Yoweri Kaguta Museveni Tibuhaburwa[a] (born 15 September 1944) is a Ugandan politician,dictator[3][4][5] and former military officer who has served as the ninthpresident of Uganda since 1986.
As president, Museveni suppressed theUgandan insurgency and oversaw involvement in theRwandan Civil War and theFirst Congo War. He ordered an intervention against theLord's Resistance Army in an effort to halt theirinsurgency. His rule has been described by scholars ascompetitive authoritarianism, orilliberal democracy. The press has been under the authority of government. His presidency has been characterized by relative economic success and, in its later period, an upsurge inanti-gay activity alongside numerous constitutional amendments, like the scrapping of presidential term limits in 2005 and age limits in 2017.[7][8][9]
Museveni is estimated to have been born on 15 September 1944[13] to parents Mzee Amos Kaguta (1916–2013), a cattle keeper, and Esteri Kokundeka Nganzi (1918–2001), in Ntungamo. He is an ethnic Hima of the kingdom ofMpororo (now part ofAnkole).[14][15]
According toJulius Nyerere, Museveni's father, Amos Kaguta, was a soldier in theKing's African Rifles' 7th battalion during World War II. When Yoweri was born, relatives used to say, "His father was a mu-seven" (meaning "in the seventh"). This is how he obtained the name Museveni.[16]
The exile forces opposed toIdi Amininvaded Uganda fromTanzania in September 1972 and were repelled.[19][20][21][22] In October, Tanzania and Uganda signed the Mogadishu Agreement that denied the rebels the use of Tanzanian soil for aggression against Uganda.[23] Museveni broke away from the mainstream opposition and formed theFront for National Salvation (FRONASA) in 1973.[19] In August of the same year, he marriedJanet Kainembabazi.[24]
In course of these operations, he alternatively spent time at the frontlines and inTanzania. While in Tanzania, he discussed the cooperation of various anti-Amin rebel groups as well as the political future of Uganda with Tanzanian politicians and other Ugandan opposition figures such as Obote. He played a significant part in the Moshi Conference which led to the unification of the opposition as theUganda National Liberation Front (UNLF).Yusuf Lule was appointed as UNLF chairman and the potential President ofUganda after Amin's overthrow. Museveni felt dissatisfied with the results of the conference, believing that he and his followers were not granted enough representation.[28]
With the overthrow of Amin in 1979 and the contested election that returnedMilton Obote to power in 1980, Museveni returned to Uganda with his supporters to gather strength in their rural strongholds in the Bantu-dominated south and south-west to form thePopular Resistance Army (PRA). They planned a rebellion against the second Obote regime (Obote II) and its armed forces, theUganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). The insurgency began with an attack on an army installation in the centralMubende district on 6 February 1981. The PRA later merged with former presidentYusufu Lule's fighting group, theUganda Freedom Fighters, to create theNational Resistance Army (NRA) with its political wing, theNational Resistance Movement (NRM). Two other rebel groups, theUganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) and the Former Uganda National Army (FUNA), engaged Obote's forces. The FUNA was formed in theWest Nile sub-region from the remnants of Amin's supporters.[29]
The NRA/NRM developed a "Ten-point Programme" for an eventual government, covering: democracy; security; consolidation of national unity; defending national independence; building an independent, integrated, and self-sustaining economy; improvement of social services; elimination of corruption and misuse of power; redressing inequality; cooperation with other African countries; and amixed economy.[30]
On 27 July 1985, sub factionalism within theUganda People's Congress government led to a successfulmilitary coup against Obote by his former army commander, Lieutenant-GeneralTito Okello, an Acholi. Museveni and the NRM/NRA were angry that the revolution for which they had fought for four years had been "hijacked" by the UNLA, which they viewed as having been discredited by grosshuman rights violations during Obote II.[32]
Despite these reservations, the NRM/NRA eventually agreed to peace talks presided over by a Kenyan delegation headed by PresidentDaniel arap Moi. The talks, which lasted from 26 August to 17 December, were notoriously acrimonious and the resultant ceasefire broke down almost immediately. The final agreement, signed in Nairobi, called for a ceasefire, demilitarization ofKampala, integration of the NRA and government forces, and absorption of the NRA leadership into the Military Council.[33] These conditions were never met.[citation needed]
While involved in the peace negotiations, Museveni was courting GeneralMobutu Sésé Seko ofZaire to forestall the involvement of Zairean forces in support of Okello's military junta. On 20 January 1986, several hundred troops loyal to Amin were accompanied into Ugandan territory by the Zairean military. The forces intervened following secret training in Zaire and an appeal from Okello ten days previously.[34]
By 22 January, government troops in Kampala had begun to quit their posts en masse as the rebels gained ground from the south and south-west.[33]
Museveni was sworn in as president on 29 January. "This is not a mere change of guard, it is a fundamental change", said Museveni, after a ceremony conducted by British-born Chief Justice Peter Allen. Speaking to crowds of thousands outside the Ugandan parliament, Museveni promised a return to democracy: "The people of Africa, the people of Uganda, are entitled to a democratic government. It is not a favor from any regime. The sovereign people must be the public, not the government."[35][36]
Uganda began participating in anIMF Economic Recovery Program in 1987. Its objectives included the restoration of incentives in order to encourage growth, investment, employment, and exports; the promotion and diversification of trade with particular emphasis on export promotion; the removal of bureaucratic constraints and divestment from ailing public enterprises so as to enhance sustainable economic growth and development through the private sector and the liberalization of trade at all levels.[37]
The NRM came to power promising to restore security and respect for human rights. This was part of the NRM's ten-point programme, as Museveni noted in his swearing in speech:[6][38]
The second point on our programme is security of person and property. Every person in Uganda must [have absolute] security to live wherever he wants. Any individual, any group who threatens the security of our people must be smashed without mercy. The people of Uganda should die only from natural causes which are beyond our control, but not from fellow human beings who continue to walk the length and breadth of our land.
Although Museveni headed a new government in Kampala, the NRM could not project its influence fully across Ugandan territory, finding itself fighting a number of insurgencies. From the beginning of Museveni's presidency, he drew strong support from theBantu-speaking south and southwest, where Museveni had his base. Museveni managed to get theKaramojong, a group of semi-nomads in the sparsely populated northeast that had never had a significant political voice, to align with him by offering them a stake in the new government. The northern region along the Sudanese border proved more troublesome. In theWest Nile sub-region, inhabited byKakwa andLugbara (who had previously supported Amin), the UNRF and FUNA rebel groups fought for years until a combination of military offensives and diplomacy pacified the region.[39]
The leader of the UNRF,Moses Ali, gave up his struggle to become the second deputy prime minister. People from the northern parts of the country viewed the rise of a government led by a person from the south with great trepidation. Rebel groups sprang up among theLango,Acholi, andTeso peoples, though they were overwhelmed by the strength of the NRA except in the far north where the Sudanese border provided a safe haven. The Acholi rebelUganda People's Democratic Army (UPDA) failed to dislodge the NRA occupation ofAcholiland, leading to the desperatechiliasm of theHoly Spirit Movement (HSM). The defeat of both the UPDA and HSM left the rebellion to a group that eventually became known as theLord's Resistance Army, which turned upon the Acholi themselves.[39]
Museveni (first row, third from right) atKim Il Sung's 80th birthday celebrations in 1992
The NRA subsequently earned a reputation for respecting the rights of civilians, although Museveni later received criticism for usingchild soldiers. Undisciplined elements within the NRA soon tarnished a hard-won reputation for fairness. "When Museveni's men first came they acted very well—we welcomed them", said one villager, "but then they started to arrest people and kill them".[40][41]
In March 1989,Amnesty International published a human rights report onUganda,Uganda, the Human Rights Record 1986–1989.[42] It documented gross human rights violations committed by NRA troops. According to Olara Otunnu, a United Nations Diplomat argued that Museveni pursued a genocide to Nilotic – Luo people living in the Northern part of the country. In one of the most intense phases of the war, between October and December 1988, the NRA forcibly cleared approximately 100,000 people from their homes in and aroundGulu town. Soldiers committed hundreds of extrajudicial executions as they forcibly moved people, burning down homes andgranaries.[43] In its conclusion, the report offered some hope:
Any assessment of the NRM government's human rights performance is, perhaps inevitably, less favourable after four years in power than it was in the early months. However, it is not true to say, as some critics and outside observers, that there has been a continuous slide back towards gross human rights abuse, that in some sense Uganda is fated to suffer at the hands of bad government.
On 13 September 2019, Museveni's formerInspector General of Police (IGP) GeneralKale Kayihura was placed on theUnited States Department of the Treasury sanctions list for gross violation of Human rights during his reign as the IGP (from 2005 to March 2018). This was due to activities of the Uganda Police's Flying Squad Unit that involved torture and corruption. Kayihura was subsequently replaced withMartin Okoth Ochola.
The first elections under Museveni's government were held on 9 May 1996. Museveni defeatedPaul Ssemogerere of theDemocratic Party, who contested the election as a candidate for the "Inter-party forces coalition", and the upstart candidateKibirige Mayanja. Museveni won with 75.5 percent of the vote from a turnout of 72.6 percent of eligible voters.[44] Although international and domestic observers described the vote as valid, both the losing candidates rejected the results. Museveni was sworn in as president for the second time on 12 May 1996.[45]
The second set of elections were held in 2001. Museveni got 69 percent of the vote to beat his rivalKizza Besigye.[44] Besigye had been a close confidant of the president and was his physician during theUgandan Bush War. They had a terrible fallout shortly before the 2001 elections, when Besigye decided to stand for the presidency.[47] The 2001 election campaigns were a heated affair with Musevenithreatening to put his rival "six feet under".[48]
The election culminated in a petition filed by Besigye at theSupreme Court of Uganda. The court ruled that the elections were not free and fair but declined to nullify the outcome by a 3–2 majority decision.[49] The court held that although there were many cases of election malpractice, they did not affect the result in a substantial manner. Chief JusticeBenjamin Odoki and Justices Alfred Karokora[50] andJoseph Mulenga ruled in favor of the respondents while Justices Aurthur Haggai Oder andJohn Tsekoko ruled in favor of Besigye.[51]
Perhaps Museveni's most widely noted accomplishment has been his government's successful campaign againstHIV/AIDS. During the 1980s,Uganda had one of the highest rates of HIV infection in the world, but now Uganda's rates are comparatively low, and the country stands as a rare success story in the global battle against the virus. One of the campaigns headed by Museveni to fight against HIV/AIDS was the ABC program. The ABC program had three main parts "Abstain, Be faithful, or useCondoms if A and B are not practiced."[52] In April 1998, Uganda became the first country to be declared eligible fordebt relief under theHeavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, receiving US$700 million in aid.[53]
Museveni was lauded by some for hisaffirmative action program for women in the country. He had a female vice-president,Specioza Kazibwe, for nearly a decade, and has done much to encourage women to go to college. On the other hand, Museveni has resisted calls for greater women's familyland rights (the right of women to own a share of their matrimonial homes).[54]
These are heady days for the former guerilla who runs Uganda. He moves with the measured gait and sure gestures of a leader secure in his power and his vision. It is little wonder. To hear some of the diplomats and African experts tell it, President Yoweri K. Museveni started an ideological movement that is reshaping much of Africa, spelling the end of the corrupt, strong-man governments that characterized thecold-war era. These days, political pundits across the continent are calling Mr. Museveni an AfricanBismarck. Some people now refer to him as Africa's "other statesman", second only to the venerated South African PresidentNelson Mandela.
In official briefing papers fromMadeleine Albright's December 1997 Africa tour asSecretary of State, Museveni was claimed by the Clinton administration to be a "beacon of hope" who runs a "uni-party democracy", despiteUganda not permittingmultiparty politics.[56]
Museveni has been an important ally of the United States in thewar on terror.[57]
Following theRwandan genocide of 1994, the new Rwandan government felt threatened by the presence across the Rwandan border in theDemocratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) of former Rwandan soldiers and members of the previous regime. These soldiers were aided byMobutu Sese Seko, leading Rwanda (with the aid of Museveni) andLaurent Kabila's rebels during theFirst Congo War to overthrow Mobutu and take power in the DRC.[58]: 267–268
In August 1998, Rwanda and Uganda invaded the DRC again during theSecond Congo War, this time to overthrow Kabila, who was a former ally of Museveni and Kagame. Museveni and a few close military advisers alone made the decision to send theUganda People's Defence Force (UPDF) into the DRC. A number of highly placed sources indicate that theUgandan parliament and civilian advisers were not consulted over the matter, as is required by the 1995 constitution.[58]: 262–263 Museveni apparently persuaded an initially reluctant High Command to go along with the venture. "We felt that the Rwandese started the war and it was their duty to go ahead and finish the job, but our President took time and convinced us that we had a stake in what is going on in Congo", one senior officer is reported as saying.[59]
The official reasons Uganda gave for the intervention were to stop a "genocide" against theBanyamulenge in the DRC in concert with Rwandan forces,[60] and that Kabila had failed to provide security along the border and was allowing theAllied Democratic Forces (ADF) to attack Uganda from rear bases in the DRC. In reality, the UPDF were deployed deep inside the DRC, more than 1,000 kilometres (620 mi) to the west of Uganda's border with the DRC.[61]
Troops from Rwanda and Uganda plundered the country's richmineral deposits and timber. The United States responded to the invasion by suspending all military aid to Uganda, a disappointment to theClinton administration, which had hoped to make Uganda the centerpiece of theAfrican Crisis Response Initiative. In 2000, Rwandan and Ugandan troops exchanged fire on three occasions in the DRC city ofKisangani, leading to tensions and a deterioration in relations between Kagame and Museveni. The Ugandan government has also been criticized for aggravating theIturi conflict, a sub-conflict of the Second Congo War. The Ugandan army officially withdrew from the Congo in 2003 and a contingent of UN peace keepers was deployed.[62] In December 2005, theInternational Court of Justice ruled that Uganda must pay compensation to the DRC for human rights violations during the Second Congo War.[63][64]
In 2001, Museveni won the presidential elections by a substantial majority, with his former friend and personal physicianKizza Besigye as the only real challenger. In a populist publicity stunt, a pentagenarian Museveni travelled on abodaboda motorcycle taxi to submit his nomination form for the election.Boda-boda is a cheap and somewhat dangerous (by western standards) method of transporting passengers around towns and villages in East Africa.[65]
There was much recrimination and bitterness during the 2001 presidential elections campaign, and incidents of violence occurred following the announcement of the win by Museveni. Besigye challenged the election results in the Supreme Court of Uganda. Two of the five judges concluded that there were such illegalities in the elections and that the results should be rejected. The other three decided that the illegalities did not affect the result of the election in a substantial manner, but stated that "there was evidence that in a significant number of polling stations there was cheating" and that in some areas of the country, "the principle of free and fair election was compromised."[66]
After the elections, political forces allied to Museveni began a campaign to loosen constitutional limits on the presidential term, allowing him to stand for election again in 2006. The 1995 Ugandan constitution provided for a two-term limit on the tenure of the president.
Moves to alter the constitution and alleged attempts to suppress opposition political forces have attracted criticism from domestic commentators, the international community, and Uganda's aid donors.[67][68][69] In a press release, the main opposition party, theForum for Democratic Change (FDC), accused Museveni of engaging in a "life presidency project", and for bribing members of parliament to vote against constitutional amendments, FDC leaders claimed:
The country is polarized with many Ugandans objecting to [the constitutional amendments]. If Parliament goes ahead and removes term limits, this may cause serious unrest, political strife and may lead to turmoil both through the transition period and thereafter ... We would therefore like to appeal to President Museveni to respect himself, the people who elected him, and the Constitution under which he was voted President in 2001 when he promised the country and the world at large to hand over power peacefully and in an orderly manner at the end of his second and last term. Otherwise, his insistence to stand again will expose him as a consummate liar and the biggest political fraudster this country has ever known.[70]
As observed by some political commentators, includingWafula Oguttu, Museveni had previously stated that he considered the idea of clinging to office for "15 or more" years ill-advised.[71] Comments by the Irish anti-poverty campaignerBob Geldof sparked a protest by Museveni supporters outside the British High Commission in Kampala. "Get a grip Museveni. Your time is up, go away", said Geldof in March 2005, explaining that moves to change the constitution were compromising Museveni's record against fighting poverty andHIV/AIDS.[72] In an opinion article in theBoston Globe and in a speech delivered at theWilson Center, former U.S. Ambassador to UgandaJohnnie Carson heaped more criticism on Museveni. Despite recognizing the president as a "genuine reformer" whose "leadership [has] led to stability and growth", Carson also said, "we may be looking at anotherMugabe andZimbabwe in the making".[73] "Many observers see Museveni's efforts to amend the constitution as a re-run of a common problem that afflicts many African leaders – an unwillingness to follow constitutional norms and give up power".[74]
In July 2005, Norway became the third European country in as many months to announce symbolic cutbacks in foreign aid to Uganda in response to political leadership in the country. The UK and Ireland made similar moves in May. "Our foreign ministry wanted to highlight two issues: the changing of the constitution to lift term limits, and problems with opening the political space, human rights and corruption", said Norwegian Ambassador Tore Gjos.[75] Of particular significance was the arrest of two opposition MPs from the FDC. Human rights campaigners charged that the arrests were politically motivated.Human Rights Watch stated that "the arrest of these opposition MPs smacks of political opportunism".[76][77]
A confidentialWorld Bank report leaked in May suggested that the international lender might cut its support to non-humanitarian programmes in Uganda. "We regret that we cannot be more positive about the present political situation in Uganda, especially given the country's admirable record through the late 1990s", said the paper. "The Government has largely failed to integrate the country's diverse peoples into a single political process that is viable over the long term... Perhaps most significant, the political trend-lines, as a result of the President's apparent determination to press for a third term, point downward."[78]
Museveni responded to the mounting international pressure by accusing donors of interfering with domestic politics and using aid to manipulate poor countries. "Let the partners give advice and leave it to the country to decide ... [developed] countries must get out of the habit of trying to use aid to dictate the management of our countries."[79] "The problem with those people is not the third term or fighting corruption or multiparters", added Museveni at a meeting with other African leaders, "the problem is that they want to keep us there without growing".[80]
In July 2005, aconstitutional referendum lifted a 19-year restriction on the activities of political parties. In the non-party "Movement system" (so-called "the movement") instituted by Museveni in 1986, parties continued to exist, but candidates were required to stand for election as individuals rather than representative of any political grouping. This measure was ostensibly designed to reduce ethnic divisions, although many observers have subsequently claimed that the system had become nothing more than a restriction on opposition activity. Before the vote, the FDC spokesperson stated, "Key sectors of the economy are headed by people from the president's home area... We have got the most sectarian regime in the history of the country in spite of the fact that there are no parties."[81] Many Ugandans saw Museveni's conversion to political pluralism as a concession to donors – aimed at softening the blow when he announces he wants to stay on for a third term.[82] Opposition MPOmara Atubo has said Museveni's desire for change was merely "a façade behind which he is trying to hide ambitions to rule for life".[83]
On 30 July 2005, Sudanese vice-presidentJohn Garang was killed when the Ugandan presidential helicopter crashed while he was flying back to Sudan from talks in Uganda.[84] Garang had been Sudan's vice-president for three weeks before his death.[85]
Widespread speculation as to the cause of the crash led Museveni, on 10 August, to threaten the closure of media outlets that published "conspiracy theories" about Garang's death. In a statement, Museveni claimed that the speculation was a threat to national security. "I will no longer tolerate a newspaper which is like a vulture. Any newspaper that plays around with regional security, I will not tolerate it – I will close it."[86] The following day, popular radio station KFM had its license withdrawn for broadcasting a debate on Garang's death. Radio presenterAndrew Mwenda was eventually arrested forsedition in connection with comments made on his KFM talk show.[87]
On 17 November 2005, Museveni was chosen as the NRM's presidential candidate for theFebruary 2006 elections. His candidacy for a further third term sparked criticism, as he had promised in 2001 that he was contesting for the last time.
The arrest of the main opposition leaderKizza Besigye on 14 November – charged with treason, concealment of treason, and rape – sparked demonstrations and riots in Kampala and other towns.[88] Museveni's bid for a third term, the arrest of Besigye, and the besiegement of the High Court during a hearing of Besigye's case (by a heavily armed Military Intelligence group dubbed by the press as the "Black Mambas Urban Hit Squad"), led Sweden, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom to withhold economic support to Museveni's government because of their concerns about the country's democratic development.[89][90] On 2 January 2006, Besigye was released after the High Court ordered his immediate release.[91]
The 23 February 2006 elections were Uganda's first multi-party elections in 25 years and were seen as a test of its democratic credentials. Although Museveni did worse than in the previous election, he was elected for another five-year tenure, having won 59 percent of the vote against Besigye's 37 percent. Besigye alleged fraud and rejected the result. The European Union and independent Ugandan electoral observers described the 2006 elections as not a fair and free contest.[92] The Supreme Court of Uganda later noted that the election was marred by intimidation, violence, voterdisenfranchisement and other irregularities; it voted 4–3 to uphold the results.[93]
In 2007, Museveni deployed troops to theAfrican Union's peacekeeping operation inSomalia.
Also in this term, Museveni held meetings with investors that included Wisdek, to promote Uganda's call centre and outsourcing industry and create employment to the country.[94]
In September 2009 Museveni refused KabakaMuwenda Mutebi, theBuganda King, permission to visit some areas of the Buganda Kingdom, particularly theKayunga district. Riots occurred and over 40 people were killed while others were imprisoned. Furthermore, nine more people were killed during the April 2011 "Walk to Work" demonstrations. According to the Human Rights Watch 2013 World Report on Uganda, the government failed to investigate the killings associated with both of these events.[95]
In 2009, MSNBC and NPR reported on Jeff Sharlet's investigation regarding ties between Museveni and the American fundamentalist Christian organizationThe Fellowship (also known as "The Family").[96][97] Sharlet reports that Douglas Coe, leader of The Fellowship, identified Museveni as the organization's "key man in Africa".[97]
Further international scrutiny accompanied the 2009 Ugandan efforts to institute the death penalty forhomosexuality, with British, Canadian, French, and American leaders expressing concerns for human rights.[98][99] British newspaperThe Guardian reported that Museveni "appeared to add his backing" to the legislative effort by, among other things, claiming "Europeanhomosexuals are recruiting in Africa", and saying gay relationships were against God's will.[100]
Museveni and members of NRM continue to use the terms 'gay' and 'homosexuals' to degrade opponents and in particular members of theNational Unity Platform.[101][102] In 2023, Museveni signed an anti-LGBTQ+ bill and called on other African leaders to reject the "promotion of homosexuality".[103]
Museveni was reelected on 20 February 2011 with a 68 percent majority with 59 percent of registered voters having voted. The election results were disputed by both the European Union and the opposition. "The electoral process was marred with avoidable administrative and logistical failures", according to the European Union election observer team.[104][105]
Following the fall of Egypt'sHosni Mubarak and Libya'sMuammar Gaddafi, Museveni became the fifth-longest serving African leader.[106]
In October 2011, the annual inflation rate reached 30.5 percent, principally due to food and fuel increases.[107] Earlier in 2011, opposition leaderKizza Besigye staged "Walk to Work" protests against the high cost of living. On 28 April 2011, Besigye was arrested because Museveni said Besigye had attacked first, a charge he denied.[108] Besigye's arrest led to more riots in Kampala.[109] Besigye promised that "peaceful demonstrations" would continue. The government's response to the riots has been condemned by donor nations.[110]
Museveni is greeted by US PresidentBarack Obama in August 2014
In more recent years, infringements on press freedom have increasingly been a central focus. According to Human Rights Watch, "Between January and June [2013], a media watchdog organization registered 50 attacks on journalists, despite multiple pledges to respect media freedom."[111] During this period, two widely read periodicals,The Daily Monitor andThe Red Pepper, were shut down and seized by the government because they published allegations about a "plot to assassinate senior government and military officials who [were] opposed to Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni ... and his plans to hand over power to his son when he retires".[112]
Another issue of human rights became an issue in early 2014 when Museveni signedan anti-homosexuality bill into law. In an interview withCNN, Museveni called homosexuals "disgusting" and said that homosexuality was a learned trait. Western leaders, including United StatesPresident Obama, condemned the law.[113]
Museveni has criticized the US's involvement in theLibyan Civil War, and in a UN speech argued that military intervention from African countries produces more stable countries in the long term, which he calls "African solutions for African problems".[114]
The presidential candidates included Museveni andKizza Besigye, who complained of rigging and violence at polling stations. Voting was extended in several locations after reports of people not being allowed to cast their votes. According to the Electoral Commission, Museveni was reelected (18 February 2016) with 61 percent of the vote to Besigye's 35 percent.[citation needed] Opposition candidates claimed that the elections were marred by widespread fraud, voting irregularities, the repeated arrest of opposition politicians, and a climate of voter intimidation.[115]
Yoweri Museveni speaking at the Illegal Wildlife Trade Conference in London, October 2018
Museveni, as the incumbent president of Uganda, signed the Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 2 2017,[116] commonly known as the "Age Limit" bill on 27 December 2017. The bill was passed by the 10th parliament of Uganda on 20 December 2017.[117] As of 27 December 2017, in accordance with articles 259 and 262 of the Constitution of Uganda, the bill has effectively amended the Constitution to remove the presidential age limit caps. Before the amendment, article 102 (b) barred people above 75 and below 35 from running for the highest office. The current age limit bill also extends the term of office of parliament from five years to seven. The bill also restores presidential two-term limits which had been removed in a 2005 constitutional amendment.
After Museveni signed the 2018 Age Limit Bill into law on 27 December 2017 (but parliament received the letter on 2 January 2018),[118] the general public protested as they had been doing prior to the signing of the bill, using all avenues including on social media.[119] In October 2017, some MPs returned what they alleged were bribes to facilitate the bill.[120]
The Uganda Law Society and members of the opposition house sued and challenged the bill in court, citing that the process leading to the vote was in violation of Articles 1, 2, 8A, 44 (c), 79 and 94 of the Ugandan constitution because the Speaker of Parliament [Kadaga] closed debate on the Amendment after only 124 out of 451 legislators had debated the bill.[121] They also argue that the use of force by the army and police during the bill debate was inconsistent with and in contravention of Articles 208(2), 209 and 259 among others.[122] The third argument they make is that the bill violates other constitutional clauses in relation to the extension of terms[123] and electoral procedures. One legislature [Mbwaketamwa Gaffa] is quoted as saying, "when the president ascents [sic] to the bill, it might be legal, but it will be illegitimate, and we are going to challenge it."[124]
President Museveni of Uganda speaking at the UK-Africa Investment Summit in London, January 2020
The law enforcement agencies in Uganda, i.e. the police, the military etc., have arrested at least 53 people, including opposition leaderKizza Besigye, for demonstrating against the bill to scrap the presidential age limit.[125][126]
A group of legislators from the ruling party, theNational Resistance Movement (NRM), clandestinely agitated to remove the age limit because it would give Museveni leeway to run for another term in the 2021 elections.[125]
A three-month survey conducted between September and November by civil society organizations recorded that 85 percent of the sampled population opposed the removal of the age limit, with only 15 percent in support.[127]
Ugandan lawmakers have voted predominantly to remove the presidential age limits because they want to pave way for the Museveni to spend a sixth term in office.[128] Human rights lawyer Nicholas Opiyo said that removing the age limit – one of the most important safeguards – will entrench a dictatorial and autocratic regime in Uganda.[128]
On 16 January 2021 theelectoral commission of Uganda announced that Museveni hadwon reelection to a sixth term with 58.6% of the vote.[129][130] Runner-upBobi Wine, and other opposition leaders refused to accept the results, claiming that the election was the most fraudulent in Uganda's history.[10] During the campaign for the presidential elections on 19 November 2020, Museveni described Wine's campaign as being financed by foreigners, and, in particular, foreign homosexuals.[101]Independent organizations and democracy experts confirmed the elections were neither free nor fair.[131][132] The Electoral Commission published a Declaration of Results form that turned out to be fraudulent.[133] The Electoral Commission promised an investigation which did not take place.[134] Wine was placed under house arrest on 15 January.[135] Independent international observers called for investigation into potential election fraud amidst a nationwide internet shutdown, human rights abuses,[136][137] and denied accreditation requests.[138][139] Wine was released on 26 January.[140]
In June 2021, 44 people were arrested at an LGBT center, with the pretext of violating COVID SOPs.[141]
In July 2022, Museveni hosted Russian Foreign MinisterSergey Lavrov, saying that "We don't believe in being enemies of somebody's enemy."[142]
In October 2022 Museveni apologized to Kenya on behalf of his son,Muhoozi Kainerugaba who tweeted that he could invade Kenya in two weeks.[143]
In July 2023, Museveni attended the2023 Russia–Africa Summit in Saint Petersburg and met with Russian PresidentVladimir Putin.[144] Without specifically mentioning theRussian invasion of Ukraine or any other war, Museveni said that the "only justified wars are the just wars, like the anti-colonial wars. Wars of hegemony will fail and waste time and opportunity. Dialogue is the correct way."[145]
In June 2025, Museveni announced his candidacy for the January 2026 presidential election.[147] He was formally declared the candidate of his party the following month.[148] On 27 of August 2025, the ruling National Resistance Movement endorsed Museveni as presidential candidate for the 2026 election. The party, which was holding its 5th National Conference, also endorsed Museveni as the party chairperson until 2031.[149]
On 23 September 2025, Museveni was nominated to run for the seventh term as the President of Uganda.[150]
Natasha Karugire – born in 1976, fashion designer and consultant, married to Edwin Karugire, private secretary to thepresident of Uganda for household affairs.[155]
Patience Rwabwogo – born in 1978, pastor of Covenant Nations Church,[156] Buziga,Kampala, married to Odrek Rwabwogo.[157]
Diana Kamuntu – born in 1980, married to Geoffrey Kamuntu.[158]
^Uganda, 1979–85: Leadership in Transition, Jimmy K. Tindigarukayo,The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 26, No. 4. (Dec. 1988), pp. 619.(JSTOR)Archived 14 April 2016 at theWayback Machine
^ab"Kampala troops flee guerrilla attacks",The Times, 23 January 1986
^"Troops from Zaire step up Uganda civil war",The Guardian, 21 January 1986
^"Museveni sworn in as President",The Times, 30 January 1986
^ab"Explaining Ugandan intervention in Congo: evidence and interpretations", John F. Clark,The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 39, pp. 267–268, 2001(Cambridge Journals)Archived 5 March 2021 at theWayback Machine
"Uganda, 1979–85: Leadership in Transition", Jimmy K. Tindigarukayo,The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 26, No. 4. (December 1988), pp. 607–622.(JSTOR)Archived 14 April 2016 at theWayback Machine
"Neutralising the Use of Force in Uganda: The Role of the Military in Politics", E. A. Brett,The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1. (March 1995), pp. 129–152.(JSTOR)Archived 18 January 2017 at theWayback Machine
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"Ugandan Relations with Western Donors in the 1990s: What Impact on Democratisation?", Ellen Hauser,The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 37, No. 4. (December 1999), pp. 621–641.(JSTOR)Archived 18 January 2017 at theWayback Machine
"Reading Museveni: Structure, Agency and Pedagogy in Ugandan Politics", Ronald Kassimir,Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 33, No. 2/3, Special Issue: "French-Speaking Central Africa: Political Dynamics of Identities and Representations". (1999), pp. 649–673.(JSTOR)Archived 18 January 2017 at theWayback Machine
"Uganda: The Making of a Constitution", Charles Cullimore,The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 32, No. 4. (December 1994), pp. 707–711.(JSTOR)Archived 6 March 2017 at theWayback Machine
"Uganda's Domestic and Regional Security since the 1970s", Gilbert M. Khadiagala,The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 31, No. 2. (June 1993), pp. 231–255.(JSTOR)Archived 11 April 2016 at theWayback Machine
"Exile, Reform, and the Rise of the Rwandan Patriotic Front", Wm. Cyrus Reed,The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3. (September 1996), pp. 479–501.(JSTOR)Archived 1 December 2018 at theWayback Machine
"Operationalising Pro-Poor Growth",A Country Case Study on Uganda, John A. Okidi, Sarah Ssewanyana, Lawrence Bategeka, Fred Muhumuza, October 2004
"'New-Breed' Leadership, Conflict, and Reconstruction in the Great Lakes Region of Africa: A Sociopolitical Biography of Uganda's Yoweri Kaguta Museveni", Joseph Oloka-Onyango,Africa Today – Volume 50, Number 3, Spring 2004, pp. 29–52(Project MUSE)
"No-Party Democracy" in Uganda, Nelson Kasfir,Journal of Democracy – Volume 9, Number 2, April 1998, pp. 49–63(Project MUSE)
"Explaining Ugandan intervention in Congo: evidence and interpretations", John F. Clark,The Journal of Modern African Studies, 39: 261–287, 2001(Cambridge Journals)Archived 5 March 2021 at theWayback Machine
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