His parents have been described as "devout Muslims", his father having trained as animam before becoming a branch manager at the state-owned Agricultural Bank while his mother was an elementary school teacher associated with thecommunity of İskenderpaşa, affiliated with theNaqshbandi Sufiorder, and Turgut Özal himself would get involved with the group later on.[9]
Between 1950 and 1952, he worked at the State Electrical Power Planning Administration and continued his studies in theUnited States onelectrical energy andengineering management between 1952 and 1953. After his return to Turkey, he worked in the same organization again onelectrification projects until 1958. Özal was in theState Planning Organization in 1959, and in the Planning Coordination Department in 1960. After his military service in 1961, he worked at several state organizations in leading positions and lectured at ODTÜ (Middle East Technical University). TheWorld Bank employed him between 1971 and 1973.[10] Then, he was chairman of some private Turkish companies until 1979.[10] Back to the state service, he wasundersecretary to Turkish Prime MinisterSüleyman Demirel until themilitary coup on 12 September 1980.
In theparliamentary elections of 1977 he became a candidate for theNational Salvation Party (MSP) on the insistence of his brother, but did not succeed.[11] On 20 May 1983 he founded theMotherland Party (Turkish:Anavatan Partisi) and became itsleader. His party won the elections and he formed the government to become the 19thPrime minister on13 December 1983. In 1987 he again became prime minister after winning elections.[12] During his tenure as a prime minister he was involved in shaping the foreign economic relations of Turkey and with his support theForeign Economic Relations Board of Turkey (DEİK) was established in 1986.[13] He also began to take delegations of business leaders on his foreign trips.[13]
He became the head of the transformation of the social and economic outlook of Turkey which was led by the Motherland Party due to the wider global trend of neoliberal transformation with anti-labor-union discourses.
On 18 June 1988 he survived an assassination attempt during the party congress. One bullet wounded his finger while another bullet missed his head. The assassin,Kartal Demirağ, was captured and sentenced to life imprisonment but pardoned by Özal in 1992.[14] Demirağ was allegedly aCounter-Guerrilla, contracted by the movement's hawkish leader, GeneralSabri Yirmibeşoğlu. Two months later, Yirmibeşoğlu became the Secretary-General of theNational Security Council. During Yirmibeşoğlu's tenure as secretary general, Özal heard about the allegations of Yirmibeşoğlu's role in the affair and forced him into retirement.[15] In late 2008, Demirağ was re-tried by the Ankara 11th Heavy Penal Court and sentenced to twenty years in prison.[14] In 2013 Özal's sonAhmet Özal said that several months before the assassination attempt Özal had survived a plane incident in which his official plane lost an engine and crash-landed. The manufacturer later reported a 95% probability that the plane would have exploded under the circumstances present.[16]
Özal's free market instinct perhaps defined some of his greatest achievements - the opening up of theTurkish economy. At a stroke,capital controls were abolished - Turks could take out or bring in whatever declaredforeign currency they wished. He also liberalized the foreign exchange regime and embarked on one of the most aggressive and ambitious export-driven policies anywhere in post-war history.
The watchword of this campaign was "Export-or-Die". Turkish contractors such as Kutlutaş, Enka, STFA and Tekfen, to name but a few, alone amassed $20 billion worth of contracts in theGulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and Libyan markets in the 1980–1990 decade.
President Turgut Özal agreed to negotiations with theKurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Apart from Özal, himself half-Kurdish, few Turkish politicians were interested, nor was more than a part of the PKK itself. A first round occurred in the early 90s, and led to acease-fire declaration by the PKK on 17 March 1993.[18] After the president's death on 17 April 1993, in suspicious circumstances, the hope of reconciliation evaporated, and theCastle Plan, which Özal had opposed, was enacted.[19] Some journalists and politicians maintain that Özal's death was part ofa covert military coup in 1993 aimed at stopping the peace plans.
Özal had a firm vision of a Turkey straddling as a bridge between Asia and Europe – a modern and scientific Turkey. He strongly believed that Islam is compatible with democracy and accountability, and that a Muslim country can also be modern, scientific and progressive.
The issue of theArmenian genocide was part of Özal's agenda because he came to believe that Turkey's ongoingdenial policy harmed his country's international relations.[20] He wanted to reach an agreement with the Armenians and solve the problem as soon as possible by making compromises. The reason for this was his first confrontation with the topic of the genocide in the 1950s while he was still studying in the United States. Özal noticed an emergingArmenian lobby which aimed to introduce the recognition of the Armenian Genocide on the political agenda in the United States.[21]
When he became prime minister in 1983, the Armenian issue was one of the topics on his agenda. However, he faced tough challenges as theArmenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) intensified its attacks on Turkish diplomats abroad in the early 1980s. The ASALA factor made it very difficult to take any bold steps in domestic politics with respect to bridging the gap between Turks and Armenians. Behind closed doors, Özal defended the idea of holding negotiations with Armenians to settle a dispute that has had great potential to deal a serious blow to Turkish interests in international politics.[22]
In 1984, Özal tasked his advisers to work out different scenarios of the political and economic costs that Turkey would have to incur if it would agree to compromise with theArmenian diaspora and recognize the Genocide.[21] In 1991, after a meeting with representatives of the Armenian community, Özal said in front of journalists and diplomats:
What happens if we compromise with the Armenians and end this issue? What if we officially recognize the 1915 Armenian genocide and face up to our past? Let's take the initiative and find the truth. Let's pay the political and economic price, if necessary.[21][23][24]
Özal tried to implement several projects, including the "Van project", as part of his solution to the Genocide issue. The Van Project envisioned the return of some lands to Armenians inVan. However, Özal was unable to make concrete progress because his policies sparked criticism and fury among the Turkish public, theMotherland Party, and the Turkish military as they considered the idea of negotiating with the Armenian diaspora itself as unacceptable and unthinkable.[20] After Özal's death, his policies of compromising with the Armenians in order to solve the conflict concerning the Armenian genocide were abandoned.[21][23]
On 17 April 1993 Özal died of a suspiciousheart attack while still in office,[25] leading some to suspect an assassination.[26][27] Özal had first become ill a month earlier.[28]
He died just before he had the chance to negotiate with the Kurdish rebel organization, thePKK. His wife Semra Özal claimed he had been poisoned by lemonade and she questioned the lack of an autopsy. The blood samples taken to determine cause of death were lost or disposed of.[29] Özal had sought to create aTurkic union, and had obtained the commitment of several presidents of the newly independent Turkic states from the formerSoviet Union. His wife Semra alleged that the perpetrator might have wanted to foil the plan.[30]
Hundreds of thousands of people attended the state burial ceremony in Istanbul, in which Özal was buried next to themausoleum ofAdnan Menderes.[31] Among those attending were dignitaries of 72 countries, including several heads of state and government, such as Greek Prime MinisterKonstantinos Mitsotakis, Armenian PresidentLevon Ter-Petrosyan, German PresidentRichard von Weizsäcker, and Azerbaijani PresidentAbulfaz Elchibey attended the funeral, as well as former U.S. Secretary of StateJames Baker.[32]
On the fourteenth anniversary of his death, thousands gathered in Ankara in commemoration.[33] Investigators wanted to exhume the body to examine it for poisoning.[27] In September 2012, a court ruled that the grave be opened for another autopsy. On 3 October 2012 his body was exhumed.[34] It contained the banned insecticideDDT at ten times the normal level.[35] According to press reports, the "partially embalmed" remains were found to be well preserved, much to the experts' and public's surprise. It is reported that while the lower half of the body was subject toskeletonization, the upper half was preserved due toadipocere.
Anautopsy report issued on 12 December 2012 stated his body contained poison but the cause of death was unclear.[36][37] A trial charging retired generalLevent Ersöz with his murder began in September 2013 who eventually was cleared of all charges.[38]
^"Turgut Özal'ı rahmetle anıyoruz". Yeni Akit. Retrieved 11 April 2023. "Babası Malatya/Çırmıktı'lı Ünlüoğulları'ndan banka memuru Mehmet Sıddık Özal, annesi ise Tunceli Çemişgezekli, ilkokul öğretmeni Hafize Hanım (d. 1906 - ö. 1988) olan Turgut Özal kısmen Kürt kökenlidir."
^Düzel, Neşe (24 November 2008)."Nurettin Yılmaz: 'Talabani federasyonu kabul etmişti'".Taraf (in Turkish). Retrieved6 January 2009.Ölüm nedenini anlamak için Turgut Bey'den kan aldılar. Ama hemen sonra 'şişenin hemşirenin elinden kaydığını, kırıldığını' söylediler. Bir süre sonra bundan da vazgeçtiler. 'Şişe kayboldu' dediler[permanent dead link]
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