Croatia).[115]
By the end of September 1941, 24 detachments have been established with approximately 14,000 soldiers.[116] By the end of 1943, 97 Partisan brigades existed overall, while in the eastern parts of Yugoslavia (Vojvodina, Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo and Macedonia) 18 Partisan brigades existed.[117] In Serbia during the spring and summer of 1944, many Chetnik deserters and prisoners joined Partisans units.[118]When the Soviets liberated Serbia at the end of 1944, mass Partisan mobilization of Serbians, Macedonians and eventually Kosovo Albanians began, which led to a balanced geographical contribution between the eastern and western Yugoslav Partisan movements. Serbia's contribution to the Partisan movement prior to the autumn of 1944 was disproportionately small.[119] At the end of September 1944, Serbia had about 70,000 soldiers under the command of theMain Staff of Serbia of which in the 13th Corps were about 30,000 soldiers, in the 14th Corps 32,463 soldiers and in the 2nd Proletarian Division 4,600 soldiers.[120]
During World War II, Slovenia was in a unique situation in Europe. Only Greece shared its experience of being trisected; however, Slovenia was the only country that experienced a further step – absorption and annexation into neighboringNazi Germany, FascistItaly, andHungary.[121] As the very existence of the Slovene nation was threatened, the Slovene support for the Partisan movement was much more solid than in Croatia or Serbia.[104] An emphasis on the defence of ethnic identity was shown by naming the troops after important Slovene poets and writers, following the example of theIvan Cankar battalion.[122]
At the very beginning, the Partisan forces were small, poorly armed and without any infrastructure. However, the Spanish Civil War veterans amongst them had some experience withguerrilla warfare. The Partisan movement in Slovenia functioned as the military arm of theLiberation Front of the Slovene Nation, an Anti-Fascist resistance platform established in theProvince of Ljubljana on 26 April 1941, which originally consisted of multiple groups of left wing orientation, most notable being Communist Party and Christian Socialists. During the course of the war, the influence of theCommunist Party of Slovenia started to grow, until its supremacy was officially sanctioned in theDolomiti Declaration of 1 March 1943.[123] Some of the members of Liberation Front and partisans were ex-members of theTIGR resistance movement.
Representatives of all political groups in Liberation Front participated in Supreme Plenum of Liberation Front, which led the resistance efforts in Slovenia. Supreme Plenum was active until 3 October 1943 when, at theAssembly of the Slovenian Nation's Delegates in Kočevje, the 120-member Liberation Front Plenum was elected as the supreme body of the Slovenian Liberation Front. The plenum also functioned as Slovenian National Liberation Committee, the supreme authority in Slovenia. Some historians consider the Kočevje Assembly to be the first Slovene elected parliament and Slovene Partisans as its representatives also participated on2nd session of the AVNOJ and were instrumental in adding the self-determination clause to the resolution on the establishment of a new federal Yugoslavia. The Liberation Front Plenum was renamed theSlovenian National Liberation Council at the conference in Črnomelj on 19 February 1944 and transformed into the Slovenian parliament.[citation needed]
The Slovene Partisans retained their specific organizational structure andSlovene language as the commanding language until the last months of World War II, when their language was removed as the commanding language. From 1942 till after 1944, they wore theTriglavka cap, which was then gradually replaced with theTitovka cap as part of their uniform.[124] In March 1945, the Slovene Partisan Units were officially merged with theYugoslav Army and thus ceased to exist as a separate formation.[citation needed]
The partisan activities in Slovenia started in 1941 and were independent of Tito's partisans in the south. In autumn 1942, Tito attempted for the first time to control the Slovene resistance movement.Arso Jovanović, a leading Yugoslav communist who was sent from Tito's Supreme Command of Yugoslav partisan resistance, ended his mission to establish central control over the Slovene partisans unsuccessfully in April 1943. The merger of the Slovene Partisans with Tito's forces happened in 1944.[125][126]
In December 1943,Franja Partisan Hospital was built in difficult and rugged terrain, only a few hours from Austria and the central parts of Germany. The partisans broadcast their own radio program calledRadio Kričač, the location of which never became known to occupying forces, although the receiver antennas from the local population had been confiscated.[citation needed]
Despite their success, the Partisans suffered heavy casualties throughout the war. The table depicts Partisan losses, 7 July 1941 – 16 May 1945:[108][109][110]
1941
1942
1943
1944
1945
Total
Killed in action
18,896
24,700
48,378
80,650
72,925
245,549
Wounded in action
29,300
31,200
61,730
147,650
130,000
399,880
Died from wounds
3,127
4,194
7,923
8,066
7,800
31,200
Missing in action
3,800
6,300
5,423
5,600
7,800
28,925
According toIvo Goldstein, 82,000 Serbs and 42,000 Croats were killed on NDH territory as partisan combatants.[127]
The Partisans were responsible for the successful and sustained evacuation of downed Allied airmen from the Balkans. For example, between 1 January and 15 October 1944, according to statistics compiled by the US Air Force Air Crew Rescue Unit, 1,152 American airmen were airlifted from Yugoslavia, 795 with Partisan assistance and 356 with the help of the Chetniks.[128] Yugoslav Partisans in Slovene territory rescued 303 American airmen, 389 British airmen and prisoners of war, and 120 French and other prisoners of war and slave laborers.[129]
The Partisans also assisted hundreds of Allied soldiers who succeeded in escaping from German POW camps (mostly in southern Austria) throughout the war, but especially from 1943 to 1945. These were transported across Slovenia, from where many were airlifted fromSemič, while others made the longer overland trek down through Croatia for a boat passage toBari in Italy. In the spring of 1944, the British military mission in Slovenia reported that there was a "steady, slow trickle" of escapes from these camps. They were being assisted by local civilians, and on contacting Partisans on the general line of the RiverDrava, they were able to make their way to safety with Partisan guides.[citation needed]
A total of 132 Allied prisoners of war were rescued from the Germans by the Partisans in a single operation in August 1944 in what is known as theRaid at Ožbalt. In June 1944, the Allied escape organization began to take an active interest in assisting prisoners from camps in southern Austria and evacuating them through Yugoslavia. A post of the Allied mission in northernSlovenia had found that atOžbalt, just on the Austrian side of the border, about 50 km (31 mi) fromMaribor, there was a poorly guarded working camp from which a raid bySlovene Partisans could free all the prisoners. Over 100 POWs were transported fromStalag XVIII-D atMaribor to Ožbalt each morning to do railway maintenance work, and returned to their quarters in the evening. Contact was made between Partisans and the prisoners with the result that at the end of August a group of seven slipped away past a sleeping guard at 15:00, and at 21:00 the men were celebrating with the Partisans in a village, 8 km (5.0 mi) away on the Yugoslav side of the border.[130]
The seven escapees arranged with the Partisans for the rest of the camp to be freed the following day. Next morning, the seven returned with about a hundred Partisans to await the arrival of the work-party by the usual train. As soon as work had begun the Partisans, to quote a New Zealand eye-witness, "swooped down the hillside and disarmed the eighteen guards". In a short time prisoners, guards, and civilian overseers were being escorted along the route used by the first seven prisoners the previous evening. At the first headquarters camp reached, details were taken of the total of 132 escaped prisoners for transmission by radio to England. Progress along the evacuation route south was difficult, as German patrols were very active. A night ambush by one such patrol caused the loss of two prisoners and two of the escort. Eventually they reachedSemič, inWhite Carniola, Slovenia, which was a Partisan base catering for POWs. They were flown across toBari on 21 September 1944 from the airport ofOtok nearGradac.[130]
SFR Yugoslavia was one of only two European countries that were largely liberated by its own forces during World War II. It received significant assistance from the Soviet Union during theliberation of Serbia, and substantial assistance from theBalkan Air Force from mid-1944, but only limited assistance, mainly from the British, prior to 1944. At the end of the war no foreign troops were stationed on its soil. Partly as a result, the country found itself halfway between the two camps at the onset of theCold War.
In 1947–48, the Soviet Union attempted to command obedience from Yugoslavia, primarily on issues of foreign policy, which resulted in theTito–Stalin split and almost ignited an armed conflict. A period of very coldrelations with the Soviet Union followed, during which the U.S. and the UK considered courting Yugoslavia into the newly formedNATO. This however changed in 1953 with the Trieste crisis, a tense dispute between Yugoslavia and the Western Allies over the eventual Yugoslav-Italian border (seeFree Territory of Trieste), and with Yugoslav-Soviet reconciliation in 1956. This ambivalent position at the start of the Cold War matured into thenon-aligned foreign policy which Yugoslavia actively espoused until its dissolution.
TheBleiburg repatriations of retreating columns of theArmed Forces of the Independent State of Croatia,Chetnik andSlovene Home Guard troops, thousands of civilians heading or retreating towards Austria to surrender to western Allied forces, resulted in mass executions with tens of thousands of victims.[133]: 281 The "foibe massacres" draw their name from the "foibe" pits in which Croatian Partisans of the8th Dalmatian Corps (often along with groups of angry civilian locals) shot Italian fascists, and suspected collaborationists and/or separatists. According to a mixed Slovene-Italian historical commission[134] established in 1993, which investigated only on what happened in places included in present-day Italy and Slovenia, the killings seemed to proceed from endeavors to remove persons linked with fascism (regardless of their personal responsibility), and endeavors to carry out mass executions of real, potential or only alleged opponents of the communist government. The1944–1945 killings in Bačka were similar in nature and entailed the killing of suspected Hungarian, German and Serbian fascists, and their suspected affiliates, without regard to their personal responsibility. During this purge, a large number of civilians from the associated ethnic group were also killed.[135][page needed]
The Partisans did not have an official agenda of liquidating their enemies and their cardinal ideal was the "brotherhood and unity" of all Yugoslav nations (the phrase became the motto for the new Yugoslavia). The country suffered between 900,000 and 1,150,000 civilian and military dead during the Axis occupation.[136] Between 80,000 and 100,000 people were killed in the partisan purges and at least 30,000 people were killed in the Bleiburg killings, according to Marcus Tanner in his work,Croatia: a Nation Forged in War.[full citation needed]
This chapter of Partisan history was a taboo subject for conversation in theSFR Yugoslavia until the late 1980s, and as a result, decades of official silence created a reaction in the form of numerous data manipulation for nationalist propaganda purposes.[137]
The first small arms for the Partisans were acquired from the defeatedRoyal Yugoslav Army, like theM24 Mauser rifle. Throughout the war the Partisans used any weapons they could find, mostly weapons captured from theGermans,Italians,Army of the NDH,Ustaše and theChetniks, such as theKarabiner 98k rifle,MP 40 submachine gun,MG 34 machine gun,Carcano rifle and carbine, andBeretta submachine gun. The other way that the Partisans acquired weapons was from supplies given to them by theSoviet Union and the United Kingdom, including thePPSh-41 and theSten MKII submachine guns respectively. Additionally, Partisan workshops created their own weapons modelled on factory-made weapons already in use, including the so-called "Partisan rifle" and the anti-tank "Partisan mortar".
The Yugoslav Partisans mobilized many women.[139] The Yugoslav National Liberation Movement claimed 6,000,000 civilian supporters; its two million women formed theAntifascist Front of Women (AFŽ), in which the revolutionary coexisted with the traditional. The AFŽ managed schools, hospitals and even local governments. About 100,000 women served with 600,000 men in Tito's Yugoslav National Liberation Army. It stressed its dedication to women's rights and gender equality and used the imagery of traditional folklore heroines to attract and legitimize thepartizanka (pl.partizanke; Partisan Woman).[139][140] Members included figures such asJudita Alargić.[141]
After the war, traditional gender roles were reinstated, but Yugoslavia is unique as its historians paid extensive attention to women's roles in the resistance, until the country broke up in the 1990s. Then the memory of the women soldiers faded away.[142][143]
Despite social changes commemorative tributes to the Partisan struggle are still observed throughout the formerYugoslavia, and are attended by veteran associations, descendants,yugo-nostalgics,Titoists,leftists and sympathisers.[152][153]
The successor branches of the former Association of War Veterans of the People's Liberation War (SUBNOR), represent Partisan veterans in each republic and lobby against political and legal rehabilitation of war collaborators, along with efforts to renamed streets and public squares. These organisation's also maintain monuments and memorials dedicated to thePeople's Liberation War andanti-fascism in each respective nation.[154][155][156][157]
^Serbo-Croatian:Narodnooslobodilačka vojska i partizanski odredi Jugoslavije (NOV i POJ),Народноослободилачка војска и партизански одреди Југославије (НОВ и ПОЈ);Macedonian:Народноослободителна војска и партизански одреди на Југославија (НОВ и ПОЈ);Slovene:Narodnoosvobodilna vojska in partizanski odredi Jugoslavije (NOV in POJ)
^Serbo-Croatian:Narodnooslobodilačka vojska (NOV),Народноослободилачка војска (НОВ);Macedonian:Народноослободителна војска (НОВ);Slovene:Narodnoosvobodilna vojska (NOV)
^Serbo-Croatian:Narodnooslobodilački partizanski odredi Jugoslavije (NOPOJ),Народноослободилачки партизански одреди Југославије (НОПОЈ);Macedonian:Народноослободителни партизански одреди на Југославија (НПОЈ);Slovene:Narodnoosvobodilni partizanski odredi Jugoslavije (NOPOJ)
^Serbo-Croatian:Narodnooslobodilačka partizanska i dobrovoljačka vojska Jugoslavije (NOP i DVJ),Народноослободилачка партизанска и добровољачка војска Југославије (НОП и ДВЈ);Macedonian:Народноослободителна партизанска и волонтерска војска на Југославија (НОП и ВВЈ);Slovene:Narodnoosvobodilna partizanska in prostovoljna vojska Jugoslavije (NOP in PVJ)
^Serbo-Croatian:Jugoslavenska armija (JA),Југословенска армија (ЈА);Macedonian:Југословенска армија (ЈА);Slovene:Jugoslovanska Armada (JA)
^Banac 1996, p. 43: "From the summer of 1941, the Chetniks increasingly gained control over Serb insurgents and carried out gruesome crimes against Muslims of eastern Bosnia-Herzegovina. Massacres of Muslims, usually by cutting the throats of the victims and tossing the bodies into various water-ways, occurred especially in eastern Bosnia, in Foča, Goražde, Čajniče, Rogatica, Višegrad, Vlasenica, Srebrenica, all in the basin of the Drina river, but also in eastern Herzegovina, where individual villages resisted Serb encirclement with ferocious determination until 1942. Chetnik documents – for example the minutes of the Chetnik conference in Javorine, district of Kotor Varoš, in June 1942 – speak of a determination to 'cleanse Bosnia of everything that is not Serb'. It is difficult to estimate the number of Muslim victims of this original ethnic cleansing, but it can be counted in the tens of thousands."
^Johnson, Chalmers A. (1962).Peasant Nationalism and Communist Power. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. p. 166.
^Beloff, Nora (2019).Tito's Flawed Legacy: Yugoslavia and the West since 1939. New York: Routledge.
^Swain, Geoffrey R. (1989). "Tito: The Formation of a Disloyal Bolshevik".International Review of Social History.34 (2): 249, 261.doi:10.1017/S0020859000009251.
^Davor Marijan,The May Deliberations of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2003, pp. 325–331,ISBN953-6324-35-0
^Higgins, Trumbull (1966).Hitler and Russia. The Macmillan Company. pp. 11–59,98–151.
^abAlonso, Miguel; Kramer, Alan (2019).Fascist Warfare, 1922–1945: Aggression, Occupation, Annihilation. Springer Nature. p. 253.ISBN978-3-03027-648-5.Through ethnic cleansing, the Ustasha Corps and the irregular 'wild Ustashe' groups murdered over 100,000 Serbs in the countryside by the end of summer 1941. The pogroms of the 'wild Ustashe' were the main cause for the eruption of large-scale rebellion against the Ustasha regime.
^Lenard J Cohen, Paul V Warwick (1983)Political Cohesion In A Fragile Mosaic: The Yugoslav Experience p. 64; Avalon Publishing, the University of Michigan;ISBN0865319677
^Goldstein.Serbs and Croats in the national liberation war in Croatia. , p. 266–267.
^Ivo Banac; (1992)The Fearful Asymmetry of War: The Causes and Consequences of Yugoslavia's Demise p. 154; MIT Press on behalf of American Academy of Arts & Sciences,doi:10.2307/20025437
^Institut za historiju radničkog pokreta Hrvatske (Institute for the History of the Croatian Workers' Movement) (1982)Zbornik sjećanja Zagreb 1941–1945 (Speech by President Tito on the occasion of the handover of the Order of the People's Hero to Zagreb, "Borba", September 1975) p. 6;[2]
^Nikola Anić; (1985)Oružane snage NOP-a Hrvatske u vrijeme njezina oslobođenja potkraj 1944. i na početku 1945. godine pp. 103–104, 136–138;Vojno istorijski institut (Military History Institute), Beograd, Časopis za suvremenu povijest, Vol. 17, No. 1,[3]
^Milan Radanović;(2015) Kazna i zločin: Snage kolaboracije u Srbiji: odgovornost za ratne zločine (1941–1944) i vojni gubici(in Serbian) p. 205, Rosa Luxemburg StiftungISBN8688745153
^abcdefThomas, Nigel; Abbott, Peter (1983). Windrow, Martin (ed.).Partisan Warfare 1941-45. Men-at-Arms. Hong Kong: Osprey Publishing.ISBN0-85045-513-8.
^Jancar, Barbara (1981). "Women in the Yugoslav National Liberation Movement: An Overview".Studies in Comparative Communism.14 (2):143–164.doi:10.1016/0039-3592(81)90004-1.
^Drapac, Vesna (2009). "Resistance and the Politics of Daily Life in Hitler's Europe: The Case of Yugoslavia in a Comparative Perspective".Aspasia.3:55–78.doi:10.3167/asp.2009.030104.
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