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  Seal script forwàidān 外丹 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Literal meaning | outside cinnabar | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Hangul | 외단 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Hanja | 外丹 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Kanji | 外丹 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Hiragana | がいたん | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Waidan, translated as 'external alchemy' or 'external elixir', is the early branch ofChinese alchemy that focuses upon compoundingelixirs of immortality by heating minerals, metals, and other natural substances in alutedcrucible. The later branch of esotericneidan 'inner alchemy', which borrowed doctrines and vocabulary from exotericwaidan, is based on allegorically producing elixirs within theendocrine or hormonal system of the practitioner's body,[1] throughDaoist meditation,diet, and physiological practices. The practice ofwaidan external alchemy originated in the earlyHan dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), grew in popularity until theTang (618–907), whenneidan began and several emperors died fromalchemical elixir poisoning, and gradually declined until theMing dynasty (1368–1644).
The Chinesecompoundwàidān combines the common wordwài外 'outside; exterior; external' withdān丹 'cinnabar; vermillion; elixir; alchemy'. Theantonym ofwài isnèi內 meaning 'inside; inner; internal', and the termwàidān外丹 'external elixir/alchemy' was coined in connection with the complementary termnèidān 'internal elixir/alchemy'.
Thesinologist and expert on Chinese alchemyFabrizio Pregadio lists four generally accepted meanings ofdan: "The color cinnabar, scarlet, or light scarlet", "The mineral cinnabar, defined as 'a red stone formed by the combination of quicksilver and sulphur'", "Sincerity (corresponding todanxin丹心)", and "An essence obtained by the refining of a medicinal substance; a refined medicinal substance, the so-called medicine of the seekers of immortality for avoiding aging and death; a term often used for matters concerning the immortal". Pregadio concludes that thesemantic field of the worddan evolves from a root-meaning of "essence", and its connotations include "the reality, principle, or true nature of an entity or its essential part, and by extension, the cognate notions of oneness, authenticity, sincerity, lack of artifice, simplicity, and concentration."[2]
The date for the earliest use of the termwaidan is unclear. It occurs inDu Guangting's 901Daode zhenjing guangshengyi道德真經廣聖義 (Explications Expanding on the Sages [Commentaries] on theDaodejing), which is quoted in the 978Taiping guangji. Liu Xiyue's劉希岳 988Taixuan langranzi jindao shi太玄朗然子進道詩 (Master Taixuan Langran's Poems on Advancing in the Dao) has the earliest mention of both the termsneidan andwaidan.[3]
Jindan zhi dao金丹之道 (Way of the Golden Elixir) was a classical name forwaidan alchemy, andwàidān shù外丹術 (with術 'art; skill; technique; method') is theModern Standard Chinese term.
Joseph Needham, the eminent historian ofscience and technology, divided Chinese alchemy into the "golden age" (400-800) from the end of theJin to lateTang dynasty and the "silver age" (800-1300) from late Tang to the end of theSong dynasty.[4] Furthermore, Fabrizio Pregadio uses "golden age" in specific reference to the Tang period.[5]
The extant Chinese alchemical literature comprises about 100 sources preserved in theDaoist Canon. These texts show that while earlywaidan was mainly concerned with the performance of ceremonies and other ritual actions addressed to gods and demons, a shift occurred around the 6th or 7th century to the later tradition that used alchemical symbolism to represent the origins and functioning of the cosmos, which played a crucial role in the development ofneidan.[6]
Little is known about the origins of alchemy in China. The historian and sinologistNathan Sivin gives an approximate timeline: the Chinese belief in the possibility of physical immortality began around the 8th century BCE, the acceptance that immortality was attainable by taking herbal drugs started in the 4th century BCE, but the uncertain date when the idea that immortality drugs could be made through alchemy rather than found in nature was no later than the 2nd century BCE.[7] Despite a later tradition thatZou Yan (c. 305-240 BCE), founder of theSchool of Yin Yang, was an early alchemist, his biography does not mention alchemy, and nowaidan text is attributed to him.[8]
The sinologistHomer H. Dubs proposed that the earliest historical allusion to Chinese alchemy was in 144 BCE, but other scholars are doubtful.Emperor Jing of Han's 144 BCE anti-coining edict "established a statute (fixing) public execution for (privately) coining of cash or counterfeiting gold" that Dubs believes also made alchemy illegal.[9] However, Jing's imperial decree did not ban making alchemical elixirs but rather, privately coining money; the commentary ofYing Shao (140-206 CE) explains how it abrogated the 175 BCE edict by the previousEmperor Wen that allowed people to cast coins without authorization.[10]
The first historically reliable mention of alchemy in China concernsLi Shaojun, afangshi "masters of methods", who suggested around 133 BCE thatEmperor Wu of Han (r. 141-87) should prepare for thefeng封 andshan禪 state rituals to Heaven and Earth by performing an alchemical method of transmuting cinnabar into gold.[6] According to the c. 94 BCEShiji,
Li Shaojun told the Emperor: "By making offerings to the stove (zao), one can summon the supernatural beings (wu). If one summons them, cinnabar can be transmuted into gold. When gold has been produced and made into vessels for eating and drinking, one can prolong one’s life. If one’s life is prolonged, one will be able to meet the immortals of thePenglai Island in the midst of the sea. When one has seen them and has performed thefeng andshan ceremonies, one will never die. The Yellow Emperor did just so. Your subject formerly, when sailing on the sea, encountered Master Anqi (Anqi Sheng), who feeds on jujube-dates as large as melons. Master Anqi is an immortal who roams about Penglai; when it pleases him to appear to humans, he does so, otherwise he remains invisible." Thereupon the Emperor for the first time personally made offerings to the stove. He sent somefangshi to the sea to search for the legendary Penglai and for alchemists who could transmute cinnabar and other substances into gold.[11]
Li Shaojun's immortality elixir in this passage was not meant to be consumed, but used to cast alchemical gold cups and dishes that would supposedly prolong the emperor's life to the point that he could perform thethaumaturgic and ritual prerequisites to ultimately become immortal.[12]
AlthoughLiu An's c. 120 BCEHuainanzi does not explicitly refer to alchemy, it does have a passage on the natural evolution of minerals and metals in the earth, which became a prominent idea in laterwaidan cosmological texts. They state that elixir compounding reproduces the process through which nature spontaneously transmutes minerals and metals into gold, but alchemy accelerates it by compressing or "manipulating"[13] the centuries of time that the natural process requires, usinghuohou火 候 'fire times' to match cycles of different lengths.[14] TheHuainanzi context listswu-xing "Five Phases/Elements" correlations for colors, minerals, and metals.
Theqi of balanced earth is received into the yellow heaven, which after five hundred years engenders a yellow jade [possibly realgar or amber]. After five hundred years this engenders a yellow quicksilver, which after five hundred years engenders gold ["yellow metal"]. After one thousand years, gold engenders the yellow dragon. The yellow dragon, going into hiding, engenders the yellow springs. When the dust from the yellow springs rises to become a yellow cloud, the rubbing together of yin and yang makes thunder; their rising and spreading out make lightning. What has ascended then descends as a flow of water that collects in the yellow sea.[15]
For each of the Five Colors (yellow,bluegreen, vermillion, white, and black), theHuainanzi transmutation process involves a corresponding mineral, quicksilver (using the archaic namehòng澒 forgǒng汞 'mercury; quicksilver'), and metal (jīn金). The other four colored metamorphoses are bluegreen malachite-quicksilver-lead, vermillion cinnabar-quicksilver-copper, white arsenolite-quicksilver-silver, and black slate-quicksilver-iron. According to Dubs, this passage omits mentioning alchemy because of its illegality. It accounts for common alchemical ingredients like quicksilver, and comes from the School of Yin-Yang and perhaps even Zou Yan himself.[16] Major says it is considered to be "China's oldest statement of the principles of alchemy".[17]
The c. 60 BCEYantie lun (Discourses on Salt and Iron) has the earliest reference to the ingestion of alchemical elixirs in a context criticizingQin Shi Huang's patronage of anyone who claimed to know immortality techniques.[18] "At that time, the masters (shi) of Yan and Qi set aside their hoes and digging sticks and competed to make themselves heard on the subject of immortals and magicians. Consequently thefangshi who headed for [the Qin capital] Xianyang numbered in the thousands. They asserted that the immortals had eaten of gold and drunk of pearl; after this had been done, their lives would last as long as Heaven and Earth."[19]
The erudite Han officialLiu Xiang (77-6 BCE) attempted and failed to compound alchemical gold. TheHanshu says that in 61 BCE,Emperor Xuan became interested in immortality and employed numerousfangshi specialists to recreate the sacrifices and techniques used by his great-grandfather,Emperor Wu. In 60 BCE, Liu Xiang presented the emperor with a rare alchemical book entitledHongbao yuanbi shu鴻寳苑祕術 (Arts from the Garden of Secrets of the Great Treasure)–which had supposedly belonged to theHuainanzi compiler Liu An–that described "divine immortals and the art of inducing spiritual beings to make gold" and Zou Yan'schongdao重道 "recipe for prolonging life by a repeated method [of transmutation]".[20] Thechongdao context is also translated as "a method of repeated (transmutation)",[21] or readingzhongdao as "important methods by Zou Yan for prolonging life".[22] Emperor Xuan commissioned Liu Xiang to produce alchemical gold, but he was ultimately unsuccessful despite having access to the best available alchemical texts in the imperial library, the expertise of numerousfangshi and metallurgist assistants, and unlimited imperial resources. In 56 BCE, the emperor ordered Liu to be executed yet later reduced the sentence. Dubs concludes that a "more complete and adequate test of alchemy could not have been made".[23]
The oldest extant Chinese alchemistic texts, comprising the Taiqing corpus,Cantong qi, andBaopuzi, date from around the 2nd to 4th centuries.
The Daoist Taiqing太清 (Great Clarity) tradition produced the earliest known textual corpus related towaidan. Its main scriptures were theTaiqing jing太清經 (Scripture of Great Clarity), theJiudan jing九丹經 (Scripture of the Nine Elixirs), and theJinye jing金液經 (Scripture of the Golden Fluid), which early sources say were revealed to the HanfangshiZuo Ci at the end of the 2nd century. Both theBaopuzi (below) and the received versions of these scriptures in the Daoist Canon show that the Taiqing tradition developed inJiangnan (lit. 'south of theYangtze river'), in close relation to local exorcistic and ritual practices.[24]
TheZhouyi Cantong Qi (Token for the Agreement of the Three According to theBook of Changes) orCantong qi, is traditionally considered the earliest Chinese book on alchemy. Its original version is attributed toWei Boyang in the mid-2nd century, but thereceived text was augmented during theSix Dynasties (220-589) period. Unlike the earlier Taiqing tradition, which focuses on ritual, theCantong qi is based on correlative cosmology and uses philosophical, astronomical, and alchemical emblems to describe the relation of the Dao to the universe. For instance, the two main emblems arezhengong真汞 (Real Mercury) andzhenqian真鉛 (Real Lead), respectively corresponding to Original Yin and Original Yang.[25] This choice of mercury and lead as the prime ingredients for elixir alchemy limited later potential experiments and resulted in numerous cases of poisoning. It is quite possible that "many of the most brilliant and creative alchemists fell victim to their own experiments by taking dangerous elixirs".[26] The newCantong qi view of the alchemical process not only influenced the later development ofwaidan, but also paved the way for the rise ofneidan. From the Tang period onward, theCantong qi became main scripture of bothwaidan andneidan alchemies.
The Daoist scholarGe Hong's c. 318-330Baopuzi devotes two of its twenty chapters towaidan alchemy. Chapter 4,Jindan金丹 "Gold and Cinnabar", focuses on the Taiqing corpus, whose methods are mostly based on minerals, and Chapter 16,Huangbai黃白 "The Yellow and the White", contains formulas centered on metals.[27] Ge Hong says that the ritual context of the two sets of practices was similar, but the scriptures were transmitted by different lineages.[28] In addition, theBaopuzi quotes, summarizes, or mentions many otherwaidan methods, often from unknown sources.[29]
Chapter 4, "Gold and Cinnabar", provides a variety of formulas for elixirs of immortality. Most of them involveshijie尸解 "liberation from the corpse", which generates "a new physical but immortal self (embodying the old personality) that leaves the adept's corpse like a butterfly emerging from its chrysalis", and is verifiable when the corpse, light in weight as an empty cocoon, did not decay after death.[30] ManyBaopuzi elixirs are based on arsenic and mercury compounds, which have "excellent embalming properties".[31] Some less effective elixirs only provide longevity, cure disease, or allow the adept to perform miracles. TheBaoppuzi lists a total of 56 chemical preparations and elixirs, 8 of which were poisonous, with hallucinations frommercury poisoning the most commonly reported symptom.[32]
Baopuzi Chapter 16, "The Yellow and the White", records several methods for preparing artificial alchemical gold and silver, which when ingested will provide immortality.[33] It also includes a few elixir formulas with effects such as providing invulnerability or reversing the course of a stream.[34] Ge Hong emphasizes thatwaidan alchemy grants access to higher spiritual realms and is therefore superior to other practices such as healing, exorcism, and meditation.[35]
What Needham calls the "golden age of Chinese alchemy" (c. 400-800) was from the end of theJin to the lateTang dynasty.
The Daoist scholar and alchemistTao Hongjing (456–536) was a founder of theShangqing (Highest Clarity) and the compiler-editor of the basic "Shangqing revelations" purportedly dictated toYang Xi by Daoist deities between 364 and 370.[6] Many of these revealed texts described immortality elixirs, and Tao incorporated the coreTaiqing (Great Clarity) alchemical texts into the Shangqing corpus, marking the first encounter betweenwaidan and an established Daoist movement. Although the Shangqing texts used thewaidan process mainly as a support for meditation and visualization practices, the language, techniques, and rituals in these works are mostly identical with those of the Taiqing corpus.[35] Tao was commissioned byEmperor Wu of Liang to experiment withwaidan alchemy and produce elixirs, but only achieved limited success.
The decline of the original Taiqing tradition resulted in a tendency to focus the alchemical process on two major methods: refining cinnabar into mercury and compounding lead with mercury. Advocates of the cinnabar-mercurywaidan methods, such as the 8th-century alchemist Chen Shaowei陳少微, described producing quicksilver in cosmological terms, without any reference to theCantong qi system. During the Tang dynasty, the lead-mercury tradition based on theCantong qi acquired importance, andwaidan alchemy was transformed from an instrument for communicating with supernatural beings to a support for intellectualizing philosophical principles.[36] Several works related to theCantong qi rejected cinnabar-mercury methods with the rationale thatyang cinnabar andyin mercury alone cannot produce the true elixir. Historically, the lead-mercury theory became the predominant method.[25]
The Tang period is also known for intensified imperial patronage ofwaidan, even though elixir poisoning caused the death of EmperorsWuzong (r. 840-846),Xuanzong (r. 846-859), and likely alsoXianzong (r. 805-820) andMuzong (r. 820-824).[25] While elixir poisoning is sometimes designated as a reason for the decline ofwaidan after the Tang, the shift toneidan was the result of a much longer and more complex process.Waidan and earlyneidan developed together throughout the Tang and were closely interrelated.[37]
Needham's "silver age of Chinese alchemy" (c. 800-1300) was from the late Tang to the end of theSong dynasty. During the Tang,waidan literature gradually changed from emphasizing ritual practices to cosmological principles. Early Taiqing tradition texts stress the performance of alchemical rites and ceremonies when compounding, and described elixirs as tools for either summoning benevolent gods or expelling malicious spirits. Most post-Tangwaidan texts related toCantong qi alchemy stress the cosmological significance of elixir compounding and employ numerous abstract notions.[38] After the late Tang period,waidan gradually declined and thesoteriological immortality significance of alchemy was transferred toneidan.[25]
Imperial interest in alchemy continued during the Song dynasty (960-1279).Emperor Zhenzong (r. 997-1022) established a laboratory in the Imperial Academy, where the Daoist alchemist Wang Jie王捷 "produced and presented to the throne artificial gold and silver amounting to many tens of thousands (of cash), brilliant and glittering beyond all ordinary treasures".[39]
Mostwaidan sources dating from the Song and later periods are either anthologies of earlier writings or deal with metallurgical techniques.[25]Waidan alchemy subsequently declined in theYuan,Ming, andQing dynasties.[40]
Chinese descriptions of alchemicallaboratory equipment vary among texts and traditions, but share some common terminology. The following outline concerns alchemical hardware rather than liturgical or magical artifacts such as the sword,sun and moon mirrors, andpeach-wood talismans.
The alchemy laboratory was called the Chamber of Elixirs (danshi丹室,danwu丹屋, ordanfang丹房). Sources differ about how to construct one. One text says the Chamber is ideally built near a mountain stream on in a secluded place, and has two doors, facing east and south; another says it should never be built over an old well or tomb, and has doors facing in all directions except north.[41]
A layered "laboratory bench" calledtan壇 "altar; platform" was placed either in the center or along a wall of the Chamber.[42] It was commonly depicted as a three-tiered clay stove platform, with eight ventilating openings on each tier—8numerologically signifyingbafang八方 (lit. 'eight directions') "eight points of the compass; all directions".[41] The alchemist's heating apparatus, interchangeably calledlu爐 'stove; furnace' orzao竈 '(kitchen) stove', was placed on the highest tier of thetan platform. Owing to inconsistent textual terminology, it translates as 'stove' or 'furnace' in some sources and as 'oven' or 'combustion chamber' in others.[43] Depending upon the alchemical formula,rice hulls, charcoal, or horse manure served as fuel.
Awaidan alchemicalfu釜 'crucible; cauldron' was placed over thezao stove or sometimes inside it. Theshuangfu雙釜 'double crucible' was commonly made of red clay and had two halves joined to each other by their mouths.[44] Another type of crucible had an iron lower half and clay upper one.[45] After placing the ingredients in a crucible, the alchemist would hermetically seal it by applying several layers of alute clay preparation inside and outside. The classic alchemical luting mixture wasliuyini六一泥 Six-and-One Mud with seven ingredients, typically alum, Turkestan rock salt (rongyan戎鹽), lake salt,arsenolite, oyster shells, red clay, and talc.[44]
Two common types of open alchemicalreaction vessels were calledding鼎 'tripod; container; cauldron' andgui匱 'box; casing; container;aludel'.[46]Ding鼎 originally named a "tripod cauldron"Chinese ritual bronze, but alchemists used the term (anddingqi鼎器) in reference to numerous metal or clay instruments with different shapes and functions.[44]Ding generally named both pots and various other reaction vessels to which fire was applied externally—as distinguished fromlu that contained fire within.[46]Gui匱 (an old character forgui櫃 'cupboard; cabinet') was an alchemical name for a reaction vessel casing that was placed within a reaction chamber. Broadly speaking,gui had lids whileding were open at the top.[47]
Besides the more open bowl-like or crucible forms of reaction vessels, whether lidded or not, many kinds of sealed containers were employed. Two common ones were theshenshi神室 (lit. 'divine chamber') corresponding to the aludel subliming pot used inArabic alchemy, and theyaofu藥釜 'pyx; bomb' vessel composed of two roughly hemispherical crucible-like bowls with flanges placed mouth to mouth.[48]
In addition to these basic tools, the alchemical apparatus also includes both common utensils (like mortars and pestles) and various specialized laboratory instruments for steaming, condensation,sublimation, distillation, and extraction.[49]
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