| Volkssturm | |
|---|---|
 Volkssturm marching. Most of the men marching are carryingPanzerfaust launchers; the man at the bottom carries anMG34, November 1944. | |
| Founded | 18 October 1944 |
| Disbanded | 8 May 1945 |
| Country |  Germany |
| Type | Militia |
| Part of |  Nazi Party |
| Commander | Heinrich Himmler (Military training andequipment) Martin Bormann (Administration andindoctrination) |
TheVolkssturm (German pronunciation:[ˈfɔlksʃtʊʁm]ⓘ,lit. 'people's storm')[1][2] was alevée en masse nationalmilitia established byNazi Germany during the last months ofWorld War II. It was set up by theNazi Party on the orders ofAdolf Hitler and established on 25 September 1944.[3] It was staffed by conscripting males between the ages of 16 and 60 years who were not already serving in some military unit.
TheVolkssturm comprised one of the final components of thetotal war promulgated byPropaganda MinisterJoseph Goebbels, part of a Nazi endeavor to overcome their enemies' military strength through force of will.[4]Volkssturm units fought unsuccessful battles againstAllied forces at the end of the war. On several occasions, its members participated in atrocities, accompanied by German civilians and theHitler Youth, which were overseen by members of theSS orGau leaders.
TheVolkssturm drew inspiration from thePrussianLandsturm of 1813–1815, that fought in the liberation wars againstNapoleon, mainly as guerrilla forces.[5] Plans to form aLandsturm national militia in eastern Germany as a last resort to boost fighting strength were first proposed in 1944 by GeneralHeinz Guderian, chief of theGerman General Staff.[6] The army did not have enough men to resist the Soviet advance. So, additional categories of men were called into service, including those in non-essential jobs, those previously deemed unfit, over-age, or under-age, and those recovering from wounds.[7] TheVolkssturm had existed, on paper, since around 1925, but it was only after Hitler orderedMartin Bormann to recruit six million men for this militia that the group became a physical reality. While the regime formally established theVolkssturm on 25 September, it was not announced to the public until 16 October 1944.[8] The official launch date was two days later, 18 October 1944 and was chosen byHeinrich Himmler to evoke parallels with the popular uprising which, according to popular legend, ended French rule over Germany and culminated in theBattle of Leipzig on the same date in 1813.[9] Despite the appeal for this last-ditch effort, the intended strength of "six million" members was never attained.[10]
Joseph Goebbels and other propagandists depicted theVolkssturm as an outburst of enthusiasm and the will to resist.[11] HistorianDaniel Blatman writes that theVolkssturm was portrayed as the "incarnation" of the greaterVolksgemeinschaft, whereby "all differences in social status, origin, or age vanish and unite all people on the basis of race. It was the service framework for members of the local community, who had been raised together and lived side by side, and now bore arms together in order to defend the community."[12] The militia was meant to embody Nazi racial community ideals, uniting men across classes for National Socialist ends.[13]
However, many Germans greeted theVolkssturm with resignation or resentment.[14] Few were enthusiastic, and many feared its members would be treated as an illegal guerrilla force with the consequences that represented.[15] To this end, there was a widespread justifiable concern among Germans that the Allies—especially the Soviets—would treatVolkssturm fighters as illegal combatants, leading to the summary execution of participating members.[16] Correspondingly, Germany sought legal assurance from the Allies thatVolkssturm members would be treated as lawful combatants. Britain and the U.S. granted recognition contingent on compliance with Hague rules.[16][a]
In some regards, theVolkssturm was the culmination of Goebbels' "total war" speech of February 1943 and its formation was "given a big build-up" in the November 1944 newsreel episode ofDie Deutsche Wochenschau.[18] Consistent messages of final victory from various Nazi media outlets accompanying theVolkssturm's creation provided a psychological rallying point for the civilian population.[19] While it had some marginal effect on morale, it was undermined by the recruits' visible lack of uniforms and weaponry.[20] Nazi themes of death, transcendence, and commemoration were given full play to encourage the fight.[21] Many German civilians realised that this was a desperate attempt to turn the course of the war. Sardonic old men would remark, "We old monkeys are theFührer's newest weapon" (in German this rhymes:"Wir alten Affen sind des Führers neue Waffen"). A popular joke about theVolkssturm went "Why is theVolkssturm Germany's most precious resource? Because its members have silver in their hair, gold in their mouths, and lead in their bones."[22]
Whether it was indicative of desperation or not (as the sardonic German jokes suggest), the creation of theVolkssturm was part of a Nazi strategy—characterized in modern terminology as “defense-in-depth”—to fortify all German towns into defensive nodes, so as to forestall and delay the Allied entry into the greater Reich.[23] For these militia units to be effective, they needed not only strength in numbers, but alsofanaticism.[24] During the early stages ofVolkssturm planning, it became apparent that units lacking morale would lack combat effectiveness. To generate fanaticism,Volkssturm units were placed under the direct command of local Nazi Party officials, theGauleiter andKreisleiter.[25] Mass rallies, oath ceremonies, and group singing were designed to instill communal fanaticism.[26]
The newVolkssturm was also to become a nationwide organisation, with Heinrich Himmler asReplacement Army commander, responsible for armaments and training. Though nominally under party control,Volkssturm units were placed underHeer command when engaged in action. At the Reich level, the SS and theParty Chancellery agreed to share responsibility between them. Himmler retained responsibility for military equipment and training while Bormann, head of the Party Chancellery, was charged with oversight of administration and political indoctrination.[27][28] Aware that a "people's army" would not be able to withstand the onslaught of the modern army wielded by the Allies, Hitler issued the following order towards the end of 1944:
Experience in the East has shown thatVolkssturm, emergency and reserve units have little fighting value when left to themselves, and can be quickly destroyed. The fighting value of these units, which are for the most part strong in numbers, but weak in the armaments required for modern battle, is immeasurably higher when they go into action with troops of the regular army in the field. I, therefore, order: whereVolkssturm, emergency, and reserve units are available, together with regular units, in any battle sector, mixed battle-groups (brigades) will be formed under unified command, so as to give theVolkssturm, emergency, and reserve units stiffening and support.[29]
With the Nazi Party in charge of organising theVolkssturm, eachGauleiter, or Nazi Party District Leader, was charged with the leadership, enrollment, and organisation of theVolkssturm in their district. The largestVolkssturm unit seems to have corresponded to the next smaller territorial subdivision of the Nazi Party organisation—theKreis. The basic unit was abattalion of 642 men. Units were mostly composed of members of theHitler Youth, invalids, the elderly, or men who had previously been considered unfit for military service.[30] On 12 February 1945, the Nazis conscripted German women and girls into the auxiliaries of theVolkssturm.[31] Correspondingly, girls as young as 14 years were trained in the use of small arms,Panzerfausts,machine guns, and hand grenades from December 1944 through May 1945.[32]
Municipal organisation:
EachGauleiter andKreisleiter had aVolkssturm Chief of Staff.
From the militia's inception until the spring of 1945, Himmler and Bormann engaged in a power-struggle over the jurisdictional control over theVolkssturm regarding security and police powers in Germany and the occupied territories; a contest which Himmler and the SS more or less won on one level (police and security), but lost to Bormann on another (mobilising reserve forces).[33] These disputes over jurisdiction only served to hinder centralized coordination of theVolkssturm, reducing its effectiveness in turn.[34] Historian David Yelton described the situation as two ranking officers at the helm of a sinking ship fighting over command.[35]
Benito Mussolini suggested, through his sonVittorio, then general secretary of theRepublican Fascist Party's German branch, that 30,000 Italians should be added to theVolkssturm in the defence of Germany. However, no evidence exists that this offer was implemented.[36] Meanwhile, there were cases when criminals and foreigners were inducted into theVolkssturm if the authorities determined them to be ideologically acceptable.[37]
TheVolkssturm "uniform" was only a black armband with the German wordsDeutscher VolkssturmWehrmacht ("German People's Storm, (of the) Armed Forces").[38] The German government tried to issue as many of its members as possible with military uniforms of all sorts, ranging fromFeldgrau tocamouflage types. To this end, the Nazi government meant for members of theVolkssturm to wear uniforms and avoid "partisan" weapons in order to maintain legality under international agreements, but this did not always prove practicable.[39]
Often, the members wore a motley assortment of whatever they could find for their uniforms; a telling example of theVolkssturm's piecemeal outfitting occurred in theRhineland, where one unit was provided with "pre-war black SS uniforms, brown Organization Todt coats, blueLuftwaffe auxiliary caps, and FrenchAdrian helmets."[40] Most members of theVolkssturm, especially elderly members, had no uniforms at all and were not supplied, so they generally wore either work uniforms (including railway workers, policemen, and firemen), Hitler Youth uniforms, old uniforms or parts of uniforms from theFirst World War, or their civilian clothing and usually carried with them their own personal rucksacks, blankets, cooking-equipment, etc.[41]
The simple paramilitary insignia of theVolkssturm were as follows:
| Volkssturm Rank | Translation | Comparative military rank | Insignia |
|---|---|---|---|
| Bataillonsführer | Battalion leader | Major |  |
| Bataillonsarzt | Battalion physician | Captain |  withRod of Asclepius |
| Kompanieführer | Company leader | Captain | |
| Zugführer | Platoon leader | Lieutenant |  |
| Sanitätsdienstgrad | [Platoon] Medical orderly | Corporal |  |
| Gruppenführer | Squad leader | Corporal | |
| Volkssturmmann | People's storm man | Private |  |
Typically, members of theVolkssturm received only very basic military training. Training across the Reich was inconsistent and typically brief; for many, learning military operations was often nothing more than a few evening or weekend sessions with outdated weaponry.[42] Many units were instructed in basic rifle handling, anti-tank tactics, and urban defense, but few received sustained or professional instruction.[43] Historian David Yelton notes that ideological indoctrination was prioritized alongside military instruction, thoughVolkssturm members generally responded more positively to practical training than to propaganda.[44] The lack of weapons, ammunition, and experienced instructors further hampered combat readiness, leading many units to enter battle ill-prepared and with dangerously low morale.[45]
There was no standardisation of any kind and units were issued only what equipment was available. This was true of every form of equipment—Volkssturm members were required to bring their own uniforms and culinary equipment etc. This resulted in the units looking very ragged and, instead of boosting civilian morale, it often reminded people of Germany's desperate state.[20] Armament was equally haphazard: though some Karabiner 98ks were on hand, members were also issued olderGewehr 98s,Steyr-Mannlicher M1895s, 19th-centuryGewehr 71s, andSteyr-Mannlicher M1888s, as well asDreyse M1907 pistols. In addition there was a plethora of Soviet, British, Belgian, French, Italian, and other weapons that had been captured by German forces during the war. The Germans had also developed cheapVolkssturm weapons, such asMP 3008 machine pistols andVolkssturmgewehr rifles. These were completely stamped and machine-pressed constructions (in the 1940s, industrial processes were much cruder than today, so a firearm needed great amounts of semi-artisanal work to be actually reliable). TheVolkssturm troops were nominally supplied when and where possible by both theWehrmacht and the SS.[46] By the end of January 1945, theVolkssturm had only accumulated 40,500 rifles and 2,900 machine guns amid this mish-mash of foreign and outdated assemblage of weapons.[47]
When units had completed their training and received armament, members took a customaryoath to Hitler and were then dispatched into combat. Teenagers and middle-aged men were sent to separate training camps, some of whom received as little as ten to fourteen days of training before being sent to fight.[48] Unlike most English-speaking countries, Germany had universal military service for all young men for several generations, so many of the older members would have had at least basic military training from when they served in the German Army and many would have been veterans of the First World War.Volkssturm units were supposed to be used only in their own districts, but many were sent directly to the front lines. Ultimately, it was their charge to confront the overwhelming power of the British, Canadian, Soviet, American, and French armies alongsideWehrmacht forces to either turn the tide of the war or set a shining example for future generations of Germans and expunge the defeat of 1918 by fighting to the last, dying before surrendering.[49][b] It was an apocalyptic goal which some of those assigned to theVolkssturm took to heart. Unremittingly fanatical members of theVolkssturm refused to abandon the Nazi ethos unto the dying days of Nazi Germany, and in a number of instances took brutal "police actions" against German civilians deemed defeatists or cowards.[50]
Losses were high among theVolkssturm – Battalion 25/235 for instance, started out with 400 men but fought on until there were only 10 men remaining. Fighting atKüstrin between 30 January and 29 March 1945, militia units made up mostly of theVolkssturm resisted for nearly two months. Losses were upwards of 60 percent for theVolkssturm atKolberg, roughly 1,900 of them died atBreslau, and during theBattle of Königsberg, another 2,400 members of theVolkssturm were killed.[51] At other times along the western front particularly,Volkssturm troops would cast their arms aside and disappear into the chaos.[8]
Many units lost their enthusiasm for the fight when it became clear that the Allies had won, prompting them to lay down their weapons and surrender – they also feared being captured by Allied forces and tortured or executed as partisans.[52] Duty to their communities also played a part in their capitulation, as did self-preservation.[53] In the end, only approximately 150,000Volkssturm members experienced serious military action; most served in auxiliary roles.[54]
Their most extensive use was during theBattle of Berlin, whereVolkssturm units fought in many parts of the city. This battle was particularly devastating to its formations; however, many membersfought to the death out of fear of beingcaptured by the Soviets.[55] TheVolkssturm had a strength of about 60,000 in the Berlin area, formed into 92 battalions, of which about 30 battalions ofVolkssturm I (those with some weapons) were sent to forward positions, while those ofVolkssturm II (those without weapons) remained in the inner city.[56] One of the few substantive fighting units left to defend Berlin was theLVI Panzer Corps, which occupied the southeastern sector of the town, whereas the remaining parts of the city were being defended by what remained of the SS, theVolkssturm, and the Hitler Youth formations.[57] Nonetheless, a force of over 2.5 million Soviet troops, equipped with 6,250 tanks and over 40,000 artillery pieces, were assigned to capture the city, and the diminished remnants of theWehrmacht were no match for them. Meanwhile, Hitler denounced every perceived "betrayal" to the inhabitants of theFührerbunker.[58] Not eager to die what was thought to be a pointless death, many older members of theVolkssturm looked for places to hide from the approaching Soviet Army.[59]
One notable and unusualVolkssturm unit in the Battle for Berlin was the 3/115Siemensstadt Battalion. It comprised 770 men, mostly World War I veterans in their 50s who were reasonably fit factory workers, with experienced officers. Unlike mostVolkssturm units it was quite well equipped and trained. It was formed into three rifle companies, a support company (with twoinfantry support guns, four infantry mortars, and heavy machine guns), and a heavy weapons company (with four SovietM-20 howitzers and a French De Bange 220mm mortar). The battalion first engaged Soviet troops atFriedrichsfelde on 21 April and saw the heaviest fighting over the following two days. It held out until 2 May, by which time it was down to just 50 rifles and two light machine guns. The survivors fell back to join otherVolkssturm units. Twenty-six men from the battalion were awarded theIron Cross.[60] Allied bombing and Soviet artillery had reduced Berlin to rubble; meanwhile the final stand in Berlin dwindled to fighting against highly trained, battle-hardened Soviet troops on the brink of final victory, who viewed resistance fighters like theVolkssturm as terrorists in much the same way theWehrmacht once had viewed potential partisans duringOperation Barbarossa.[61]Red Army soldiers called the Hitler Youth formations and members of theVolkssturm still fighting to the end in Berlin "totals" for being part of Germany's total mobilisation effort.[62]
On several occasions, members of theVolkssturm participated in atrocities. During January 1945, thousands of prisoners were evacuated and force-marched from several smallerconcentration camps—which included Jesau,Seerappen,Schippenbeil,Gerdauen, andHelgenbeil—nearKönigsberg, many dying along the way.[63] Upon reachingPalmnicken, some 2,500 to 3,000 prisoners of the 5,000 that originally began the journey were lodged in a factory.[64] Mayor and local Nazi party chief, Kurt Friedrichs wanted the SS to send these prisoners on their way since the Red Army was not far away. When localVolkssturm leader Hans Feyerabend was ordered to transport the suffering prisoners out of the town, he refused to carry out the order and was heard exclaiming that he would not permit a massacre like the one atKatyń forest.[65] Feyerabend even assignedVolkssturm guards to keep watch on the local Nazi party members, but this proved fruitless when Friedrich armed a group of Hitler Youth and likewise summoned the localSD elements, whose leaders then commanded theVolkssturm to help evacuate the prisoners.[66] On 30 January 1945, after theVolkssturm left with Friedrich in charge, Feyerabend committed suicide; then between 30 January and 1 February the prisoners were murdered by the remaining assemblage of SS guards, Hitler Youth, and the localVolkssturm unit.[67]
When prisoners fell sick withtyphus inReichsgau Steiermark during February–March 1945, SS men, Hitler Youth, andVolkssturm units systematically murdered them.[68] Under the orders of Loeben-district Kreisleiter, Otto Christandl,Volkssturm units in nearby Graz and Eisenerz assisted the Gestapo and UkrainianWaffen-SS troops in evacuating between 6,000 and 8,000 prisoners—being marched towardsMauthausen—from their region, many of whom were murdered during the journey when they collapsed from exhaustion.[69]
Beyond battlefield conduct, someVolkssturm formations were used to enforce curfews, assist in deportations, and guard prisoner-of-war or concentration camp transports.[70] Yelton notes that in many regions, particularly where the SS had strong influence, theVolkssturm was co-opted into auxiliary policing and punitive roles that blurred the line between civilian defense and participation in state terror.[71] These activities, though not always centrally coordinated, contributed to the postwar narrative that theVolkssturm was not merely a desperate militia but at times complicit in Nazi crimes.[72]
Sometime in early April 1945 as Allied forces approached theMittelwerk facilities—whereV2 rockets were being produced—the slave labourers from theMittelbau-Dora concentration camp were force-marched from the western Harz by a collection of guards drawn from the military, the Hitler Youth, and theVolkssturm.[73] Approximately 40 km (25 mi) north ofMagdeburg, in the village ofMieste, this motley assemblage of guards locked a thousand of these prisoners in a barn and burned them alive at the instruction of a local Nazi Party leader; this event came to be known as theGardelegen massacre.[73] Over 1,000 persons were murdered during this event.[74] At the town ofCelle in Lower Saxony around the same time, members of the SS, SA, local police, Hitler Youth, andVolkssturm were aided by locals to "hunt down and shoot" prisoners who had fled into the local woodland after their transport train was bombed.[75]
While Iron Crosses were being handed out in places like Berlin, other cities and towns likeParchim andMecklenburg witnessed old elites, acting as military commandants over the Hitler Youth andVolkssturm, asserting themselves and demanding that the defensive fighting stop so as to spare lives and property.[76] Despite their efforts, the last four months of the war were an exercise in futility for theVolkssturm, and the Nazi leadership's insistence to continue the fight to the bitter end contributed to an additional 1.23 million (approximated) deaths, half of them German military personnel and the other half from theVolkssturm.[77][c]
In many small towns, when leading members of theVolkssturm refused to fight on against the superior forces of the Allies—part of an attempt to circumvent the "total destruction" of their home regions—they were tried and "summarily hanged" by party activists.[80] During the spring of 1945, thousands ofVolkssturm members were killed like this by Nazi Party fanatics in Franken.[81]
Interrogated members of theVolkssturm—when questioned as to where the regular forces had gone—revealed that German soldiers surrendered to the Americans and British instead of the Red Army for fear of reprisals related to the atrocities the German forces committed in the Soviet Union.[82] Correspondingly, Yelton writes that "Defeat and occupation by the Western Allies simply did not hold the same personal or collective horror for Germans as did losing to the Soviets."[83] He adds that manyVolkssturm men began to believe it would be "better to let the Americans and British get as far east as possible."[84]
After Germany’s surrender in May 1945, the fate ofVolkssturm members varied dramatically based on the occupying power. In the Western Allied zones, mostVolkssturm fighters were treated leniently, particularly if they had surrendered peacefully or had not participated in combat.[85] American and British forces generally classified them as lightly armed conscripts and released many after brief internment, unless specific war crimes were alleged.[85] By contrast, Soviet treatment was far harsher;Volkssturm members captured by Red Army forces were often viewed as partisans or ideological enemies and were frequently executed or deported to labor camps in the USSR.[86] Yelton argues that the legacy of theVolkssturm in postwar Germany was one of ambiguity. On one hand, it symbolized the desperation and collapse of the Nazi regime, as civilians were pressed into hopeless combat against overwhelming Allied forces.[86] On the other hand, some veterans and Nazi loyalists attempted to cast theVolkssturm as a heroic last stand for German sovereignty and unity.[87] In broader historiography, however, the militia is more often remembered as an expression of the regime’s refusal to surrender and its willingness to sacrifice its own people in pursuit of ideological goals.[87]
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