| Wallachian revolution | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of theHungarian Revolution of 1848 | |||||||
 People inBucharest during the 1848 events, carrying theRomanian tricolor, byCostache Petrescu | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
|  Wallachia Ottoman Empire Russian Empire | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
 Neofit GianogluChristian TellIon HeliadeȘtefan GolescuGheorghe MagheruGheorghe Scurti | Gheorghe BibescuConstantin CantacuzinoBarbu Dimitrie ȘtirbeiOmar PashaAlexander von Lüders | ||||||
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TheWallachian Revolution of 1848 was aRomanianliberal andnationalist uprising in thePrincipality of Wallachia. Part of theRevolutions of 1848, and closely connected with theunsuccessful revolt in thePrincipality of Moldavia, it sought to overturn the administration imposed byImperial Russian authorities under theRegulamentul Organic regime, and, through many of its leaders, demanded the abolition ofboyar privilege. Led by a group of youngintellectuals and officers in theWallachian Militia, the movement succeeded in toppling the rulingPrinceGheorghe Bibescu, whom it replaced with a provisional government and aregency, and in passing a series of majorprogressive reforms, announced in theProclamation of Islaz.
Despite its rapid gains and popular backing, the new administration was marked by conflicts between theradical wing and moreconservative forces, especially over the issue ofland reform. Two successive abortive coups were able to weaken the Government, and its international status was always contested by Russia. After managing to rally a degree of sympathy fromOttoman political leaders, the Revolution was ultimately isolated by the intervention of Russian diplomats and repressed by a common intervention of Ottoman and Russian armies, without any significant form of armed resistance. Nevertheless, over the following decade, the completion of its goals was made possible by the international context, and former revolutionaries became the original political class in unitedRomania.
The twoDanubian Principalities, Wallachia and Moldavia, came under direct Russian supervision upon the close of theRusso-Turkish War of 1828–1829, being subsequently administered on the basis of common documents, known asRegulamentul Organic. After a period of Russian military occupation, Wallachia returned to Ottomansuzerainty while Russian oversight was preserved, and the throne was awarded toAlexandru II Ghica in 1834—this measure was controversial from the onset, given that, despite the popular provisions of theAkkerman Convention, Ghica had been appointed by Russia and the Ottomans, instead of being elected by theWallachian Assembly.[1] As a consequence, the Prince was faced with opposition from both sides of the political spectrum, while also attempting to quell the peasantry's discontent by legislating against the abuse ofestate lessors.[2] The first liberal movement, taking inspiration from theFrench Revolution and having for its stated purpose the encouragement of culture, wasSocietatea Filarmonică (the Philharmonic Society), established in 1833.[3]
Hostility towards Russian policies erupted later in 1834, when Russia called for an "Additional Article" (Articol adițional) to be attached to theRegulament, as the latter document was being reviewed by thePorte.[4] The proposed article sought to prevent the Principalities' Assemblies from modifying theRegulament any further without the consent of both protecting powers.[4] This move met with stiff opposition from a majority of deputies in Wallachia, among whom was the radicalIoan Câmpineanu; in 1838, the project was nonetheless passed, when it was explicitly endorsed bySultanAbdülmecid I and by Prince Ghica.[4]
Câmpineanu, who had proposed a reformist constitution to replace theRegulament entirely, was forced into exile, but remained an influence on a younger generation of activists, both Wallachian and Moldavian.[5] The latter group, comprising many youngboyars who had studied in France, also took direct inspiration from reformist or revolutionary-minded societies such as theCarbonari (and even, throughTeodor Diamant, fromUtopian socialism).[6] It was this faction who would first explicitly publicize the demands for national independence and Moldo-Wallachian unification, which it included in a wider agenda of political reforms and European solidarity.[7]Societatea Studenților Români (the Society of Romanian Students) was founded in 1846, having the French poetAlphonse de Lamartine for its honorary president.[8]
In October 1840, the first specifically revolutionarysecret society of the period was repressed by Prince Ghica.[9] Among those arrested and taken into confinement were the high-ranking boyarMitică Filipescu, the young radicalNicolae Bălcescu, and the much olderDimitrie Macedonski, who had taken part in theuprising of 1821.[10]
The new ruler,Gheorghe Bibescu, released Bălcescu and other participants in the plot during 1843; soon afterwards, they became involved in founding a newFreemason-inspired secret society, known asFrăția ("The Brotherhood"), which was to serve as the central factor in the revolution.[11] Early on,Frăția's nucleus was formed by Bălcescu,Ion Ghica,Alexandru G. Golescu, and MajorChristian Tell; by spring 1848, the leadership also includedDimitrie andIon Brătianu,Constantin Bălcescu,Ștefan andNicolae Golescu,Gheorghe Magheru,C. A. Rosetti,Ion Heliade Rădulescu, andIoan Voinescu II.[12] It was especially successful inBucharest, where it also reached out to themiddle class,[12] and kept a legal facade asSoțietatea Literară (the Literary Society), whose meetings were attended by the MoldaviansVasile Alecsandri,Mihail Kogălniceanu, andCostache Negruzzi, as well as by theAustrian subjectConstantin Daniel Rosenthal.[13] During the early months of 1848, Romanian students at theUniversity of Paris, including the Brătianu brothers, witnessed and, in some cases, took part in theFrench republican uprising.[14]
Rebellion broke out in late June 1848, afterFrăția's members came to adopt a single project regarding the promise ofland reform.[15] This resolution, which had initially caused dissension, was passed into the revolutionary program upon pressures from Nicolae Bălcescu and his supporters.[15] The document itself, destined to be read as a proclamation, was most likely drafted by Heliade Rădulescu, and Bălcescu himself was possibly responsible for most of its ideas.[15] It called for, among other issues, national independence,civil rights and equality, universal taxation, a larger Assembly,responsible government, a five-year term of office for Princes and their election by the Assembly,freedom of the press, anddecentralization.[15]
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Originally, the revolutionary grouping had intended to take over various military bases throughout Wallachia, and planned to simultaneously organize public gatherings in Bucharest,Râmnicu Vâlcea,Ploiești,Romanați County andIslaz.[15] On June 21, 1848, Heliade Rădulescu and Tell were present in Islaz, where, with theOrthodox priestȘapcă of Celei, they revealed the revolutionary program to a cheering crowd (seeProclamation of Islaz).[16] A new government was formed on the spot, comprising Tell, Heliade Rădulescu,Ștefan Golescu, Șapcă, andNicolae Pleșoianu—they wrote Prince Bibescu an appeal, which called on him to recognize the program as the embryo of a constitution and to "listen to the voice of the motherland and place himself at the head of this great accomplishment".[15]
The revolutionary executive left Islaz at the head of a gathering of soldiers and various others, and, after passing throughCaracal, triumphantly enteredCraiova without meeting resistance from local forces.[15] According to one account, the gathering comprised as many as 150,000 armed civilians.[17] As these events were unfolding, Bibescu was shot at in Bucharest by Alexandru or Iancu Paleologu (the father of French diplomatMaurice Paléologue) and his co-conspirators, whose bullets only managed to tear one of the Prince'sepaulettes.[18] Over the following hours, police forces clamped down ofFrăția, arresting Rosetti and a few other members, but failing to capture most of them.[15]
Early on June 23, Bibescu also attempted to regain the loyalty of hisMilitia forces by an order to take a renewed oath of allegiance—the officers agreed to do so, but added that under no circumstances did they agree to shed the blood of Romanians.[15] In the afternoon, the Bucharest populace, feeling encouraged by this development, rallied in the streets; around four o'clock, thechurch bells onDealul Mitropoliei began sounding thetocsin (by banging their tongues on only one side of the drum).[15] Public readings of the Islaz Proclamation took place, and theRomanian tricolor was paraded throughout the city.[19] At ten o'clock in the evening, Bibescu gave in to the pressures, signed the new constitution, and agreed to support a Provisional Government as imposed on him byFrăția.[20] This effectively disestablishedRegulamentul Organic, causing the Russian consul to Bucharest,Charles de Kotzebue, to leave the country forAustrian-ruledTransylvania.[21] Bibescu himselfabdicated and left into self-exile.[22]
On June 25, the two proposed cabinets were reunited intoGuvernul vremelnicesc (the Provisional Government), based on the Executive Commission of theSecond French Republic; headed by the conservativeNeofit II, theMetropolitan of Ungro-Wallachia, it consisted ofChristian Tell,Ion Heliade Rădulescu,Ștefan Golescu,Gheorghe Magheru, and, for a short while, the Bucharest merchantGheorghe Scurti.[21] Its secretaries wereC. A. Rosetti,Nicolae Bălcescu,Alexandru G. Golescu, andIon Brătianu.[21] The Government was doubled byMinisterul vremelnicesc (the Provisional Ministry), which was divided into several offices:Ministrul dinlăuntru (the Minister of the Interior, a position held byNicolae Golescu);Ministrul dreptății (Justice –Ion Câmpineanu);Ministrul instrucției publice (Public Education – Heliade Rădulescu);Ministrul finanții (Finance –C. N. Filipescu);Ministrul trebilor dinafară (Foreign Affairs –Ioan Voinescu II);Ministrul de războiu (War –Ioan Odobescu, later replaced by Tell);Obștescul controlor (the Public Controller –Gheorghe Nițescu).[23] It also includedConstantin A. Kretzulescu as President of the City Council (later replaced byCezar Bolliac),Scarlat Kretzulescu [ro] as Commander of the National Guard, andMărgărit Moșoiu as Police Chief.[21]
The Wallachian revolutionaries maintained ambiguous relations with leaders of theHungarian Revolution of 1848, as well as with the latter'sethnic Romanian adversaries in Transylvania. As early as April, Bălcescu, who maintained close contacts with many Romanian Transylvanian politicians, called onAugust Treboniu Laurian not to oppose the unification of Transylvania and revolutionaryHungary.[24] In parallel, secretive negotiations were carried out betweenLajos Batthyány and Ion Brătianu, which were in connection to a project of creating a Wallachian–Hungarianconfederation.[24] Although it drew support from radicals, the proposal was ultimately rejected by the Hungarian side, who notably argued that this carried the danger of deteriorating relations with Russia.[25] Progressively, Romanian Transylvanians distanced themselves from the rapprochement, and clarified that their goal was the preservation of Austrian rule, coming into open conflict with the Hungarian revolutionary authorities.[26]
The following day, the new administrative bodies issued their first decrees. One of them instituted the horizontal tricolor with the inscriptionDPEПTATE – ФРЪЦIE ("Justice – Brotherhood" inRomanian Cyrillic as used at the time).[21] Anational motto for Wallachia,Dreptate, Frăție ("Justice, Brotherhood"), was also introduced.[27] It proclaimed alltraditional civil ranks to be destitute, indicating that the only acceptable distinctions were to be made on the basis of "virtues and services to the motherland", and creating a national guard.[28] The Government also abolishedcensorship, as well ascapital andcorporal punishment, while ordering allpolitical prisoners to be set free.[28] In line with earlier demands, a call for unification of all Romanian-inhabited lands, as "one and indivisible [nation]", was officially voiced during that period.[29] However, this view was still only shared by a relatively small and highly factionalized section of theintelligentsia.[30]
The officialabolition ofRomaslavery was sanctioned by a decree also issued on June 26.[31] This was the culmination of a process begun in 1843, when all state-owned slaves had been liberated, and continued in February 1847, when theOrthodox Church had followed suit and set free its own Roma labor force.[32] The decree notably read: "The Romanian people discard the lack of humanity and the shameful sin of owning slaves and declares the freedom of privately owned slaves. Those who have so far had the sinful shame of owning slaves are forgiven by the Romanian people; and the motherland, as a good mother, shall compensate, out of its treasury, whosoever shall complain of detriment as a result of thisChristian deed".[33] A three-member Commission was left to decide on the matters of legal implementation and compensation for slave owners—it comprised Bolliac,Petrache Poenaru, andIoasaf Znagoveanu.[34]
The authorities publicized their reforms by making use of new press institutions, the most circulated of which werePoporul Suveran (a magazine edited by Bălcescu, Bolliac,Grigore Alexandrescu,Dimitrie Bolintineanu and others) andPruncul Român (published by Rosetti andEric Winterhalder).[35] In parallel, the Bucharest populace could regularly hear public communiques read on the fields ofFilaret (known as the "Field of Liberty").[36]
Support for the Provisional Government began to be tested when the issue ofland reform andcorvées was again brought to the forefront. Aside from the important conservative forces, opponents of the measure were to be found inside the leadership body itself, and included the moderates Heliade Rădulescu andIoan Odobescu.[36] Revolutionaries who favored passing land into the property of peasants were divided over the amount that was to be ceded, as well as over the issue of compensation to be paid to boyars.[37] A compromise was reached through postponing, with a decision taken to submit all proposals to the vote of the Assembly, which was yet to be convened, instead of drafting a decree.[37] Nevertheless, a Proclamation to estate-holders was issued (June 28, 1848), indicating that the reform was to be eventually enforced in exchange for unspecified sums, and calling on peasants to fulfill their corvées until autumn of the same year.[36]
This appeal caused a reaction from the opposition forces: Odobescu rallied to the cause of conservatives, and, on July 1, 1848, together with his fellow officersIoan Solomon andGrigorie Lăcusteanu, arrested the entire Government.[36] The coup almost succeeded, being ultimately overturned by the reaction of Bucharesters, who organized street resistance against mutinied troops, mountedbarricades, and, eventually, stormed into the executive's headquarters.[36] The latter assault, led byAna Ipătescu, resulted in the arrest of all coup leaders.[36]
Despite this move, disputes regarding the shape of land reform continued inside the Government. On July 21, 1848, Nicolae Bălcescu obtained the issuing of a decree to createComisia proprietății (the Commission on Property), comprising 34 delegates, two for eachWallachian county, representing respectively peasants and landlords.[38] The new institution was presided over by the landownerAlexandru Racoviță, and had the Moldavian-bornIon Ionescu de la Brad for its vice president.[37]
During the proceedings, a number of boyars had switched to supporting peasants: theliberal boyar Ceaușescu, a delegate to the Commission's fourth session, made a celebrated speech in which he addressed laborers as "brothers" and deplored his own status as a landowner.[39] An emotional audience applauded his gesture, and peasants proclaimed that God forgave Ceaușescu's deeds.[39] Other landowners, more circumspect, asked peasants what they planned to use for compensation, for which they were to be largely responsible; according toMihail Kogălniceanu, their answer was "With these two slave's arms, we have been working for centuries and provided for all the landowners' expenses; once freed, our arms would work twice as much and rest assured that we will not leave you wanting of what the country's judgment will decide we should pay you".[33] This reportedly caused an uproar inside the Commission.[33]
Peasants and their supporters advocated the notion that each family was supposed to receive at least fourhectares of land; in their system, which made note of differences in local traditional, peasants living inwetlands were to be assigned 16pogoane (approx. eight hectares), those living in plains 14 (approx. seven hectares), inhabitants of hilly areas 11 (between five and six hectares), while people inhabiting theSouthern Carpathian areas were supposed to receive eightpogoane (approx. four hectares).[36] This program was instantly rejected by many landowners, and the negotiations were ended through a decision taken by Heliade Rădulescu, when it was again decided that the ultimate resolution was a prerogative of the future Assembly.[37] The failure to address this most significant of the problems faced by Wallachians contributed to weakening support for the revolutionary cause.[40]
Faced with the clear hostility of theRussianEmperorNicholas I, Wallachian revolutionaries sought instead a rapprochement with theOttoman leadership.[41] Efforts were made to clarify that the movement did not seek to reject Ottomansuzerainty: for this purpose,Ion Ghica was sent toIstanbul as early as May 29, 1848; his mission was initially successful, but later events ledSultanAbdülmecid I to reconsider his position, especially after being faced with Russian protests.[42]Süleyman Pașa, Abdülmecid's brother-in-law, was dispatched toBucharest with orders to report on the situation and take appropriate measures.[36]
Warmly received by the city's inhabitants and authorities, Süleyman opted to impose a series of formal moves, which were intended to appease Russia.[36] He replaced the Government with aregency,Locotenența domnească, and asked for some changes to be operated in the text of the constitution (promising that these were to ensure Ottoman recognition).[36] The new ruling body, atriumvirate, comprised Heliade Rădulescu,Nicolae Golescu, andChristian Tell.[36]
On Süleyman's explicit advice, a revolutionary delegation was dispatched to Istanbul, where it was to negotiate the movement's official recognition—among the envoys were Bălcescu,Ștefan Golescu, andDimitrie Bolintineanu.[43] By that moment, Russian diplomats had persuaded thePorte to adopt a more reserved attitude, and to replace Süleyman with arapporteur for theDivan,Fuat Pasha.[44] In parallel, Russia ordered its troops inBessarabia to prepare for an intervention over thePrut River and into Bucharest—the prospect of a Russo-Turkish war was inconvenient for Abdülmecid, at a time when theFrench Second Republic and theUnited Kingdom failed to clarify their positions in respect to Ottoman policies.[45]Stratford Canning, theBritish Ambassador to the Porte, even advised Ottoman officials to intervene against the Revolution, thus servingPrime MinisterPalmerston's policy regarding the preservation of Ottoman rule in the face of outside pressures.[46] The Wallachian delegation was denied reception, and, after a prolonged stay, had to return to Bucharest.[44]
On July 11, 1848, the false rumor that theImperial Russian Army had left Bessarabia and was moving southwards cause the regency to leave Bucharest and take refuge inTârgoviște.[44] This occurred after Russia had occupied Moldavia in April, a result of theunsuccessful revolt in that country.[47] The moment was seized by conservatives: headed byMetropolitan Neofit, the latter grouping took over, and announced that the revolution had ended.[44] When a revolutionary courier returned from the Moldavian town ofFocșani with news that Russian troops had not left their quarters, the population in the capital prepared for action—during the events, Ambrozie, a priest from theBuzău Bishopric, made himself the revolutionary hero of the hour and earned the nicknamePopa Tun, the "Cannon Priest", after ripping out the lit fuse of a gun aimed at the crowds.[44] The outcome caused Neofit to invalidate his own proclamation, and to transfer his power back to the Provisional Government (July 12).[44]
Over the following months, the population radicalized itself, and, on September 18, 1848, just one week before the Revolution was crushed, crowds entered the Interior Ministry, taking over the official copies ofRegulamentul Organic and the register ofboyar ranks (Arhondologia).[48] The documents were subsequently paraded through the city in a mock funeral cortege, and burned down, one sheet at a time, in the public square onMitropoliei Hill.[49] Neofit reluctantly agreed to preside over the ceremony and to issue acurse on both pieces of legislation.[49]
| Battle of Dealul Spirii | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of Wallachian Revolution of 1848 | |||||||
 Resistance of the firemen on Dealul Spirii | |||||||
| |||||||
| Belligerents | |||||||
 Wallachia | Ottoman Empire | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
| Pavel Zăgănescu [ro]Radu C. Golescu [ro] | Kerim Pasha | ||||||
| Units involved | |||||||
| Regimentul I de Linie [ro] Regimentul II de Linie [ro] Fire company | Unknown | ||||||
| Strength | |||||||
| 916 | 6000 | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
| 48 killed 56 wounded | 158 killed 400 wounded | ||||||
On September 25 [O.S. September 13] 1848, Ottoman troops headed byOmar Pasha and assisted byFuat Pasha stormed into Bucharest, partly as an attempt to prevent the extension of Russian presence over theMilcov River.[50] On the morning of that day, Fuat met with local public figures at his headquarters inCotroceni, proclaiming the reestablishment of theRegulament and appointingConstantin Cantacuzino asKaymakam of Wallachia.[49] While all revolutionaries who attended the meeting were placed under arrest,Ion Heliade Rădulescu andChristian Tell sought refuge at the British consulate in Bucharest, where they were received byRobert Gilmour Colquhoun in exchange for a sum ofAustrian florins.[49]
The radical faction around Nicolae Bălcescu andGheorghe Magheru had planned resistance on theDanube, but their opinion had failed to rally significant appeal.[49] A group of several thousands soldiers, comprisingOltenianpandurs and volunteers from throughout the land, rallied inRâmnicu Vâlcea under Magheru's command, without ever going into action.[51] In Bucharest itself, a force of 6000 troops under Kerim Pasha was led to the garrison onDealul Spirii. A 900-strong force consisting of the 2ndLine Infantry Regiment, the 7th Company of the 1st Line Infantry Regiment under the command ofColonel Radu Golescu, and thefire company led byCaptain Pavel Zăgănescu,[52] met the Ottomans with resistance, provoking a briefbattle [ro] that lasted two and a half hours during which 158 Turks and 48 Romanians died and 400 Turks and 57 Romanians were wounded.[49] In the evening, the entire city had been pacified.[49] On September 27, a Russian force underAlexander von Lüders joined the occupation of Bucharest, taking over administration over one half of the city.[51] Russia's expedition into the twoDanubian Principalities was the only independent military initiative of her foreign interventions against theRevolutions of 1848.[53]
Immediately after the events, 91 revolutionaries were sentenced to exile.[49] Of these, a small group was transported bybarges fromGiurgiu, on their way to theAustrian-ruledSvinița, near the Danube port ofOrschowa.[54] The revolutionary artistConstantin Daniel Rosenthal andMaria Rosetti, both of whom had been allowed to go free and had subsequently followed the barges on shore, pointed out that the Ottomans had stepped out of their jurisdiction, and were able to persuade the mayor of Svinița to disarm the guards, which in turn allowed the prisoners to flee.[55] The escapees then made their way to Paris.[56]
Most other revolutionaries were detained in areas of present-dayBulgaria until spring 1849, and, passing throughRustchuk andVarna, were taken to theAnatolian city ofBrusa, where they lived at the expense of the Ottoman state.[57] They were allowed to return after 1856.[49] During their period of exile, rivalry between the various factions became obvious, a conflict which became the basis for political allegiances in later years.[58]
In the meantime, Magheru, upon the advice of Colquhoun,[39] ordered thedemobilization of his troops (October 10), and, accompanied by a few of his officers, passed theSouthern Carpathians intoHermannstadt—at the time, theTransylvanian city was nominally in the Austrian Empire, but gripped by theHungarian Revolution.[49]
Starting in December 1848, a number of Wallachian revolutionaries who had escaped or had been set free from arrest began mediating an understanding between Hungary'sLajos Kossuth and those Romanian Transylvanian activists and peasants who, under the leadership ofAvram Iancu, were mounting military resistance to theHonvédség troops ofJózef Bem. Nicolae Bălcescu emerged from his refuge in thePrincipality of Serbia, and, together withAlexandru G. Golescu andIon Ionescu de la Brad, began talks with Iancu inZlatna.[59] The Wallachians presented Kossuth's proposal that Iancu's fighters should leave their base in theApuseni and help rekindle revolution in Wallachia, leaving room for Hungary to resist Russian invention, but the offer was dismissed on the spot.[60] In parallel, Magheru reached out to Hungarian authorities, asking them to consider confederating Hungary proper and Transylvania; this plan was also rejected.[61]
On May 26, 1849, Nicolae Bălcescu met with Kossuth inDebrecen, and, despite his personal disappointment with the Hungarian discourse and his ideal of full political rights for Romanians in the region,[62] agreed to mediate an understanding with Iancu, which resulted in aceasefire and a series ofpolitical concessions.[63] This came as Russian troops were entering Transylvania, a military operation culminating in Hungarian defeat at theBattle of Segesvár in late July.
The Ottoman–Russian occupation prolonged itself until 1851, while the1849 Convention of Balta Liman awarded the Wallachian crown toBarbu Dimitrie Știrbei.[64] In contrast to the 1848–1849 setbacks, the period inaugurated by theCrimean War disestablished both Russian domination and theRegulamentul Organic regime, and, within the space of one generation, brought about the fulfillment of virtually all revolutionary projects.[65] The common actions of Moldavians and Wallachians, in pace with the presence of Wallachian activists in Transylvania, helped circulate the ideal of national unity, with the ultimate goal of reuniting all majority-Romanian territories within one state.[49]
In early 1859, at the close of a turbulent period, Wallachia and Moldavia entered apersonal union, later formalized as theRomanian United Principalities, under Moldavian-bornDomnitorAlexandru Ioan Cuza (himself a former revolutionary).[58] Having been allowed to return from exile after theTreaty of Paris, most of the surviving revolutionaries played a major part in the political developments, and organized themselves asPartida Națională, which promoted Cuza during simultaneous elections for thead hoc Divans.[66] The role of Paris-based Wallachianémigrés in promoting sympathy for common Romanian goals was decisive.[49]Partida succeeded in becoming the major factor in Romanian political life, before forming the basis of theliberal current.[67] With Cuza's rule, the pace ofWesternization increased, and, during the 1860s, a moderateland reform was carried out, monastery estates weresecularized, whilecorvées andboyar ranks were outlawed.[68]
Following an 1866 conflict between the increasinglyauthoritarian Cuza and the political class, various trends organized a coup which broughtPrince Carol, aHohenzollern, to the Romanian throne[67]—echoing a will expressed by some of the 1848 activists to have a foreign dynasty rule over a unified state.[67] In 1877, as a consequence of theRusso-Turkish War, Romania proclaimed her independence.[67]
