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Ukrainian nationalism (Ukrainian:Український націоналізм,romanized: Ukrainskyi natsionalizm,pronounced[ʊkrɐˈjinʲsʲkɪjnɐts⁽ʲ⁾ionɐˈl⁽ʲ⁾izm]) is the promotion of the unity ofUkrainians as a people and the promotion of the identity ofUkraine as anation state.[citation needed] The origins of modern Ukrainian nationalism emerge during theCossack uprising against thePolish–Lithuanian Commonwealth led byBohdan Khmelnytsky in the mid-17th century. Ukrainian nationalism draws upon a singlenational identity ofculture,ethnicity,geographic location,language,politics (or thegovernment),religion,traditions and belief in a shared singularhistory.[1]
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TheCossacks played a strong role in solidifying Ukrainian identity during thePolish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Zaporozhian Cossacks lived on thePontic–Caspian steppe below theDnieper Rapids (Ukrainian:za porohamy), also known as theWild Fields. They have played an important role in Europeangeopolitics, participating in a series of conflicts and alliances with thePolish–Lithuanian Commonwealth,Russia, and theOttoman Empire.[2]
The Cossacks emerged as protectors against Tartar raids but were given greater rights as their influence grew. Cossacks revolted as the Polish Kings tried to enforceCatholicism andPolish language on the people ofUkraine.[3][4] Precursors to the Ukrainian nation state identity emerged[citation needed] asBohdan Khmelnytsky (c. 1595–1657), commanded theZaporozhian Cossacks and led theKhmelnytsky Uprising against Polish rule in the mid-17th century. Khmelnytsky introduced a prop-government[clarification needed] based on a form of democracy which had been practised by Cossacks since the 15th century.
After a conflict between Ottoman-Polish and Polish-Muscovite Principalities, the officialCossack register decreased. This, together with intensified socioeconomic and national-religious oppression of the other classes in Ukrainian society, led to a number of Cossack uprisings in the 1630s. These eventually culminated in theKhmelnytsky Uprising, led by the hetman of the Zaporizhian Sich,Bohdan Khmelnytsky.[5]
As a result of the mid-17th centuryKhmelnytsky Uprising, theZaporozhian Cossacks briefly established an independent state, which later became the autonomousCossack Hetmanate (1649–1764). It was placed under thesuzerainty of the Russian Tsar from 1667, but was ruled by local hetmans for a century. The principal political problem of the hetmans who followed thePereyeslav Agreement was defending the autonomy of the Hetmanate from Russian/Muscovite centralism. The hetmansIvan Vyhovsky,Petro Doroshenko andIvan Mazepa attempted to resolve this by separating Ukraine from Russia.[5]
These conflicts created the conditions for Ukrainian nationalism as Bohdan Khmelnytsky spoke of the liberation of the "entireRuthenian people".[6] Following the uprisings and establishment of the Hetmanate state,HetmanIvan Mazepa (1639–1709) focused on the restoration of Ukrainian culture and history during the early 18th century. Public works included theSaint Sophia Cathedral inKyiv,[7] and the elevation theKyiv Mohyla Collegium to the status ofKyiv Mohyla Academy in 1694.
During the reign ofCatherine II of Russia, the Cossack Hetmanate's autonomy was progressively destroyed. After several earlier attempts, the office of hetman was finally abolished by the Russian government in 1764, and his functions were assumed by the Little Russian Collegium, thus fully incorporating the Hetmanate into theRussian Empire.[8]
On May 7, 1775, Empress Catherine II issued a direct order that the Zaporozhian Sich was to be destroyed. On June 5, 1775, Russian artillery and infantry surrounded theSich and razed it to the ground. The Russian troops disarmed the Cossacks, and the treasury archives were confiscated. TheKoshovyi Otaman,Petro Kalnyshevsky, was arrested and incarcerated in exile atSolovetsky Monastery. This marked the end of theZaporozhian Cossacks.[9]
An intense period ofRussification began for the areas of the Hetmanate. After 1785 the Romanov dynasty made a conscious effort to assimilate the Ruthenian and Cossack elites by granting them noble status within the Russian Empire. This led to a decline of the Ukrainian language among ruling elite. Ukrainian language and culture was preserved through folk stories and songs.[10] After the three partitions of thePolish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the regions of Galicia (Halychyna) and Bukovina became part of theHabsburg Empire. Ukrainians living within the Austrian state did not face the same cultural repression and were influenced by thenationalism that spread after theFrench Revolution and theAmerican Revolution.
After theRevolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Empire, theRuthenian Council tried to establish a Ukrainian nation but this effort was thwarted. National identities developed among Belarusians, Ukrainians, and Carpatho-Rusyns.[11]
TheUkrainophilism movement developed in the Russian Empire from the 1860s–1880s, named as such after Ukrainian activists who self-identified as Ukrainophiles (ukrainofily orukrainoliubtsi).[12] The term acquired a negative connotation in the 1890s and 1900s when it began to be used by the next generation of nationalist thinkers, such asBorys Hrinchenko andMykola Mikhnovsky, to describe Ukrainians whosenational consciousness had not developed past anethnographic appreciation.[12]
Clandestine societies calledhromadas began to be set up in the late 1850s by the Ukrainian intelligentsia in Tsarist Russia.[13] They had the aim of promoting national consciousness throughself-education and exhibited a shared emphasis on promoting theUkrainian language and readingUkrainian literature, especially the works ofTaras Shevchenko.[13] Because of police persecution and the transience of their members, most hromadas only existed for a few years.[13]
West Ukrainian populism emerged in the 1860s among the younger generation of the Ukrainian intelligentia (commonly known asnarodovtsi or populists) inAustrian Galicia as a reaction to the increasingly disillusioned andclerical older generation that had begun to orient itself towardsRussophilism.[14] Contacts with Ukrainophiles in the Russian Empire strongly influenced the emergence of the movement, whereafter they organised hromadas.[14]
The movement later lost itssocially radical elements and became more clerically conservative as its proponents aged and began to cooperate with clerics who had broken with the Russophiles.[14] In response, a new radical populist movement emerged based on the thought ofMykhailo Drahomanov that includedIvan Franko and which founded theUkrainian Radical Party in 1890.[14]
With the collapse of theRussian Empire, a political entity which encompassed political, community, cultural, and professional organizations was established in Kyiv from the initiative from the Association of the Ukrainian Progressionists (TUP). This entity was called theTsentralna Rada (Central Council) and was headed by the historianMykhailo Hrushevskyi.[15] On 22 January 1918, the Tsentralna Rada declaredUkraine an independent country.[15] However, this government did not survive very long because of pressures not only from Denikin's Russian White Guard but also theRed Army, German, andEntente intervention, and local anarchists such asNestor Makhno andGreen Army ofOtaman Zeleny.[15]
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AsBolshevik rule took hold in Ukraine, the early Soviet government had its own reasons to encourage the national movements of the formerRussian Empire. Until the early 1930s, Ukrainian culture enjoyed a widespread revival due to Bolshevik concessions known as the policy ofKorenization ("indigenization"). In these years an impressiveUkrainization program was implemented throughout the republic. In such conditions, the Ukrainian national idea initially continued to develop and even spread to a large territory with traditionally mixed population in the east and south that became part of theUkrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.
At the same time, despite the ongoingSoviet-wide anti-religious campaign, the Ukrainian nationalOrthodox Church was created, theUkrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church. The church was initially seen by the Bolshevik government as a tool in their goal to suppress theRussian Orthodox Church, always viewed with great suspicion by the regime for its being the cornerstone of the defunct Russian Empire and the initially strong opposition it took towards the regime change. Therefore, the government tolerated the new Ukrainian national church for some time and the UAOC gained a wide following among the Ukrainian peasantry.
These events greatly raised the national consciousness of the Ukrainians, and brought about the development of a new generation of Ukrainian cultural and political elite. This in turn raised the concerns of Soviet dictatorJoseph Stalin, who saw danger in the Ukrainians' loyalty towards their nation competing with their loyalty to the Soviet State, and in the early 1930s "Ukrainianbourgeois nationalism" was declared to be the primary problem in Ukraine. The Ukrainization policies were abruptly and bloodily reversed, most of theUkrainian cultural and political elite was arrested and executed, and the nation was decimated with the famine called theHolodomor.
After World War I ended in 1918, the newly createdSecond Polish Republic (1918–1939) and theSoviet Union (1922–1991) each annexed a part of the territory of present-day Ukraine. The governments in Warsaw and in Moscow both continued to view Ukrainian nationalism as a threat. In March 1926,Vlas Chubar (Chairman of theCouncil of People's Commissars of Soviet Ukraine), gave a speech inKharkiv and later repeated it inMoscow, in which he warned of the danger thatSymon Petliura, the exiled former President of theUkrainian People's Republic, represented to the Soviet Government. As a result of this speech the command was allegedly given to assassinate Petliura on French soil.[16]
On 25 May 1926, at 14:12, by the Gibert bookstore, Petliura was walking on Rue Racine nearBoulevard Saint-Michel in theLatin Quarter inParis and was approached bySholom Schwartzbard. Schwartzbard asked in Ukrainian: "Are you Mr. Petliura?". Petliura did not answer but raised his walking cane. As Schwartzbard claimed in court, he pulled out a gun and shot him five times.[17][18]
News of Petliura's assassination triggered massive uprisings in Soviet-ruled Ukraine, particularly inBoromlia, Zhehailivtsi, (Sumy province), Velyka Rublivka, Myloradov (Poltava province), Hnylsk, Bilsk, Kuzemyn and all along theVorskla River fromOkhtyrka toPoltava, Burynia,Nizhyn (Chernihiv province) and other cities.[19] These revolts were brutally suppressed by the Soviet government.[citation needed] The blindkobzarsPavlo Hashchenko andIvan Kuchuhura Kucherenko composed aduma (epic poem) in memory of Symon Petliura. To date[update] Petliura is the only modern Ukrainian politician to have a duma created and sung in his memory. This duma became popular among the kobzars of left-bank Ukraine and was also sung byStepan Pasiuha,Petro Drevchenko, Bohushchenko, and Chumak.[20]
The core defense at theSchwartzbard trial, as presented by the noted FrenchjuristHenri Torres, was that Petliura's assassin was avenging the deaths of his parents and the other Jewish victims ofpogroms committed by Petliura's soldiers, whereas the prosecution (both criminal and civil) tried to show that Petliura was not responsible for the pogroms and that Schwartzbard was a Soviet spy. After a trial lasting eight days the jury acquitted Schwartzbard.[21][22]
Under Polish rule, manyUkrainian schools were shut down in the 1920s, while the promise of national autonomy for Ukrainians was not fulfilled.[23]Tadeusz Hołówko, an advocate of concessions to the Ukrainian minority, was assassinated by theOrganization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) to prevent Polish-Ukrainian rapprochement.[24][25][23] Hołówko was killed while staying in a guest house owned by nuns of theUkrainian Greek Catholic Church atTruskawiec on 29 August 1931. He was one of the victims of an assassination campaign waged by the OUN. His death, widely discussed in the Polish press, the international press, and even at aLeague of Nations session,[26][better source needed] became part of a vicious cycle involving the OUN's violence and sabotage and the Second Polish Republic'sbrutal repression of ethnic-Ukrainians.[27][28][a] Some time later,Emilian Czechowski, a senior Polish policecommissioner investigating Hołówko's assassination, also became an OUN assassination-victim.[29][26] In the early 1930s, OUN members carried out more than 60 successful or attempted assassinations, many of them targeted at Ukrainians who opposed the organization's policies (for example a respected educatorIvan Babij).[29]
In 1933, the OUN retaliated against the Soviet state for theHolodomor by assassinatingAlexei Mailov, a Soviet consular official stationed in Polish-ruledLviv. On 15 June 1934, Poland's Minister of the Interior,Bronisław Pieracki, wasalso assassinated by the faction led byStepan Bandera within theOrganization of Ukrainian Nationalists. Poland'sSanation government retaliated by creating, two days after the assassination, theBereza Kartuska Prison. The prison's first detainees were the leadership of the Polish oppositionNational Radical Camp (the ONR), who were arrested on 6–7 July 1934.[30] Many Ukrainian nationalists and Polish critics of the ruling party soon joined them there.Stepan Bandera andMykola Lebed were arrested, tried, and sentenced to death for Pieracki's assassination. Their sentences were later commuted tolife imprisonment.[31]
On 23 May 1938, OUN leaderYevhen Konovalets wasassassinated in aRotterdam cafe. Konovalets was inside the cafe meeting withPavel Sudoplatov, anNKVDmole who had infiltrated the OUN, and who gave Konovalets a box of chocolates with a bomb rigged to explode inside. Sudoplatov walked calmly away, waited until he heard the bomb explode, then walked calmly to the nearest train-station and left the city. Sudoplatov later alleged in his memoirs to have been personally ordered byJoseph Stalin to assassinate Konovalets as revenge for the 1933 assassination at the Soviet consulate inLviv. Stalin also felt that Konovalets was a figure maintaining the unity of the OUN and that his death would cause the organization to become further factionalized, torn apart, and annihilated from within.[32]
Due to Sudoplatov's sudden disappearance, the OUN immediately suspected him of murdering Konovalets. Therefore, a photograph of Sudoplatov and Konovalets together was distributed to every OUN unit. According to Sudoplatov, "In the 1940s,SMERSH ... captured two guerilla fighters in Western Ukraine, one of whom had this photo of me on him. When asked why he was carrying it, he replied, 'I have no idea why, but the order is if we find this man to liquidate him'."[33] Just as Stalin had hoped, the OUN following Konovalets' murder split into two parts. The older, more moderate members supportedAndriy Melnyk and the OUN-M (theMelnykites), while the younger and more radical members supportedStepan Bandera's OUN-B (theBanderites).
With the outbreak of war betweenNazi Germany and theSoviet Union in 1941, many nationalists in Ukraine thought that they would have an opportunity to create an independent country once again. An entireUkrainian volunteer division of the SS had been created. Many of the fighters who had originally looked to the Nazis as liberators, quickly became disillusioned and formed theUkrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) (Ukrainian:Українська Повстанська Армія), which waged military campaign against Germans and later Soviet forces as well against Polish armed settlers.[34]: 47–51 The primary goal of OUN was "the rebirth, of setting everything in order, the defense and the expansion of the Independent Council of Ukrainian National State." The OUN also revived the sentiment that "Ukraine is for Ukrainians."[34]: 48 In 1943, the UPA adopted a policy of massacring and expelling the Polish population.[35][36] Theethnic cleansing operation against the Poles began on a large scale in Volhynia in late February, or early spring,[36] of that year and lasted until the end of 1944.[37] 11 July 1943 was one of the deadliest days of the massacres, with UPA units marching from village to village, killing Polish civilians. On that day, UPA units surrounded and attacked 99 Polish villages and settlements in the counties ofKowel,Horochów, andWłodzimierz Wołyński. On the following day, 50 additional villages were attacked.[38] On 30 June 1941, the OUN, led byStepan Bandera, declared anindependent Ukrainian state.[39] This was immediately acted upon by the Nazi army, and Bandera was arrested and imprisoned from 1941 to 1944.[39]
There has been much debate as to the legitimacy of the UPA as a political group. The UPA maintains a prominent and symbolic role in Ukrainian history and the quest for Ukrainian independence.[34] At the same time it was deemed an insurgent or terrorist group bySoviet historiography.[34]
Ukrainian Canadian historianSerhiy Yekelchyk writes that during 1943 and 1944 an estimated 35,000 Polish civilians and an unknown number of Ukrainian civilians in theVolhynia andChelm regions fell victim tomutual ethnic cleansing by the UPA andPolish insurgents.[40]Niall Ferguson writes that around 80,000 Poles were murdered then by Ukrainian nationalists.[41] In his bookEurope at War 1939–1945: No Simple Victory,Norman Davies puts the number of Poles killed by Ukrainian nationalists between 200,000 and 500,000,[42] whileTimothy Snyder writes that the UPA killed "forty to sixty thousand Polish civilians in Volhynia in 1943."[43]
In the post-World War II era, Stalin would still be the leader until his death in 1953. Early on in this era, the policy ofZhdanovschina was instituted, or the cultural-ideological purification of the Soviet Union. In the Ukrainian variant of this, any vestiges of nationalism were suppressed. Media that had been produced during the war to encourage Ukrainian patriotism, such asUkraine in Flames, was denounced.[44]
TheKhrushchev Thaw started after Stalin's death. Under him, the first works ofSamizdat appeared, and various people of Ukraine, whether it be ethnic Ukrainians, Crimean Tartars, and Jews, started publishing literature on both human rights and national/cultural rights issues.[45] UnderPetro Shelest, who became leader of the Ukrainian SSR from 1963 to 1972, there was a revival of Ukrainian culture particularly in the '60s, as some decision making was allowed for a time to moved back to Kyiv from the center (Moscow). TheShevchenko National Prize was created, withOles Honchar as the first awardee. The UkrainianSixtiers would be an important new generator ofintelligentsia that appeared during this time, and had similarities to theBeat Generation in the west in cultural impact on later groups.[46]
There was also a resurgence of Ukrainian nationalist thought, associated with dissident writers such asViacheslav Chornovil,Ivan Dziuba andValentyn Moroz, which the authorities tried to stamp out through threats, arrests, and prison sentences.
Volodymyr Shcherbytsky took power over the Ukrainian SSR in 1972 until 1989. He was a member of thePolitburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and a close friend ofLeonid Brezhnev. As such, he was a very influential person in the Soviet Union, and led a very reactionary administration, aimed at centralizing power and suppressing dissent.[47]
In 1975, theHelsinki Accords was passed, calling for a pan-European security structure. In 1976,Ukrainian Helsinki Group was formed to promote human rights, and this created a new nascent dissident movement.
UnderMikhail Gorbachev, a new era ofPerestroika andGlasnost was instituted primarily to fix structural problems with the Soviet economy. In Ukraine, one year under Gorbachev, in April 1986, thedisaster at Chornobyl occurred, and this incident did much to delegitimize the power of both the Communist Party andVolodymyr Shcherbytsky locally, after he ordered the children of the central committee and the Communist Party away from Kyiv to the Caucausus, while the city celebratedMay Day. It also put Ukraine back on the world map, as the disaster was seen as an ecological problem not only locally, but potentially globally as well. The tragedy also started mobilizing the diaspora.[48]
As opposed to the Soviet era, when nationality was understood in primarily ethnic terms where to be Ukrainian was something one would purely inherit, a gradual shift towardscivic nationalism started in 1991 with the birth of the modern Ukrainian state.[49] Ukraine chose to adopt pluralistic citizenship laws, which made everyone within its territorial borders a citizen, rejecting the model of Latvia and Estonia which adopted German-style ethnic citizenship laws which disenfranchised (self-identified) ethnic Russians.[50] There has also been a gradual shift of self-identification of Russian-speaking Ukrainians away from a "Russian" self-identification. Even in the early 2000s, people from the Russian-speakingOdesa would often self-identify as "Russian" to foreigners and migrants, but not to Russians from theRussian Federation, indicating changes in identity.[51]
In the first decade of the 21st century, voters fromWestern Ukraine andCentral Ukraine tended to vote forpro-Western andpro-European general liberalnational democrats,[52][53][54] whilepro-Russian parties got the vote inEastern Ukraine andSouthern Ukraine.[52] From the1998 Ukrainian parliamentary election[b][55][56][57][58][59] until the2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election, no nationalist party obtained seats in theVerkhovna Rada (Ukraine's parliament).[60][61] In these elections, nationalist right-wing parties obtained less than 1% of the votes; in the 1998 parliamentary election, they obtained 3.26%.[61]
The nationalist partySvoboda had an electoral breakthrough with the2009 Ternopil Oblast local election, when they obtained 34.69% of the votes and 50 seats out of 120 in theTernopil Oblast Council.[61] This was the best result for a far-right party in Ukraine's history.[61] In the previous2006 Ternopil Oblast local election, the party had obtained 4.2% of the votes and 4 seats.[61] In the simultaneous2006 Ukrainian local elections for theLviv Oblast Council, it had obtained 5.62% of the votes and 10 seats and 6.69% of the votes and 9 seats in theLviv City Council.[61] In 1991,Svoboda was founded as theSocial-National Party of Ukraine.[62] The party combinedradical nationalism and alleged neo-Nazi features.[63] UnderOleh Tyahnybok, it was renamed and rebranded in 2004 as the All-Ukrainian Association Svoboda. Political scientistsOlexiy Haran andAlexander J. Motyl contend that Svoboda is radical rather than fascist and they also argue that it has more similarities with far-right movements such as theTea Party movement than it has with either fascists or neo-Nazis.[64][65] In 2005,Victor Yushchenko appointedVolodymyr Viatrovych head of theUkrainian security service (SBU) archives. According to professorPer Anders Rudling, this not only allowed Viatrovych to sanitize ultra-nationalist history but also to officially promote its dissemination along withOUN(b) ideology, which is based on "ethnic purity" coupled withanti-Russian,anti-Polish, andantisemitic rhetoric.[66] The extreme right-wing now capitalizes on Yushchenkoist propaganda initiatives.[67] This includes Iuryi Mykhal'chyshyn, an ideologue who proudly confesses that he is a part of the fascist tradition.[68] The autonomous nationalists focus on recruiting young people, participating in violent actions, and advocating "anti-bourgeoism, anti-capitalism, anti-globalism, anti-democratism, anti-liberalism, anti-bureaucratism, anti-dogmatism". Rulig suggested that Ukrainian PresidentViktor Yanukovych, sworn in on 25 February 2010,[69] "indirectly aided Svoboda" by "granting Svoboda representatives disproportionate attention in the media".[70]
In the2010 Ukrainian local elections, Svoboda achieved notable success inEastern Galicia.[71] In the 2012 parliamentary election, Svoboda came in fourth with 10,44% (almost a fourteenfold of its votes compared with the2007 Ukrainian parliamentary election)[58][72] of the national votes and 38 out of 450 seats.[73][74] Following the 2012 parliamentary election,Batkivshchyna andUDAR cooperated officially with Svoboda.[75][76]
During the ongoingRusso-Ukrainian War, Russian media attempted to portray the Ukrainian party in the conflict as neo-Nazi, with Russian presidentVladimir Putin claiming in early 2022 that Ukraine was an 'artificial country run by Nazis'.[77] Scholars such as historians and political scientists generally regard such claims as unfounded.[77] Dutch historian of Ukraine Marc Jansen stated in 2022: 'There are far-right, anti-Semitic parties in Ukraine, but they play no significant role in the national government.'[77] Although certain neo-Nazi-like groups such as theAzov Battalion participated in Euromaidan (alongside many other groups), and some were incorporated into the Ukrainian military and deployed in Donbas, that didn't make the Zelenskyy government 'neo-Nazis', said Jansen, who pointed out thatVolodymyr Zelenskyy (elected president in 2019) is Jewish and his family has suffered inthe Holocaust, with several relatives being killed by the Nazis.[77] The main Ukrainian organisations involved with a neo-Banderaite legacy are Svoboda,Right Sector, andAzov Battalion.[citation needed]Andriy Biletsky, the head of the ultra-nationalist and neo-Banderaite political groupsSocial-National Assembly andPatriots of Ukraine,[78] was also the first commander of theAzov Battalion[79] and the Azov Battalion is part of theUkrainian National Guard[80] fighting pro-Russian separatists in theWar in Donbas.[81][82] According to a report inThe Daily Telegraph, some individual anonymous members of the battalion identified themselves as sympathetic to the Third Reich.[79] In June 2015, Democratic RepresentativeJohn Conyers and his Republican colleagueTed Yoho offered bipartisan amendments to block the U.S. military training of Ukraine's Azov Battalion.[80]
After President Yanokovych's ouster in the February2014 Ukrainian revolution, the interimYatsenyuk Government placed four Svoboda members in leading positions;Oleksandr Sych asVice Prime Minister of Ukraine,Ihor Tenyukh asMinister of Defense, lawyerIhor Shvaika asMinister of Agrarian Policy and Food, andAndriy Mokhnyk asMinister of Ecology and Natural Resources of Ukraine.[83] In a 5 March 2014 fact sheet, the U.S. State Department stated that "[f]ar-right wing ultranationalist groups, some of which were involved in open clashes with security forces during the Euromaidan protests, are not represented in theUkrainian parliament."[84]
In the2014 Ukrainian presidential election and2014 Ukrainian parliamentary election, Svoboda candidates failed to meet the electoral threshold to win. The party won six constituency seats in the 2014 parliamentary election and obtained 4.71% of national election list votes.[85][86][87] In the 2014 presidential election, Svoboda leaderOleh Tyahnybok received 1.16% of the vote.[88] Right Sector leaderDmytro Yarosh gained 0.7% of the votes in the 2014 presidential election,[88] and was elected to parliament in the 2014 parliamentary election as a Right Sector candidate by winning asingle-member district.[89] Right Sector spokespersonBoryslav Bereza as an independent candidate also won a seat and district.[90]
TheEuromaidan, theannexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and theWar in Donbas have in the post-2014 years led to profound political, socio-economic and cultural-religious consequences for Ukrainian society.[77] While it was a divided bilingual country between 1991 and 2014, the occupied parts became increasingly (pro-)Russian and the unoccupied parts more pro-European, pro-western and more monolingually Ukrainian.[77] Unoccupied Ukraine developed into an increasingly united society, characterised to a large extent by its opposition to the government of Putin and to a lesser extent Russia, the Russian language and culture.[77] In October 2018, there was also aschism between theRussian Orthodox Church and theEcumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople when the latter granted autonomy to theOrthodox Church of Ukraine.[77] According to historian Marc Jansen (2022): 'It is precisely because of the war in eastern Ukraine, which has been raging since 2014, that Ukraine has become a largely unified country. Putin has done more for Ukrainian nation-building than anyone else.'[77] Other scholars also noted an acceleration ofcivic nationalism in a broad spectrum of Ukrainian society, such as political scientist Lowell Barrington ofMarquette University, who said this type of nationalism bonds people through "feelings of solidarity, sympathy and obligation" rather than ethnicity. According to political scientist Oxana Shevel, author of the 2021 bookFrom ‘the Ukraine’ to Ukraine, this was a result of aggression by Russia: 'In a paradoxical twist, Putin is basically unifying the Ukrainian nation.' This was also reflected in sociological data, despite Ukraine not having conducted a census since 2001.[91]
The radical nationalists groupС14, whose members openly expressed neo-Nazi views, gained notoriety in 2018 for being involved in violent attacks onRomany camps.[92][93]
On 19 November 2018, Svoboda and fellow Ukrainian nationalist political organizationsOrganization of Ukrainian Nationalists,Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, Right Sector, and C14 endorsedRuslan Koshulynskyi's candidacy in the2019 Ukrainian presidential election.[94] In the election,Ruslan Koshulynskyi's and all united nationalist party received 1.6% of the votes.[95] In the2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election, a united party list with the nationalist right-wing parties Svoboda, Right Sector,Governmental Initiative of Yarosh, andNational Corps completely failed elections with 2.15% of the votes and did not receive enough votes to clear the 5% election threshold, and thus lost all seats inVerkhovna Rada.[96][97] Svoboda did win one constituency seat in the election.[96] Boryslav Bereza and Dmytro Yarosh lost their parliamentary seats.[96][98]
Volodymyr Zelenskyy won the2019 presidential election in Ukraine. He ran for theServant of the People party which has previously argued for "mild Ukrainization".[99]
During theRussian invasion of Ukraine, there has been a large increase in pro-Ukrainian position inside Ukraine. In other countries, theUkrainian flag has been used to show support for the Ukrainian cause during the war. There was also a rapid shift in pro-Ukrainian attitudes in the eastern part of the country, including people vowing to use the Ukrainian language more.[100] A study of survey data from 2019, 2021, and 2022 indicated that the eight-year war and major Russian invasion had strengthened pro-European and pro-democratic civic identity, rather than ethnolinguistic or ethnonational identity.[101]
Aderussification campaign swept through Ukraine following the February 2022 invasion.[102][103] Among other renamings, in thecentral Ukrainian cityDnipro the Schmidt Street (the street was originally the Gymnasium Street but it was renamed toOtto Schmidt Street bySoviet authorities in 1934[104]) was renamed toStepan Bandera Street.[103] Meanwhile several Ukrainian citiesremoved statues and busts of the 19th century Russian poetAlexander Pushkin.[105]
Public school curriculum are no longer prescribing works by Russian authors, and publishing books written by Russian nationals was outlawed.[102]
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One of the most prominent figures in Ukrainian national history, the Ukrainian poetTaras Shevchenko, voiced ideas of an independent and sovereign Ukraine in the 19th century.[106] Taras Shevchenko used poetry to inspire cultural revival to the Ukrainian people and to strive to overthrow injustice.[106] Shevchenko died in Saint Petersburg on 10 March 1861, the day after his 47th birthday. Ukrainians regard him as a national hero, becoming a symbol of the national cultural revival of Ukraine. Beside Shevchenko, numerous other poets have written in Ukrainian. Among them,Volodymyr Sosyura stated in his poemLove Ukraine (1944) that one cannot respect other nations without respect for one's own.
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