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Washington Park Subdivision

Coordinates:41°47′00″N87°36′44″W / 41.783457°N 87.61219°W /41.783457; -87.61219
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Historic subdivision in Chicago, Illinois

41°47′00″N87°36′44″W / 41.783457°N 87.61219°W /41.783457; -87.61219

Washington Park Subdivision is south ofWashington Park. (Chicago Park District - green,University of Chicago - lavender)

TheWashington Park Subdivision is the name of the historic 3-city block by 4-city block subdivision in the northwest corner of theWoodlawncommunity area, on theSouth Side ofChicago inIllinois that stands in the place of the 19th centuryWashington Park Race Track. The area evolved as a redevelopment of the land previously occupied by the racetrack and became an exclusively white neighborhood, which included residential housing, amusement parks, andbeer gardens.

During the late 1920s and 1930s, the area became the subject of racist and discriminatory twenty-yearcovenants (private real-estate agreements), which at first had been upheld by theUnited States Supreme Court but were later determined to be unenforceable by the court, beginning with a challenge in a seminal case brought byCarl Hansberry. The case is a vital part of legal studies and considered an important part of a broad class of histories. The playRaisin in the Sun is inspired in part byLorraine Hansberry's struggles in this neighborhood.

Location

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TheWashington Parkcommunity area occupies the Southern two-thirds of the formerWashington Park Race Track. The area is a 4-city block (8 east-west half-blocks) by 3-city block area in northwest corner of theWoodlawn community area and bounded by Dr. Martin Luther King Drive to the west, South Cottage Grove Avenue to the East, East 60th Street to the North and East 63rd Street to the South. This area is directly south ofWashington Park and both south and east of the Washington Park community area.[1]

Historical significance

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Between 1884 and 1905, the race track occupied part of the area now known as Washington Park Subdivision.[1] After the city outlawed horse race track betting, the area was redeveloped as a residential housing subdivision with neighborhood commercial recreation such as theWhite City amusement park that flourished until theGreat Depression.[1] The neighborhood also included a beer garden that was remodeled byFrank Lloyd Wright.[1][2]

Between 1900 and 1934, theAfrican American population in Chicago grew from 30,000 to 236,000. In this time,Chicago's demographics changed so that instead of having this population diluted in scattered places, it was concentrated in two large strips of land. The concentration was enforced by violence at first, but restrictive covenants became the preferred way to enforcesegregation after a few decades.[3]

When necessary, community organizations used violence to pursue their segregationist purposes, and between 1917 and 1921, bomb use discouraged encroachment into majority white neighborhoods. The bombs were used at the residences of African Americans as well as the properties of real estate agents and bankers.[4] In 1919, African American banking magnateJesse Binga, the owner of the first Chicago bank to be operated by African Americans, and the first African American who lived in the Washington Park Subdivision,[5] endured five bombings of his home by angry whites.[6] Binga lived on the block diagonally northwest of the northwest boundary of the subdivision at 5922 South Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Drive.[7]

Although they were previously rare in Chicago, racially restrictivecovenants among property owners that outlawed the purchase, lease, or occupation of their properties by African Americans became common in Chicago and throughout the United States in the 1920s, especially in the wake of theGreat Migration.[8] Local businessmen and theUniversity of Chicago became alarmed at the prospect of poorer African Americans moving from the Black Belt due to a combination of racial succession and economic decline.[2] In 1926, the United States Supreme Court upheld racially restrictive covenants in Corrigan v. Buckley (271 U.S.323 (1926)).[3] In 1927, the private Chicago Real Estate Board (CREB) sent representatives throughout the city to promote such covenants, which it viewed as a progressive alternative to violence. The board representatives provided model contracts drafted by theChicago Plan Commission as part of their efforts. By 1928, theHyde Park Herald reported that the covenants prevailed throughout theSouth Side,[8] and 95% of the homes in the subdivision were covenanted.[9][10] Most African American neighborhoods were bounded by covenanted areas since 85% of Chicago was covenanted.[3]

Legal issues

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Between 1928 and 1940, the subdivision was a legal battleground. In 1928,landlords in the subdivision signed the covenants in which they agreed that they would not rent to non-whites. The language of the covenants state that no properties in the subdivision "...shall be sold, given, conveyed or leased to any negro or negroes, and no permission or license to use or occupy any part thereof shall be given to any negro except house servants or janitors or chauffeurs employed thereon..."[11] The covenants were signed by "owners of land on the one or the other side of Evans, Langley, Champlain, St. Lawrence, Rhodes, Eberhart, Vernon and South Park Avenues, between 60th and 63rd Streets and on 60th, 61st and 62nd Streets between South Park and Cottage Grove Avenues" on September 30, 1927, and they were recorded at the Cook County Register of Deeds on February 1, 1928. They were intended to be valid and in force until January 1, 1948.[11]

TheGreat Depression decreased white demand for the subdivision's properties. A few well-off African Americans convinced some owners to sell properties to them. The most famous case was that of Dr. James L. Hall, who rented a property located at 419 E. 60th St. from the white Issac Kleiman.[12] In 1933, Olive Ida Burke (the wife of Mr. Burke—a future defendant in the famousHansberry v. Lee case)[3] sued Kleiman in the case now known asBurke v. Kleiman.[3] The circuit court granted an injunction in favor of the plaintiffs (affirming the racial covenants); the injunction was upheld on appeals up to theSupreme Court of Illinois.[13] The plaintiffs stipulated that as of 1928 more than 95% of the property owners signed the covenant. This stipulation was later proved false—only 54% had actually signed.[3]

In 1937, Carl Hansberry purchased a property from James Joseph Burke located at 6140 South Rhodes. Anna M. Lee, and other promoters of the covenants, sued to prevent Hansberry's family from living in the neighborhood.[14] This led to the case ofHansberry v. Lee,311 U.S.32 (1940). Defendants argued that the stipulation made previously in Burke v. Kleiman that more than 95% of the owners had signed the covenant was false and the case should be re-adjudicated.[3] Plaintiffs, while admitting to the fact, contended that the principle ofres judicata barred courts from rehearing the old arguments.[3] The Illinois courts ruled in favor of plaintiffs. However theNational Association for the Advancement of Colored People decided to represent the buyer in theUnited States Supreme Court. The case caught the attention of national real estate magazines and African American newspapers.[10] TheU. S. Supreme Court eventually reversed that ruling stating the application ofres judicata in this case would violateFourteenth Amendment.[3] The playA Raisin in the Sun was inspired byLorraine Hansberry's time in the neighborhood after her father won the repeal of restrictive covenants.[15]

The result ofHansberry v. Lee led to racial succession. White tenants were oftenevicted to make way for higher-paying African American renters.[16] By 1950, the subdivision was over 99 percent African American.[1][2] The Hansberry case is a seminal case incivil procedure andclass action legal studies.[3] It is also considered an important study of African American,Chicago andlegal history.[3]

While the purchase case proceeded, some landlords subdivided properties and rented them to blacks at a premium. Some realtors began encouraging white families to move out so that they could rent properties to African Americans. Smaller property owners were pressed to sell to realtors or directly to African Americans because the neighborhood was undergoing a racial transformation.[10] The conditions of this neighborhood are described in a section ofBlack Metropolis bySt. Clair Drake andHorace Roscoe Cayton.[10]

The Supreme Court ruling and several similar rulings led to the racial transformation of theWoodlawn andHyde Parkcommunity areas. Political futures were determined by positions taken on this issue. Future five-termMayor of ChicagoRichard J. Daley ran for Cook County Sheriff in 1946 as a progressive anti-covenant candidate.[8] Eventually, inShelley v. Kraemer,334 U.S.1 (1948), which was argued byThurgood Marshall, the U. S. Supreme Court declared restrictive covenants in general unenforceable.[8]

Notes

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  1. ^abcdeSeligman, Amanda (2005)."Washington Park Subdivision".The Electronic Encyclopedia of Chicago.Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 31, 2008.
  2. ^abcSeligman, Amanda (2005)."Woodlawn".The Electronic Encyclopedia of Chicago.Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 31, 2008.
  3. ^abcdefghijkKamp, Allen R. (1986–1987)."The History Behind Hansberry v. Lee"(PDF).UC Davis Law Review.20. University of California, Davis:481–500. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on June 12, 2010. RetrievedJanuary 2, 2009.
  4. ^Washington, Sylvia Hood (2005). "Planning and Environmental Inequality".Packing Them In: An Archaeology of Environmental Racism in Chicago, 1865–1954. Lexington Books. p. 140.ISBN 0-7391-1029-2. RetrievedJanuary 3, 2009.Washington Park Court.
  5. ^"Jesse Binga". negroartist.com. Archived fromthe original on July 15, 2012. RetrievedJanuary 23, 2009.
  6. ^Rutkoff, Peter M. & William B. Scott (Fall 2004)."Pinkster in Chicago: Bud Billiken and the Mayor of Bronzeville, 1930–1945".The Journal of African American History. RetrievedJanuary 1, 2009.[dead link]
  7. ^Not For Tourists Guide to Chicago. Not For Tourists Inc. 2005. pp. 74–75.ISBN 0-9758664-9-4.
  8. ^abcdHirsch, Arnold R. (2005)."Restrictive Covenants".The Electronic Encyclopedia of Chicago.Chicago Historical Society. RetrievedDecember 31, 2008.
  9. ^Frisbie, Margery (2002) [1991]. "Jack Was Starting Everybody's Fire".An Alley in Chicago: The Ministry of a City Priest (paperback as An Alley in Chicago: The Life and Legacy of Monsignor John Egan)(Paperback). Sheed & Ward.ISBN 978-1-58051-121-6.
  10. ^abcdDrake, St. Clair andHorace Roscoe Cayton (1993).Black Metropolis.University of Chicago Press. p. 184.ISBN 978-0-226-16234-8.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  11. ^abPlotkin, Wendy (September 1, 2003)."Racial Restrictive Covenant of the Washington Park Subdivision in the City of Chicago".Arizona State University. Archived fromthe original on February 10, 2007. RetrievedJanuary 1, 2009.
  12. ^staff (August 5, 1933)."Judge Gentzel Upholds Jim Crow Plot; To Appeal Woodlawn Property Owners Show Colors in Tilt Against Race".Chicago Defender. Archived fromthe original on February 10, 2007. RetrievedJanuary 2, 2009.
  13. ^"Burke v. Kleiman Decree (Partial), August 3, 1933". Wendy Plotkin. Archived fromthe original on February 10, 2007. RetrievedJanuary 2, 2009.
  14. ^"State of Illinois — County of Cook In the Circuit Court of Cook County Anna M. Lee, et al. vs. Paul A. Hansberry, et al. Gen. No. 37C 6804 Complaint in Equity Complaint to Enforce Restrictive Agreement Injunction and Other Relief". Wendy Plotkin. Archived fromthe original on February 10, 2007. RetrievedJanuary 2, 2009.
  15. ^"A Raisin in the Sun".NPR.org. March 11, 2002. RetrievedFebruary 16, 2009.
  16. ^Hirsch, Arnold R. (1998)."The Second Ghetto and the dynamics of neighborhood change".Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago 1940–1960.University of Chicago Press.ISBN 978-0-226-34244-3.

External links

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