Act of the Union of Lublin from 1569The Union of Lublin, a painting byMarcello Bacciarelli. Two knights hold entangled banners with the coats of arms of both states. A ribbon flutters over them with the inscription:IN COMMVNE BONVM - [COMPL]EXV SOCIATA PERENNI ("For the common good - united forever").The Union of Lublin, a painting byJan Matejko. KingSigismund II Augustus holds the cross at the centre while surrounded by statesmen, diplomats, theclergy and nobles.
Poland and Lithuania in 1526, before the Union of LublinThe Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1569
There were long discussions before signing the union treaty. Lithuanianmagnates were afraid of losing much of their power, since the union would make their legal status equal to that of the much more numerous Polish lower nobility. Lithuania had been increasingly on the losing side of theMuscovite–Lithuanian Wars, however, and by the second half of the 16th century, it faced the threat of total defeat in theLivonian War and incorporation into theTsardom of Russia.[citation needed] The Polish nobility (theszlachta), on the other hand, were reluctant to offer more help to Lithuania without receiving anything in exchange (as much as 70% of the taxes collected in Poland in the 1560s went to support Lithuania in its war with Moscow).[5][6] The Polish and Lithuanian elites strengthened personal bonds and had opportunities to plan their united futures during increased military cooperation.[7]
Sigismund II Augustus,King of Poland andGrand Duke of Lithuania, seeing the threat to Lithuania and eventually to Poland, pressed for the union, gradually gaining more followers until he felt enough support to forcibly evict landowners who opposed the transition of territory from Lithuania to Poland.[8] A clear motivation for Sigismund was that he was the last Jagiello and had no children or brothers who could inherit the throne. Therefore, the Union was an attempt to preserve the continuity of his dynasty's work since the personal (but not constitutional) union of Poland and Lithuania as a result of the marriage ofJadwiga andJogaila. The Union was one of the constitutional changes required to establish a formalelective monarchy, which would simultaneously reign over both domains.[8]
TheSejm met in January 1569, near the Polish town ofLublin, but did not reach an agreement (sejm of 1569 in Lublin [pl]). One of the points of contention was the right of Poles to settle and own land in the Grand Duchy. After most of the Lithuanian delegation under the leadership ofVilnius Voivodeship'sMikołaj "Rudy" Radziwiłł left Lublin on 1 March, the king responded by annexingPodlachie,Volhynian,Bracław, and theKievVoivodeships to theCrown (on 6 June), with wide approval from the local gentry.[9][10] Those historic lands ofRus' are over half of modernUkraine and were then a substantial portion of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania's territory. The Rus' nobles there were eager to capitalise on the economic and political opportunities offered by the Polish sphere, and by and large, they wanted their lands to become a part of the Polish Crown.[11]
The Lithuanians were forced to return to the Sejm under the leadership ofJan Hieronimowicz Chodkiewicz (father ofJan Karol Chodkiewicz) and to continue negotiations, using slightly different tactics from those of Radziwiłł. Though the Polish szlachta wanted full incorporation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania into the Crown, the Lithuanians continued to oppose that and agreed only to afederal state. On 28 June 1569, the last objections were overcome, and on 4 July, an act was accordingly signed by the king atLublin Castle.[9]
After the Union, the Lithuanian nobles had the same formal rights as the Polish to rule the lands and subjects under their control. However, political advancement in theCatholic-dominated Commonwealth was a different matter.[citation needed]
By the late 15th century, thePolish language was already making rapid inroads among the Lithuanian and Rus' elites.[9] The Lublin Union accelerated the process ofPolonization. In culture and social life, both the Polish language and Catholicism became dominant for the Ruthenian nobility, most of whom were initiallyRuthenian-speaking andEastern Orthodox by religion. However the commoners, especially the peasants, continued to speak their own languages and after theUnion of Brest converted toEastern Catholicism.[citation needed]
This eventually created a significant rift between the lowersocial classes and the nobility in the Lithuanian and Ruthenian areas of the Commonwealth.[11] Some Ruthenian magnates resisted Polonization (like theOstrogskis) by adhering to Orthodox Christianity, giving generously to the Ruthenian Orthodox Churches and to the Ruthenian schools. However, the pressure of Polonization was harder to resist with each subsequent generation and eventually almost all of the Ruthenian nobility was Polonized.[citation needed]
Many historians like Krzysztof Rak consider the Union of Lublin to have created a state similar to the present-dayEuropean Union,[12] thus considering the Union (along with theKalmar Union, the severalActs of Union in the British Isles and other similar treaties) to be a predecessor of theMaastricht Treaty. The former, however, created a state of countries more deeply linked than the present-day European Union.[citation needed]
The union brought about the Polishcolonization of Ruthenian lands and increasing enserfment of Ruthenian peasantry by the szlachta.[13][14][15][16] Although the conditions for peasants in the Commonwealth was quite dire, compared to the West (seesecond serfdom), the peasants in the Commonwealth had more freedom than those inRussia; hence peasants (as well as to a lesser extent nobility and merchants) escaping from Russia to the Commonwealth became a major concern for the Russian government, and was one of thefactors ultimately leading to the partitions of Poland.[17]
The Union created one of the largest and most populous states in 17th-century Europe (excluding the states not completely in Europe, i.e. theRussian andOttoman Empires).[18]
TheStatutes of Lithuania declared the laws of the Union that conflicted with them to be unconstitutional. The First Statute of Lithuania was also used in the territories of Lithuania that were annexed by Poland shortly before the Union of Lublin (except for Podlaskie). These conflicts between statutory schemes in Lithuania and Poland persisted for many years, and the Third Statute of Lithuania remained in force in territories of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania even after partitions, until 1840.
Attempts to limit the power of Lithuanian magnates (especially theSapieha family) and unify the laws of the Commonwealth led to thekoekwacja praw movement, culminating in thekoekwacja reforms of theElection Sejm of 1697 (May–June), confirmed in theGeneral Sejm of 1698 (April) in the documentPorządek sądzenia spraw w Trybunale Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskego.[19]
Poland provided military aid in the wars after the union of the two entities, which was crucial for the survival of the Grand Duchy.[3] Poland and the Grand Duchy were to have separate military but common defense policies.[citation needed]
The Union of Lublin provided for merger of the two states, though each retained substantialautonomy, with their own army, treasury, laws and administration.[10] Though the countries were in theory equal, the larger Poland became the dominant partner. Due to population differences, Polish deputies outnumbered Lithuanians in the Sejm by 3:1.[10]
A common parliament, the Sejm, held its sessions inWarsaw; it had 114 deputies from the Polish lands and 48 from Lithuania. The Senate had 113 Polish and 27 Lithuanian senators.[citation needed]
Poland and the Grand Duchy were to have a common foreign policy.[citation needed]
Painting commemorating Polish–Lithuanian union circa 1861; Themotto reads "Eternal union."
The Union of Lublin was Sigismund's greatest achievement and his greatest failure. Although it created one of the largest states in contemporary Europe, one that endured for over 200 years,[25] Sigismund failed to push through the reforms that would have established a workablepolitical system. He hoped to strengthen the monarchy with the support of the lesser nobility, and to balance the power of lesser nobility andmagnates. However, while all the nobility in the Commonwealth was in theoryequal under the law, the political power of the magnates was not weakened significantly, and in the end they could too often bribe or coerce their lesser brethren.[9] In addition, the royal power continued to wane, and while the neighbouring states continued to evolve into strong, centralized absolute monarchies, the Commonwealth slid with itsGolden Liberty into apolitical anarchy that eventually cost it its very existence.[26]
Today's Republic of Poland considers itself a successor to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth,[29] whereas theinterwarRepublic of Lithuania viewed the Commonwealth's creation in mostly negative light.[30]
^Dybaś, Bogusław (2006). "Livland und Polen-Litauen nach dem Frieden von Oliva (1660)". In Willoweit, Dietmar; Lemberg, Hans (eds.).Reiche und Territorien in Ostmitteleuropa. Historische Beziehungen und politische Herrschaftslegitimation. Völker, Staaten und Kulturen in Ostmitteleuropa (in German). Vol. 2. Munich: Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag. pp. 51–72, 109.ISBN3-486-57839-1.
^W. H. Zawadzki,A Man of Honour: Adam Czartoryski as a Statesman of Russia and Poland, 1795–1831, Oxford University Press, 1993,ISBN0-19-820303-9,Google Print, p.1
^Frost, Robert I. (2000).The Northern Wars: War, State and Society in Northeastern Europe, 1558-1721.Routledge. pp. 39–40.ISBN978-0582064294.Between 1562 and 1565, the Lithuanian treasury had spent nearly 2,000,000złoties. Of the 626,000 złoties in taxation voted by Poland at the 1565 Sejm, the substantial sum of 483,000 złoties went to support Lithuania. This was in addition to the significant contingents of Polish troops which bolstered the defence of the eastern borders.
^Norman Davies,God's Playground: A History of Poland in Two Volumes, Oxford University Press, p.151
^abNorman Davies,God's Playground: A History of Poland in Two Volumes, Oxford University Press, p.153. TwoPodlasian officers were deprived of their lands and offices.
^Natalia Iakovenko, Narys istorii Ukrainy s zaidavnishyh chasic do kincia XVIII stolittia, Kiev, 1997, Section: 'Ukraine-Rus, the "odd man out" in Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodow
^Heritage: Interactive Atlas: Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, accessed on 19 March 2006:At it. apogee, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth comprised some 400,000 square miles (1,000,000 km2) and a multi-ethnic population of 11 million. For population comparisons, see also those maps:"Archived copy". Archived fromthe original on 17 February 2013. Retrieved18 August 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link),"Archived copy". Archived fromthe original on 17 February 2013. Retrieved18 August 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link).
^Jerzy Malec,Szkice z dziejów federalizmu i myśli federalistycznych w czasach nowożytnych, "Unia Troista", Wydawnictwo UJ, 1999, Kraków,ISBN83-233-1278-8, Part II, Chapter IKoewkwacja praw.