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Torah scroll (Yemenite)

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Yemenite Jewish tradition of orthography in a Torah scroll
Yemenite Torah scrolls

Yemenite scrolls of the Law containing theFive Books of Moses (theTorah) represent one of three authoritativescribal traditions for the transmission of the Torah, the other two being theAshkenazi andSephardic traditions that slightly differ.[1] While all three traditions purport to follow theMasoretic traditions ofAaron ben Moses ben Asher, slight differences between the three major traditions have developed over the years. Biblical texts proofread by ben Asher survive in two extant codices (theAleppo Codex and theLeningrad Codex), the latter said to have only been patterned after texts proofread by Ben Asher. The former work, although more precise, was partially lost following its removal from Aleppo in 1947.

The Yemenite Torah scroll is unique in that it contains many of the oddly-formed letters, such as the "curled"pe (פ) and the "crooked"lamed (ל), etc., mentioned inSefer Tagae,[2] as also byMenachem Meiri[3] and byMaimonides,[4] although not found in ben Asher'sorthography. The old line arrangements employed by the early Yemenite scribes in their Torah scrolls are nearly the same as prescribed by ben Asher. Like ben Asher's Masoretic tradition, it also contains nearly all theplene anddefective scriptum, as well as the large and small letters employed in the writing of the Torah, a work held by medieval scribes in Israel to be the most accurate of all Masoretic traditions.

The disputes between ben Asher andBen Naphtali are well-known to Hebrew grammarians. Maimonides' verdict in that dispute is in accordance with ben Asher.[5]

The codex that we have relied upon in these matters is the well-known codex in Egypt, comprising twenty-four canonical books, [and] which was in Jerusalem for several years to proof-read the scrolls there from, and all [of Israel] used to rely upon it, since Ben-Asher had proof-read it and scrutinized it for many years, and proof-read it many times, just as they had copied down. Now, upon it, I relied with regard to the book of the Law that I wrote, according to the rules which govern its proper writing.

Maimonides' ruling in this regard eventually caused the Jews of Yemen to abandon their former system of orthography, and during his lifetime most scribes in Yemen had already begun to replace their former system of orthography for that of Ben-Asher.[6] Scribes in Yemen, especially the illustrious Benayah family of scribes[7] of the 15th and 16th centuries, patterned their own codices containing the proper orthography, vocalization and accentuation after Maimonides' accepted practice in hisSefer Torah, who, in turn, had based his Torah-scroll on Ben-Asher's orthography,[8] with especial attention given to the line arrangements of the two Prosaic Songs mentioned by him, theOpen and Closed sections of the Torah, andplene anddefective scriptum.[6] Such codices were disseminated all throughout Yemen. Thetījān (codices) were copied with particular care, since they were intended as model texts from which scribes would copy Torah scrolls, with the one exception that in the Torah scrolls themselves they contained no vocalization and accentuations. In most of thesetījān, every three pages equalled one column in the Sefer Torah.[9] A recurring avowal appears in nearly all copies of codices penned by the Benayah family, namely, that the codex which lay before the reader was written "completely according to the arrangement of the book that was in Egypt, which was edited by Ben Asher...."[10] Based on the preceding lines of this avowal, the reference is to the Open and Closed sections that were copied from the section on orthography in the Yemenite MS. of Maimonides’Mishneh Torah, a work which Maimonides himself claims to have been based on Ben-Asher (i.e. the Aleppo Codex), universally recognized since the time of Maimonides as the most accurate recension of the Hebrew Bible. Benayah’s use of this avowal simply mirrors the words of Maimonides in hisHilkhot Sefer Torah, while most scholars doubt if he had actually seen a codex proofread by Ben-Asher.[11] Others say that the avowal merely refers to theTiberian masoretic tradition (vowels and accentuations) adopted by the Benayah family in their codices.[12]

Yemenite Torah case with finials

Layout

[edit]

The Yemenite scroll of the Torah is traditionally written on 51 lines to each column, for a total of 226 columns (רכ"ו דפים),[13] a tradition that differs from Ashkenazi and Sephardic scrolls which are historically written in anywhere from 42 to 98 lines (42 lines since the mid-20th century). Unique to Yemenite scrolls, based on what is prescribed in their codices, is that each column concludes with the end of a particular verse and begins with the start of a new verse; never broken in the middle.[14] Each column starts with the opening lines of a new verse, excepting in only six designated places, whosemnemonics are בי"ה שמ"ו (seeinfra), and excepting in the two prosaic songs (theSong of the Sea andHa'azinu), where the columns in these places begin in the middle of a verse.[15] These six places (five places when בראשית of Gen. 1:1 is excluded, since it is only used to form the mnemonic) are the only exceptions to the rule, and which practice is intended to ensure uniformity and exactness in the scribal practice and layout in theSefer Torah throughout all generations. The average width of each column is approximately four finger-breadths, usually 9.3 centimetres (3.7 in), with a space of 3.7 centimetres (1.5 in) between columns. Columns containing the Prosaic Songs are considerably wider to facilitate the writing of the song in its usual format. For the Prosaic SongHa'azinu, the first column which contains the song is made ca. 14 centimetres (5.5 in) in width, while the second column that concludes the song is made ca. 14.9 centimetres (5.9 in) in width. For the ProsaicSong of the Sea the column measures approximately 14 centimetres (5.5 in) in width. The sheets of parchment used in making the scroll measure approximately 54.7 centimetres (21.5 in) in length (from top to bottom), although varying in width, with at least three columns to each sheet. Most are made withfull-grain leather (Heb.ğawīl),[16] that is, leather where the "split" layer has not been removed from it. In Yemen, the custom was to treat the raw hide with a tannin-solution made from the leaves ofAcacia etbaica (Arabic:qarāḍ) to ensure the leather's lasting durability. This also gave to the leather a reddish-brown luster. The sheets of parchment were traditionally sewn together withsinews (tendons) taken from the animal's loins (flanks), rather than from the animal's heels (the latter being prescribed by Maimonides).[17]

Plene and defective scriptum

[edit]

There are thirteen orthographic traditions in the first category which are peculiar to the Yemenite tradition and which differ from the traditions borne by other groups. The Yemenite arrangement has been published in many sources, the most notable of which being that of the last Chief Rabbi of Yemen, RabbiAmram Qorah.[18] By a comparative study, the Yemenite tradition inplene anddefective scriptum is nearly in complete harmony with that of the Aleppo Codex which was proofread by the masorete,Ben-Asher.[19]

200 year oldgevil Yemenite Torah scroll housed at the Rambam Synagogue inNahalat Ahim, Jerusalem.
VersesContentChange
Genesis (בראשית)
4:13גדול עוני מנשא[20][21]The word מנשא is written without a "waw" (defective scriptum)
7:11נבקעו כל מעינת[21][22][23]The word מעינת is written without a "waw" (defective scriptum)
9:29ויהיו כל ימי נח[21][22][24]The word ויהיו is written as a plural with a final "waw"[25]
41:45פוטיפרע[26]Every פוטיפרע is written as one word
Exodus (שמות)
25:31תעשה המנורה[21][27]The word תעשה is written without a "yod" (defective scriptum)
28:26אל עבר האפד[21][28][29]The word האפד is written without a "waw" (defective scriptum)
Leviticus (ויקרא)
7:22–23פרשת כל חלב[28][30]This section is written as an "Open Section"[31]
7:28–29פרשת המקריב[28]This is neither a "Closed" nor an "Open" Section[32]
Numbers (במדבר)
1:17אשר נקבו בשמת[21][28][33]The word בשמת is written without a "waw" (defective scriptum)
10:10ובראשי חדשיכם[21][28][34]The word חדשיכם is written with a "yod" (plene scriptum)
22:5בלעם בן בער[28]The word בער is written without a "waw" (defective scriptum)
25:12בריתי שלום[28][35][36]The letter "waw" in שלום is written as all other "waws" (without shortening)
Deuteronomy (דברים)
23:2פצוע דכא[21][28][37]The word דכא is written with an "aleph", instead of "he."[38]

The prevailing view is that if there is found a Torah scroll that has not been written as prescribed in all of the above (as bequeathed by the ancients) then that same scroll is invalid (lowered in sanctity) and is considered as merely one of the codices (Heb.ḥūmashin).[39]

Irregular letters

[edit]

Rabbi Yitzhak Razhabi has noted that in the Yemenite Jewish tradition there are over 400 peculiar types of letters (special forms of certain characters) in the Torah and which have been largely adhered to by Yemenite scribes.[40] While these irregular letters do not invalidate a Torah scroll if they had been neglected,[41] the scribes in Yemen still strictly adhered to its practice.

The Large Letters

[edit]

The Yemenite tradition of writing theOtiyyot Gedolot (Large Letters) in the Torah differs in some respects from other communities, and follows the traditions as they received them from the scribes of old. The following is a list of all the Large Letters found in the Yemenite scroll of the Pentateuch (Five Books of Moses), as published by 17th century Yemenite scribe, RabbiYihye Bashiri, in his book,Havatzelet Hasharon:[42]

A sheet of leather parchment (Torah)
VersesContentChange
Genesis (בראשית)
1:1בראשית[43][44]The letter "bet" (ב) of "breishit" (בראשית) is written in large script
5:1זהספר תולדת אדם[45][46][36]The letter "semakh"[47] (ס) of "sefer" (ספר) is written in large script
Exodus (שמות)
34:14לא תשתחוה לאל אחר[43][48]The letter "resh" (ר) of "aḥer" (אחר) is written in large script
Leviticus (ויקרא)
11:42כל הולך על גחון[43][49]The letter "waw" (ו) of "ğaḥon" (גחון) is written in large script
13:33והתגלח ואת הנתק[43][50]The letter "ğimel" (ג) of "wehithğalaḥ" (והתגלח) is written in large script
Numbers (במדבר)
14:17ועתהיגדל נא כח אדני[43][51]The letter "yod" (י) of "yigdal" (יגדל) is written in large script
27:5ויקרב משה את משפטן[43][52]The letter "nun" (נ) of "mishpaṭan" (משפטן) is written in large script
Deuteronomy (דברים)
6:4שמע ישראל יי' אלהינו[43]The letter "ayin" (ע) of "shǝma" (שמע) is written in large script
6:4יי' אלהינו יי' אחד[43]The letter "daleth" (ד) of "eḥad" (אחד) is written in large script
11:21כימי השמים על הארץ[43][46][53][54]The letter "ṣadi" (ץ) of "ha'areṣ" (הארץ) is written in large script
22:6קן צפור[43][46][55][36]The letter "qof" (ק) of "qen" (קן) is written in large script
29:27וישלכם אל ארץ אחרת[43][56][57]The letter "lamed" (ל) of "wayashlikhem" (וישלכם) is written in large script
32:6 הליי' תגמלו זאת[43][58]The letter "he" (ה) of "haladonai" (הליי) is written in large script
33:29אשריך ישראל מי כמוך[43][46][59]The letter "aleph" (א) of "ashrekha" (אשריך) is written in large script

Unlike the scribal tradition ofAshkenaz andSepharad which is to make thenun (נ) ofנצר חסד לאלפים in Exodus34:7 of large size, in the Yemenite Jewish tradition thenun is of regular size.[60][36] RabbiYihye Bashiri, in hisHavatzelet HaSharon, brings down other traditions concerning the writing of large and small letters in the Torah scroll, but which traditions were not practised in Yemen, and therefore ought to be reckoned as his sole opinion (since they are not mentioned by the renowned Yemenite scribe David Benayah, neither are they written in the Hibshoosh Codex, nor mentioned by the last Chief Rabbi of Yemen, RabbiAmram Qorah, or in the vast majority of Yemenite codices. Rabbi Yihye Bashiri had, apparently, culled these other traditions from the writings of thekabbalists and other rabbinic scholars outside of Yemen, and wished to incorporate them in the Yemenite tradition, but which practices had never taken hold in Yemen.[61][62]

The Small Letters

[edit]
VersesContentChange
Genesis (בראשית)
2:4אלה תולדות השמים והארץ בהבראם[63][64]The letter "he" (ה) of "behibar'am" (בהבראם) is written in small script
23:2ובא אברהם לספד לשרה ולבכתה[63][65]The letter "kaph" (כ) of "walivkothah" (ולבכתה) is written in small script
27:46קצתי בחיי מפני בנות חת[63][66]The letter "qof" (ק) of "qaṣti" (קצתי) is written in small script
Leviticus (ויקרא)
1:1ויקרא אל משה וידבר[63][67]The letter "aleph" (א) of "wayiqra" (ויקרא) is written in small script
Deuteronomy (דברים)
32:18צור ילדך תשי[63][68]The letter "yod" (י) of "teshi" (תשי) is written in small script

Unlike the scribal tradition ofAshkenaz andSepharad which is to make themem (מ) ofעל מוקדה in Leviticus6:2 of small size, in the Yemenite Jewish tradition themem is of regular size.[69][36] Likewise, the letter "yod" in the wordפינחס(Numbers 25:10) is written in regular size in the Yemenite tradition, unlike the tradition of other communities who make it small.[70][36]

Oddly-shaped letters

[edit]

According toRashi, the finalnun (ן) inוימת תרח בחרן (Gen. 11:32) is to be written upside down, although this was never a practice in the Yemenite Jewish tradition.[71] Instead, the finalnun here was written in its ordinary fashion. In other places, however, the Yemenites have preserved the practice of making oddly-shaped letters, where the tradition called for doing so. The Yemenite tradition calls for making 154 overlappingpe`s (פ) in their designated places, with the mouth recoiling inwards upon itself (made by a very thin nib of the pen).[72][73]

Zechariah ha-Rofé (15th century), in hisMidrash ha-Hefez,[74] brings down eight places in the Torah where, in each case, a word is written with an irregular-shaped letter, and those being: a)ף‎ inאף‎ of Gen. 3:1;[75] b)ל‎ inוילבשם‎ of Gen. 3:21;[76] c)ל‎ inוישלחהו‎ of Gen. 3:23;[77] d)ל‎ inלהט החרב‎ of Gen. 3:24;[77] e)ל‎ inויכלא הגשם‎ of Gen. 8:2;[78] f)ו‎ inואך את דמכם‎ of Gen. 9:5;[79] g)ך‎ inדמו ישפך‎ of Gen. 9:6;[80] and h)ך‎ inוארך‎ of Gen. 10:10.[81] According to Zechariah ha-Rofé, the justification for making these letters altered from their natural shapes and forms, when there is no other rational explanation for doing so, is that God went out-of-his-way to change the natural order of speech, in Gen. 7:2, so as not to utter the words "defiled animals," although it was shorter, but rather used the more protracted words "animals that are not clean," and that Israelites are to emulate him.[74] Perhaps, too, it is alluded by these forms that in this particular biblical reading, one is to exercise extra precaution so as not to utter a disparaging remark.

The following is an abridged list of some of the common usages in Yemenite Torah scrolls.

VersesContentChange
Genesis (בראשית)
3:14על גחנך תלך[82]The left leg of the "ḥet" (ח) inגחנך is widely spread out
3:18וקוץ ודרדר תצמיח לך[83]The left leg of the "ḥet" (ח) is widely spread out
3:21כתנות עור וילבשם[84]The head of the "lamed" (ל) (not to be confused with the neck) is extended with zig-zag strokes to the left[85]
3:23וישלחהו יי' אלהים[84]The head of the "lamed" (ל) inוישלחהו is extended with zig-zag strokes to the left
3:24ואתלהט החרב המתהפכת[84]The head of the "lamed" (ל) inלהט is extended with zig-zag strokes to the left
4:11את דמי אחיך מידך[83]The left leg of the "ḥet" (ח) inאחיך is widely spread out
7:22רוחחיים באפיו[83]The left leg of the "ḥet" (ח) inחיים is widely spread out, while the "pe" (פ) inבאפיו is made to recoil inwards (overlapping)[86]
7:23וימחו מן הארץ[83]The left leg of the "ḥet" (ח) inוימחו is widely spread out[87]
27:46קצתי בחיי מפני בנותחת[88]The left leg of the "ḥet" (ח) inחת is widely spread out, and the "pe" (פ) ofמפני is overlapping
41:45שם יוסף צפנתפענח[89]The "pe" (פ) inצפנת and inפענח are each overlapping (recoiling inwards)
41:45אסנת בתפוטיפרע[89]The two "pe"s (פ) inפוטיפרע are each overlapping (recoiling inwards)
42:12לא כי ערות הארץ באתם לראות[90][91][92]The bottom left leg of the "aleph" in the wordלא is written with a slight inversion upwards
Leviticus (ויקרא)
23:28יום כפרים הוא לכפר[93]The letter "pe" (פ) inכפרים and inלכפר are made overlapping
Numbers (במדבר)
10:35ויהי בנסע הארן[94]Before and after the verse, there are two characters resembling an invertednun
14:41והוא לא תצלח[95]The left leg of the "ḥet" (ח) inתצלח is widely spread out
Deuteronomy (דברים)
23:21לנכרי תשיך[63][96]The head of the letter "lamed" (ל) is inverted backwards
32:42מראשפרעות אויב[97]The "pe" (פ) inפרעות is overlapping

Prosaic SongHa'azinu

[edit]

Jewish scribes have preserved a carefully guarded tradition regarding the line arrangements of certain verses, namely, which words are to be written at the forefront of a line, and which words are to be written at the end of the same. The line arrangements ofShirat Ha'azinu (Deut. 32:1–43) in the Yemenite Torah scrolls follow closely that of Ben Asher as conveyed by Maimonides' Mishne Torah, and, unlike the Sephardic tradition of writing the song in seventy lines (based on theShulhan Arukh),[98] the Yemenite tradition is to write the song in only sixty-seven lines.[99][100][101]

The column on the sheet of parchment containing the prosaic songHa'azinu is made wider than other columns, so as to make room for the poem's layout, written in the format of sixty-seven double half-columns, meaning to say, spaces are made between the verses which appear to descend in two columns. The prosaic song itself is preceded by a blank space, above which are six lines that are written in a format fixed by tradition, with the following words at the head of each line: the 1st line starting withואעידה and ending withידעתי; the 2nd line starting withאחרי and ending withמן; the 3rd line starting withהדרך and ending withהרעה; the 4th line starting withבאחרית and ending with God's divine name,יהוה; the 5th line starting withלהכעיסו and ending withכל; and the 6th line starting withקהל and ending withתמם.[102] The original Yemenite practice was to write these six short lines withindentations before and after the text of each line, rather than draw-out the lines unto the margins by stretching certain letters within the text.[103] The scribal practice of indenting these six lines was also the widespread practice used inTurkey, in very old and exquisite Torah scrolls during the time of RabbiChaim Benveniste (1603–1673).[104] After these six lines there is a space followed by the Prosaic Song, written in the format of a song. The Yemenite tradition follows the Aleppo Codex's layout of the Prosaic Song, excepting lines 38 and 39, being the only deviation in word sequence, now believed by most scholars to be an anomaly, by way of confusing the double usage of the Hebrew wordגם (q.v. Deut. 32:25) and not knowing which word Maimonides actually had in mind when bringing down the condensed layout for the song.[105] A Sephardic codex written between the 11th–12th century (now Vat. ebr. 448) shows a tradition that is identical to that of the Yemenite tradition with respect to the line arrangements in the poetic songHa'azinu.[106]

Arrangement of Lines inShirat Ha'azinu (Deut. 32:25)
LinesAleppo Codex(written in 67 lines)[107]
Line no. 38עם חמת זחלי עפר .............מחוץ תשכל חרב ומחדרים אימה גם בחור
Line no. 39גם בתולה יונק עם איש שיבה ............. אמרתי אפאיהם
LinesYemenite Tradition(written in 67 lines)[108][36]
Line no. 38עם חמת זחלי עפר ............. מחוץ תשכל חרב ומחדרים אימה
Line no. 39גם בחור גם בתולה יונק עם איש שיבה ............. אמרתי אפאיהם

Prosaic Song of the Sea

[edit]

The "Song of the Sea" (Shirat ha-Yam) is traditionally made on lines appearing as half-bricks set over whole bricks. RabbiMeir ben Todros Halevi (ca. 1170–1244), when trying to ascertain the correct scribal tradition, mentions his having written toShemuel ibn Tibbon the physician ofMarseille, inquiring about the scroll of the Torah that was with him and which was copied from Maimonides’ scroll of the Torah. Ibn Tibbon replied, sending to him an accurate copy of the arranged lines of theSong of the Sea (Hebrew:שירת הים) in Exodus 15:1–19 as found in the scroll that was copied from Maimonides’ Torah scroll. He writes that he found the three words,את מי הים (= "the waters of the sea"), written at the beginning of the last line.[109] Notwithstanding,Rabbi Meir ben Todros admitted to having deviated from this tradition, having decided against its orthography, seeing that in theSong of the Sea all of the previous lines had thus far ended in one word, and it seemed fitting to him that the second to the last line should also end in one word. He therefore changed its order, by his own admittance. The author ofMinḥat Shai followed in suit and also changed the original order of the last two lines in theSong of the Sea. The Yemenite Jews still maintain the old tradition in the line arrangements of theSong of the Sea, following Ben Asher's format in the words that are to begin each line, as well as in the words which are to conclude each line.[36][110] Their fidelity to tradition has been praised by Dr. Penkower, a specialist of Textual Transmission of the Bible and theMasorah at the Department of the Bible inBar-Ilan University, who wrote: "It's worthy of adding that in the Yemenite manuscripts of the Torah the arrangement of lines in the ProsaicSong of the Sea is exactly like the arrangement found in the Aleppo Codex, including the last two lines and the lines that are before theSong and that are after it."[111]

While all communities will write theSong of the Sea (Shirat ha-Yam) on thirty lines, the format which concludes the song has been slightly altered in some communities due to the doubt raised by Rabbi Meir Abulafia ben Todros of Spain.[112] In the old Sephardic codex (now Vat. ebr. 448), written between the 11th–12th century, it shows the arrangement of lines in the Prosaic "Song of the Sea" (Shirat ha-Yam) just as prescribed by Ben-Asher and as found in the Yemenite tradition, before Rabbi Meir b. Todros Halevi's emendation.[113]

Layout of theSong of the Sea (last three lines)
Comparative Texts[114]
Line 28Aleppo Codex
Yemenite scrollכי (space)יהוה ימלך לעלם ועד (space)ידיךsame
Sephardic scrollכי (space)יהוה ימלך לעלם ועד (space)ידיךsame
Line 29Aleppo Codex
Yemenite scrollוישב יהוה עליהם (space)בא סוס פרעה ברכבו ובפרשיו ביםsame
Sephardic scrollוישב יהוה עליהם את מי (space)בא סוס פרעה ברכבו ובפרשיו ביםdifferent
Line 30Aleppo Codex
Yemenite scrollובני ישראל הלכו ביבשה בתוך הים (space)את מי היםsame
Sephardic scroll[115]הים (space)ובני ישראל הלכו ביבשה בתוך (space)היםdifferent

Testimonies from travelers and emissaries who had seen the Aleppo Codex have concurred, unequivocally, that the words,כס יה inExodus 17:16, were written as one word, (e.g.כי יד על כסיה).[116][117] However, in the Yemenite tradition, the words are not joined together, but are written as two words,[118] just as the words appear in theLeningrad Codex and in theDamascus Pentateuch. This anomaly may be attributed to the fact that the Yemenite copyists in their transmission of themasorah made use of several ancient works, and perhaps even their own ancient Torah scrolls, just as they did when conveying theplene anddefective scripta of thetextus receptus (which almost completely agreed with that of masorete, Ben-Asher) – yet, without the aid or assistance of Maimonides who left no indication on how these words should be written, or just as they did also with the irregular letters written in the Torah, although here, too, Maimonides gave no indication about which of these letters should be made differently.[119] While Ben Asher was the arbiter in cases of vocalization in the Aleppo Codex, he was not, admittedly, the scribe who wrote the text, which scribe was rather Shlomo ben Buya'a. Since the Leningrad Codex, a codex also proofread by Ben-Asher, stands at variance here with the Aleppo Codex's entry, one might only speculate if Ben-Asher ever totally agreed with everything written in those codices. Yishai ben Amram ha-Cohen Amadi (late 16th century), a man who had actually seen the Aleppo Codex and noted its rendition ofכסיה as one word, continued to write in his own papers the word as being made-up of two words. Moreover, theTreatise Sofrim[120] which brings down a list of words in the Torah that are written as one word, but read as two words (e.g.בגד in Gen. 30:11 which is read asבא גד, andאשדת in Deut. 33:3 which is read asאש דת) does not listכסיה as one of these words.

Mordechai Breuer makes note of the fact that "versions in the Talmud differ in many instances from the versions of theMasoretes (see, for example,Gilyon ha-Shas, the comments of R.Aqiba Eiger on the margin of the Talmud,Shabbat 55b). Accordingly, Talmudic versions are of no relevance here; perhaps they reflect the 'correct' or 'original' text of the Bible, but they are non-Masoretic by definition, and they have nothing to do with the uniform version which was accepted by the Tiberian Masoretes."[121]

Similarly, according toRashi, the verseויהי ביום כלות משה (in Numbers 7:1) is written withכלת indefective scriptum. This, however, is not the case in theMasoretic Texts, nor in the Yemenite Jewish tradition, where the wordכלות is written inplene scriptum. Elsewhere, according to Rashi, the wordפילגשים in (Genesis 25:6) is also written indefective scriptum, and which is not the case in either the Masoretic texts or in the Yemenite Jewish tradition.

Other line arrangements

[edit]

A famous rabbinic dictum states that scribes are to be careful to have certain columns begin with fixed words, known by theirmnemonics,בי"ה שמ"ו (an allusion to Psalm 68:5).[122] These, too, can be found in their designated places, each letter commencing the word of that column. Such was also the practice in Yemen.[123] For example: The Hebrew characterbet (ב) represents the first word in the Torah,בראשית (Gen. 1:1);[122] the Hebrew characteryod (י) representsיהודה אתה יודוך (Gen. 49:8);[122] the Hebrew characterhe (ה) representsהבאים אחריהם בים (Exo. 14:28);[122] the Hebrew charactershin (ש) representsשמר ושמעת (Deut. 12:28);[122] the Hebrew charactermim (מ) representsמוצא שפתיך תשמר (Deut. 23:24);[122][124] and, finally, the Hebrew characterwaw (ו) representsואעידה בם (Deut. 31:28).[122] Different traditions abound for other communities who traditionally make use of a 42-line column. In the Yemenite tradition, the six-letters of the mnemonic device account for only two verses in the entire Torah where the column begins in the middle of a verse (Exo. 14:28 andDeut. 31:28),[122] whereas in all other columns, the start of a new verse always commences a new column. Likewise, inParashat Shemini (Leviticus 10:16), a tradition passed down by the scribes was to ensure that each scribe when copying from a master text is careful to write the firstדרש (derosh) at the very end of the line, while the secondדרש (derash) be written at the forefront of the next line.[125] In the Yemenite Torah scroll brought out from Yemen, now belonging to Azriel ben Saadia Tzadok (Saleh) of Benei Barak, from which aTikkun Soferim was made in five small pocket volumes to facilitate the accurate transmission of the samemasorah by scribes, the first wordדרש is, indeed, found at the very end of line no. 14, whereas the second wordדרש is found written at the forefront of line no. 15.[126]

There are yet other places in the Torah scroll where Masoretic scribes used key words to determine the layout of each column, and where these same words were traditionally written in specific places in their respective columns, such as in Numbers 31:5 (Hebrew:וימסרו מאלפי ישראל), and where thelamed ofישראל is written at the end of one line, above theʾalef ofצבא at the end of the following line, said to suggest that, from that time forward, Israel was placed above all other nations.[127] Likewise, the verse inDeuteronomy 28:36 (Hebrew:יולך ה' אתך ואת מלכך) is traditionally placed at the start of a new column in Yemenite Torah scrolls, a practice alluded to in2 Kings 22:13, said to be the place whereJosiah opened-up to in the newly discoveredTemple scroll.[128]

Places in the Yemenite scrolls which differ from the Aleppo Codex

[edit]

Maimonides, summarizing the different orthographic traditions, wrote: "Authorities on the Masora... differ according to the variations in the scrolls on which they rely."[129] The oldest manuscripts containing the Masora of the early masoretes, such as the London Codex (British Library Or. 4445) and theLeningrad Codex, theDamascus Crown and theAleppo Codex (based on various testimonies), were all written with a Closed section in pericopeKi Tisa (Exo. 34:1), in the verseפסל לך, while in pericopeṢav (Lev. 7:28–29) there was written an Open section in the verseהמקריב.[130] Neither one of these sections reflect the custom of Yemen today, which points to the assumption that, apparently, they changed their ancient practice in this matter to conform with that of Maimonides, as stated by the late chief Yemenite Rabbi,Yosef Qafih.[6] Scholars have pointed out eight differences between the Aleppo Codex and theYemenite tradition of orthography.[131] At least in one reference it is believed to be an error by the copyist of the Aleppo Codex, and is not generally practised by any community in Israel, namely, that of writingהיא in Leviticus 25:10–12 (יובל היא) with ayod (י) instead of awaw (ו).[132] It is not immediately clear if the Yemenites retained portions of their old tradition when incorporating in their writings themasorah of Ben-Asher.

Comparative study of codices
SourceSephardic tradition[133]Yemenite traditionLondon Codex[134]Leningrad Codex[135]Damascus Codex[136]Aleppo Codex[137]
Gen. 4:13גדול עוני מנשואגדול עוני מנשאxxx[138]גדול עוני מנשא[139]xxx[140]גדול עוני מנשא[141]
Gen. 7:11נבקעו כל מעינותנבקעו כל מעינתxxx[142]נבקעו כל מעינת[143]xxx[140]נבקעו כל מעינת[141]
Gen. 9:29ויהי כל ימי נחויהיו כל ימי נח[144]xxx[145]ויהיו כל ימי נח[146]ויהיו כל ימי נח[147]ויהיו כל ימי נח[141]
Gen. 41:45פוטי פרע[148]פוטיפרע[149]פוטי פרע[150]פוטיפרע[151]פוטיפרע[152]פוטי פרע[153]
Exo. 1:19בטרם תבוא אלהןבטרם תבוא אלהןבטרם תבוא אלהן[154]בטרם תבוא אלהן[155]בטרם תבוא אלהן[156]בטרם תבוא אליהן[141]
Exo. 17:16כי יד על כס יהכי יד על כס יהכי יד על כסיה[157]כי יד על כס יה[158]כי יד על כס יה[159]כי יד על כסיה[160]
Exo. 20:14פר' סתומה לא תחמד אשת רעךפר' סתומה לא תחמד אשת רעךפר' סתומה לא תחמד אשת רעך[161]פר' סתומה לא תחמד אשת רעך[162]xxx[163]פר' סתומה לא תחמד אשת רעך[164]
Exo. 25:31תיעשה המנורהתעשה המנורהתעשה המנורה[165]תעשה המנורה[166]תעשה המנורה[167]תעשה המנורה[168]
Exo. 28:26אל עבר האפודאל עבר האפדאל עבר האפד[169]אל עבר האפד[170]אל עבר האפד[171]אל עבר האפד[141]
Exo. 34:1פר' פתוחה פסל לך(פר' פתוחה (פסל לך(פר' סתומה (פסל לך[172](פר' סתומה (פסל לך[173](פר' סתומה (פסל לך[174](פר' סתומה (פסל לך[175]
Lev. 7:22–23אין פרשה(פר' פתוחה (כל חלב[176](פר' פתוחה (כל חלב[177](פר' פתוחה (כל חלב[178](פר' פתוחה (כל חלב[179](פר' פתוחה (כל חלב[180]
Lev. 7:28–29פר' פתוחה המקריבאין פרשה(פר' פתוחה (המקריב[177](פר' פתוחה (המקריב[181](פר' פתוחה (המקריב[179](פר' פתוחה (המקריב[180]
Lev. 19:16לא תעמד על דם רעךלא תעמד על דם רעךלא תעמד על דם רעך[182]לא תעמד על דם רעך[183]לא תעמד על דם רעך[184]לא תעמד על דם רעיך
Lev. 25:10–12יובל הואיובל הואיובל הוא[185]יובל הוא[186]יובל הוא[187]יובל היא[188]
Num. 1:17אשר נקבו בשמותאשר נקבו בשמתאשר נקבו בשמת[189]אשר נקבו בשמות[190]אשר נקבו בשמות[191]אשר נקבו בשמת[192]
Num. 10:10ובראשי חדשכםובראשי חדשיכםxxx[193]ובראשי חדשיכם[194]ובראשי חדשכם[195]ובראשי חדשיכם[141]
Num. 22:5בלעם בן בעורבלעם בן בערבלעם בן בעור[196]בלעם בן בעור[197]בלעם בן בעור[198]בלעם בן בעור[199]
Num. 25:12בריתי של:ם[200]בריתי שלוםבריתי שלום[201]בריתי שלום[202]בריתי שלום[203]בריתי שלום[204]
Deut. 23:2פצוע דכה[205]פצוע דכאxxx[206]פצוע דכא[207]פצוע דכא[208]פצוע דכא[209]

In the days ofAbraham ben Moses ben Maimon (1186–1237), the Jews of Yemen addressed thirteen questions unto him, one of which concerning the interstices --- theOpen and Closed sections of the Torah as prescribed by his father,Maimonides, and what to do with a tradition that differs, to which he replied: "We see that there are many differences between the scribes in the matter of the Open and Closed sections, while the books that are in Israel greatly differ in this matter, and we have already seen the exponents of our laws, of blessed memory, who have taken positions in each of these works, which thing has its rightful place, since we do not possess the Book of the Temple court, which [if we had] we could meticulously learn from it about the matter, nor is there regarding this matter a tradition whereupon everyone agrees, to the extent that we could actually disqualify whatsoever contradicts it. Nevertheless, the right thing is to scrupulously attend to the matter, just as it appears in theComposition (i.e. Mishne Torah), in the Book ofAhavah, but whatsoever is found to be different from it, no one is to give judgment concerning it that it is invalid, unless it is different from all the books that are in existence."[210] The essence of the question implies that the Yemenites formerly had a different practice than that mentioned by Maimonides. The modern Yemenite Jewish custom with respect to the Open and Closed sections of the Torah follows that of Maimonides, in spite of theShulhan Arukh's ruling (275:2) that scribes ought to strive to fulfill the opinions of, both, Maimonides andRabbeinu Asher, where they are in agreement, and to avoid making the sections where the sections are only in accordance with one opinion.[211][100] The Sephardic custom at the time of the author of theShulhan Arukh was strictly in accordance with Maimonides' prescription,[212] although it, too, has now changed to comply with theShulhan Arukh.

Yitzhak Ratzaby notes in hisTajā de-Oraitha (p. 14) that, in the old codices made in Yemen before the advent of Maimonides, scribes in Yemen adhered to a different orthographic practice with respect to certain plene and defective scripta and the Open and Closed sections.[213] He notes that, in the Old Yemenite tradition, theyod inישפט ה'(Gen. 16:5) was made small, citingBen Isaiah 1983, p. 88, who wrote that it was "the smallest of allyods," unlike today's tradition.[213] The Old Yemenite tradition was also to writeואת בנו(Num. 16:35) in defective scriptum; the wordבניו‎ written without ayod, as described byBen Isaiah 1983, p. 439, but unlike today's tradition.[213] Elsewhere, the Old Yemenite tradition was to make themim inמה טובו(Num. 24:5) large, unlike today's tradition.[214] Other orthographic traditions were known to exist prior to the general reception of theMasoretic text.[215]

Treating of leather and ink used in Torah scroll

[edit]

In Yemen, large goats (2 yrs. old) were used in making the parchment for Torah scrolls, as opposed totefillin (phylacteries) in which only small kids of the goats (appx. 2 months old) were used for the vellum.[216] The advantage of goat skin over sheep skin is that goat skin is tougher and finer in grain. In Torah scrolls, the principal tannin substance was derived from the leaves of thesalam-tree (Acacia etbaica;A. nilotica kraussiana), a tree known locally by the nameqaraḍ (garadh). The same tannin substance and its use in treating leather for sacred scrolls is mentioned byMaimonides (1989:298).[217] These leaves, being astringent, have the same function as gall.[218] A bath solution of the crushed leaves of this tree, into which raw leather had been inserted for prolonged soaking, would take only 15 days for curing. The water and leaves, however, required changing after seven or eight days, and the leather needed to be turned over daily. Usually such treatment would suffice, without the need of spreading any other salve onto the leather,[219] but only in cases where there was an erasure and the newly applied ink would spread would scribes in Yemen practise "sizing" of the leather, a process so-called by treating the leather parchment with a paste ofTragacanth gum (Arabic:كثيراء) orGum arabic, and allowing the place to dry before applying ink. In some places, the fleshy-side of the leather (being the side that is written upon) was treated with a fine application ofcastor oil, taken directly from the bean of the castor oil plant (Ricinus communis), and which application is known to give added elasticity and durability to the leather.

According toAmram Qorah, the way in which leather was prepared in Yemen for use in writing a Torah scroll was as follows:

If it werefull-grain leather (Heb.ğawīl) that the scribe wanted to write a Torah scroll upon, he would go to the tanner, select for himself sheep hides that had been treated (cured) to his satisfaction, and the tanner would sell them to him in their imperfect state, without trimming and without modification. The scribe then brings them to his house, softens them by sprinkling water upon them, and then spreads them out and stretches them, and then smooths the face of the leather on its flesh side, by scraping it with an instrument called arasp (Arabic:mibshara). Afterwards, he cuts away the excessive edges and the outer corners, until he is left with a square sheet of leather. He then stains the sheet [of leather] with a dye solution made ofturmeric, which resembles the colour ofsaffron, and then marks on the two ends of the sheet of parchment with the aid of a tool called a ruler the number of lines that are customarily made, and thus he delineates lines after he had rubbed the face of the leather on the side facing the hairs, with a smooth stone, in a scrupulous manner, so that it will be fitting and make writing easier. He then divides the columns[220] and, forthwith, begins his task [of writing].
[As for the parchment known asq'laf] (the leather that is not whole, and used mainly for writing the portions contained in theTefillin), most scribes were skilled in treating leather for use asq'laf. The scribe does all those steps mentioned in the working ofğawīl, and smooths the face of the leather on its flesh side, for the space of what is needed to write upon [and no more], leaving it white, without dyeing it any colour."[221]

When it came toğawīl (the full-grain leather), scribes would write on the side on which the hair had grown, since its side was smoother than the other side.[222]

In Yemen, scribes prepared their own ink concoction, usually made from soakingcopper sulphate crystals (copper vitriol) in water, known locally aszāğ (Arabic:زاج),[223] but more often by mixing in the wateral-ḥura (Litharge of alum),[224]qishr rumān (Pomegranate rinds),ʿafaṣ (Gall), ground to a powder and steeped in water and exposed to the sun's rays for two or three days, sifted of its residue and its yellowish liquid added to the ink concoction only near the time of writing, and after the ink had once again been allowed to sit in the sun for more than a day in order to receive its luster. An excessive amount of gall was seen as detrimental to the ink, therefore, used sparingly, as also too many pomegranate rinds will cause the ink to fade. A little sugar was also added to the ink concoction, as well assoot from the flame of burnt oils held against glass andṣameġ (Gum Arabic).[225] In some places, wormwood (Artemisia absinthium), or what is called in Arabicshiba, was added to the ink to preserve the leather from mold and mildew. The traditional writing instrument in Yemen was thecane reed (calamus), rather than the featheredquill.[226]

Forms of the letters and special techniques

[edit]

Just as there is a unique style of writing associated with Ashkenazi scrolls, and another style for Sephardic scrolls, so too is there a style of writing that is peculiar to Yemenite scribes of the previous centuries. Each community, however, makes use of the square Hebrew script. In the older Torah scrolls of Yemenite provenance, there was not a practice among scribes to write the Hebrew letters with theirTagim, since the accurate tradition of doing so had long been lost.[227] The ancient practice in Yemen when writing the letterḥet (ח) is to make its roof flat, and not a "gable-roof," as prescribed byRabbeinu Tam (Yaakov Meir), although more modern scrolls have adopted Rabbeinu Tam's method. The difference stems from one's understanding of the wordחטרי in TractateMenaḥoth.[228] In Yemenite scrolls, the Hebrew letters are made to suspend a fraction below the ruled lines, rather than hang directly from the ruled lines.

The manner in which Jewish scribes made certain Hebrew characters has evolved throughout the years in Yemen. RabbiDavid ben Zimra (1479–1573) mentions the practice of the Jews ofAden, where in all their Torah scrolls the left leg of the Hebrew characterhe (ה) was slightly joined to the roof of the letter, a practice which he disqualifies, although admitting that such was also the practice that he found in old scrolls written in Egypt, and which practice had been rendered valid by RabbiIsaac ben Sheshet and RabbiJoseph Colon.[229] Nevertheless, the old practice in Yemen of slightly joining the leg of the Hebrew characterhe (ה) to its roof, or the leg of theqof (ק) to its roof, eventually evolved to conform with the custom that is practised in other communities in Israel. RabbiYosef Qafih, commenting on Maimonides'Mishne Torah, responds to the old practice and goes to great lengths to show that such letters, had they been written in such a way, should not be disqualified, although the custom in Israel has now changed.[230]

One of the unique features found in scrolls penned in Yemen is the practice of marking the end of the biblical verse, not with ink, but by stamping the leather with a round-tipped metal instrument at the end of the verse, in order to assist thebaal qoré when reading and knowing when he is to come to a full-stop. These dot-like impressions in the leather were made so as to resemble an invertedsegol (one dot on top of two dots). Where the reading was to produce the sound made by the trope symboletnaḥa (brief pause), it too was marked with only one dot by the same instrument beneath the word whose reading is to be read as such. Two diagonal stamp marks were made above the word whose reading called for it to be read with azarqa. Some have questioned the validity of marking a Torah scroll in this way, but the sages of Yemen have explained its validity by saying that extraneous markings that are made in the leather without ink are permitted.[231][232]

Yemenite Torah scrolls traditionally had also this additional feature where the top corners of each leather sheet of parchment were folded backwards, immediately following the leather's treatment and before the actual writing.[233] This was done to distinguish between each sheet, as also to give the reader the ability to grasp with his two hands the sheet of parchment by the folds, without touching the letters themselves. The left and right margins of each sheet of parchment were made to a standard width of one-fingerbreadth (ca. 2.5cm.), and when coupled together with other sheets, the margins came to two fingerbreadths.[234] The stitching of the sheets of parchment together was made differently from the practices found among other groups, in that the stitching made with ligaments was made closer together (appx. one centimeter between stitches) and more tightly fitting in Yemenite scrolls.[234] As required inJewish law, and as found among all other groups, they did not sew the sheets together at the upper and lower ends of the margins, but left a space there unstitched.

Torah cases

[edit]

The Torah case (Heb.tiq) traditionally used in Yemen was either a seven faceted or octagonal wooden box, typically made of a light wood, such as Sudanese teak (Cordia abyssinica), equipped with a pair of brass clasps cut in ornamental floral shapes for closing. The entire wooden box was fitted tightly with a thickly woven decorative cloth, replete with 3 to 5 buttons with matching loops. The top of the box was made with slits wherein they inserted protruding staves for carrying the decorative silverfinials (Heb.rimmonim).[235]

Reading customs

[edit]

The universalYemenite Jewish custom is to have each biblical verse that is read on Sabbath days and holidays to be accompanied audibly by itsAramaic translation, taken fromTargum Onkelos, in accordance withMishnahMegillah 4:4 and Babylonian Talmud (Megillah 3a). This practice has ceased with other Jewish communities, owing to a teaching in theShulchan Aruch (Orach Chayim 145:3) which no longer requires the observance of this practice. The same is done for the readings of the prophets, known asHaftara, in which case the AramaicTargum of Jonathan ben Uzziel is used. The reading from the Targum is usually performed by a child who stands next to the dais whereon is laid the Torah scroll.

The Yemenite Jewish practice follows closely that described in Rabbi Achai of Shabha'sShe'iltot (ParashatNitzavim, section no. 161) who wrote:

And when he reads [from the Torah], a translator must respond [to each verse], and they are to adjust the tone of their voices together [so that they are the same]. But if the translator cannot raise his voice, let the reader [from the Torah] lower his own voice.

Among the number of seven persons who are called to read from the Torah, the Yemenite tradition will have one child of nine or ten years to read from the Torah scroll on the Sabbath days, on a regular basis (usually the sixth designated portion from the reading of the biblical lection), which practice follows a teaching in the Talmud(Megillah 23a) that says: "The Rabbis have taught, 'All may go up to the seven numerated [divisions], and even a small child, or even a woman'..." (End Quote). Even so, with respect to children reading the sixth division, this is relatively a new innovation or custom among the Yemenites.[236] The Sages have said that, with respect to women, a woman should not read in the Torah [scroll] "due to the public's honour." The seventh designated portion was usually reserved for one of the chief persons of the synagogue.

Testimonials

[edit]

Yaakov Sapir (1822–1886), a Lithuanian Jewish scholar from Jerusalem, was commissioned by the Jerusalem Rabbinate and traveled to Egypt, to Yemen and to India between the years 1857 to 1863. In 1859, he visited the Jewish community inYemen, publishing an account of his travels soon thereafter in a book entitled,Iben Sapir, perhaps one of the most momentous travelogues ever to have been written in that century, and where he describes the life of the Jewish community there. He also described the Torah scrolls and codices had in Yemen and their peculiar tradition of orthography, an excerpt of which follows.[237]

Yaakov Sapir on the Tradition of Orthography in Yemen

And lo, in their books of the Torah there are to be found several differences indefective andplene letters, for example:minnaso(Gen. 4:13), [in the verse, "My iniquity is greater than I can bear,"] lacks awaw; [or]maʻayanoth(Gen. 7:11) [in the verse, "All of the fountains of the deep were opened,"] lacks awaw; [as well as]wiyiheyu kol yamei noaḥ(Gen. 9:28), [in the verse, "And all of the days of Noah were," etc., is written] with the addition of awaw at its end;teʻaseh(Exo. 25:31), [in the verse, "Of beaten work shall the candlestick be made,"] lacks ayod;ḥodsheikhem(Num.10:10), [in the verse, "Your new moons," etc., is written] with the addition of ayod; as also in the lay-out of theSong of the Sea(Exo.15: 1-ff.) and in certain closed sections [of the Law]. And I saw that all their ancient books were [written] in this way.

(A note appended later by R. Yaakov Sapir to the above section reads as follows:)

I do recall my faults this day. When I had taken with me a scroll of the Torah [written] in the handwriting of the scriveners of Yemen, and when I had proofread it, I found in it the differences that I formerly mentioned, as well as other [changes] – besides that which can be attributed to scribal error, and I corrected it after the manner of our own books. Then when I happened to be, afterwards, in Paris during [the month of] Tishri, 5625anno mundi (1865 CE), I saw a book in the library of that great personage, the savant and honorable teacher and Rabbi, Rabbi Hertz Ginsburg (may his light shine), which [library] stood under the supervision of my beloved friend, the wise and illustrious Rabbi, [even] our teacher the Rabbi, S. Zacks (may his light shine), a most dear manuscript made by the Rabbi [who is known as]the Meiri, of blessed memory, [and which book was entitled],Kiryat Sefer.[a]

Its name is derived from [its content, which treats on] all the laws governing the scroll of the Law, how it ought to be written, and how read, therein showing all of thedefective [letters], andplene [letters],[b] open sections and closed sections, [etc., which scribes are wont to make in a scroll of the Law] – nothing being left undone, whether small or great, which he did not bring out in that book. He has withal done far more than what could ever have been expected, whether it were of any man who came before him, or who should come after him.Now I shall copy here, in short, an outline of the matters from one of the chapters, being useful for the purport [of our discourse], and whose words are as follows:

"Now behold, herein, do I make a copy[c] of the writing which the forenamed Rabbi (i.e. theRamah,[d] of blessed memory) sent to the sages ofBurgos [in Spain] who had belabored themselves on this point (i.e. over the subject of proofreading the scroll of the Law) with a well-known book [of the Law] attributed to Hillel the elder, [and] which was called by themHalleujah."[e]

The [author of the book]Yuchasin[f] wrote these words: "Now in the year 4956anno mundi (1196 CE), on the 8th of Menaḥem Av, there fell out a great religious persecution in the kingdom ofLeón,[g] to the extent that they carried away from there a Codex containing the 24 canonical books of the Bible, called theBiblia, which R. Hillel[h] had written, and from which they would proofread the texts of all the scrolls. Now I saw some of them (i.e. scrolls) that were sold in Africa, and at my time, they were nine-hundred years old since the time they were first written."[i] The [same author of the book]Yuchasin, on the year 5250anno mundi (1490 CE), wrote:ha-Qimḥi[j] (c. 1160–c. 1235) said in hisPiece on Grammar, in the chapterlemaʻan tizkaru, that the Codex was in Toledo [of Spain], and [that it was found written after its prescription] in the books [of the Law] left by the early Geonim, [particularly] by RavSherira [Gaon] and RabbeinuHai [Gaon]. And when the books of Rabbeinu Moshe (i.e.Maimonides, of blessed memory) came amongst them and they saw his tradition of orthography[k] in this regard, they sent to him (i.e. to theRamah) and he answered them after [much] flowery speech and many praises, whose words were these: 'But presently I shall tell you the truth, that all the books that have reached us of those books written by Rabbeinu Moshe (Maimonides), may peace rest on him, with regard to open sections and closed sections, all of them were engrossed with different errors one from the other, since the words of the book were concealed [from understanding], and those copyists who copied from it made rash decisions on their own, and each one added [what he pleased], and diminished [from the true text] according to his own understanding, thus defacing the books with things that they imagined in their heart to be true, and which they gave their opinion to, but which I was compelled to investigate and make inquiry into, etc., etc. And so, I sent to Marseilles, to the most erudite man [there],Samuel Ibn Tibbon,[l] the physician, and I asked him to send me an [accurate] account of the closed and open sections from the book [of the Law] that was copied from the book [of the Law] belonging to that Rabbi (i.e. Maimonides) that came with him to Marseilles, and which said Rabbi (may his memory be blessed) had signed in his own handwriting; as also that which I, myself, had written down from the book (that was no longer before me),I am Moshe, the son of Rabbi Maimon the Sepharadi. And so did he do, sending them to me with due speed, and I found in the copy of the writing, etc. all the things that you brought to my attention for a decision [as touching the writings of Maimonides] that they were [indeed] true, etc. and that the other matters that were concealed [therein from our understanding] were not made clear unto me by that book until I was compelled to once again search and inquire [into them], etc., and it was revealed unto me their import[m] by the help of Him who favors man with understanding. Now, behold! They are written in this [leafed] booklet which is being sent to you, etc., [both] open and closed [sections], [and] that which is neither an open [section] nor a closed [section], but rather an arranged [section],[n] in my own handwriting. Likewise, I have written for you the lay-out of the [prosaic] songHa'azinu[o] in two categories: one, containing the names of words that come at the beginning of each line; the other, containing the names of words that come at the end of each line. (Now there are altogether sixty-seven lines [in the prosaic songHa'azinu], just as it is found in my handwritten Bible Codex, and in [copies of] Maimonides of [those made by the] early exponents of our laws…) … [Signed]: From him that has been afflicted with reproof of instruction, not with whips,per se, but with scorpions, until he was compelled to confess his sorrow unto many – perchance they will seek mercy upon him from Him who has mercy; [I], who writes to his friends and companions,Meir Halevi, the son of R. Todros.' "

And, there, the Rabbi who isthe Meiri, of blessed memory, writes more, [viz.], that inToledo [of Spain] there was a book [of the Law] calledthe Book of Ezra,[p] and a certain Codex that was copied from the Codex belonging to theRamah (i.e.Meir ha-Levi b. Todros Abulafia, c. 1165–1244), whom we mentioned, which [latter] was proofread many times with utmost diligence by several scribes and wise men, in the forenamed city, with painstaking care and great expense, and came afterwards into his hand[q] with all the testimonies of the proofreaders and scribes, and, based on it, he wrote in this, his own bookKiryat Sefer, every word which is eitherdefective orplene, open and closed sections, in the year of the exile ofFrance, which corresponds to the year 5066anno mundi (1306 CE). Unto here we have brought down his words. Now, behold! I have found [and] seen in this [book],Kiryat Sefer, exactly as it is found written in the scrolls of Yemen! (q.v.supra, the treatise on Egypt, where I have elaborated in great length about all their details.) And so, in vain have I erased and made corrections. Now if I had seen it beforehand, I would not have touched it [with my own] hand! But He is merciful [and] atones for iniquity… END

Original:

והנה בס"ת שלהם נמצא כמה שנויים בחסר ויתר כמו מנשא (בראשית ד' י"ג) ח"ו מעינת (נח ז' י"א) ח"ו ויהיו כל ימי נח (נח ט' כ"ח) בואו לאחרונה תעשה (תרומה כ"ה ל"א) ח"י חדשיכם (בהעלותך י' י') מ"י וכן בצורת שירת הים ובאיזה סתומות * וראיתי שכל ספריהם הקודמים כן הוא

(המחבר הוסיף הערה זו בעת הדפוס)

את חטאי אני מזכיר היום כי הבאתי עמי ס"ת מכתיבת סופרי תימן וכאשר הגהתיה מצאתי בה השנויים הנז' ועוד (לבד איזה טעות סופר) ותיקנתיה עפ"י ספרים שלנו. ובהיותי אח"כ תשרי תרכ"ה בפאריז ראיתי בבית עקד הספרים של הגביר האדיר החכם הנכבד מו"ה הירץ גינצבורג נ"י העומדת תחת יד ידי"נ הרב החכם המפואר מוהר"ש זאקש נ"י ספר כ"י יקר להרב המאירי ז"ל קרית ספר. שמו על כל דיני ס"ת כתיבתו וקריאתו ומצויין בו כל החסרות ויתרות ופתוחות וסתומות לא הניח דבר קטון וגדול שלא העלה בספר הזה והוא מפליא לעשות מכל אשר לפניו ולאחריו. ואעתיק בזה בקיצור ריש מילין מפרק אחד הנצרך לענינינו וז"ל: "והריני כותב כאן כתב שלחו הרב הנזכר (הרמ"ה ז"ל) לחכמי בורגיש שטרחו על זה (בהגהת ס"ת) עם ספר הידוע להלל הזקן שנקרא ביניהם הללויה. [היוחסין כ' וז"ל: "ובשנה ד"א תתקנ"ו בח' למנחם הי' שמד גדול במלכות ליאון ואז הוציאו משם ספר הארבע ועשרים נקרא הביבליא שכתב אותם ר' הלל ומשם היו מגיהים כל הספרים ואני ראיתי חלק מהם שנמכרו באפריקא ובזמני הי' תשעה מאות שנה שנכתבו. (והיוחסין ה"א ר"נ) והקמחי אמר בחלק הדקדוק בפ' למען תזכרו שהחומש היה בטוליטולא.] ובספרים ישנים לגאונים הראשונים של רב שרירא ורבינו האיי וכשבאו ספרי רבינו משה (הרמב"ם ז"ל) אצלם וראו סדריו בענין זה שלחו לו (להרמ"ה) והשיב להם אחרי המליצית והשבחים כו' כו' וז"ל: "ועתה אמת אגיד לכם כי כל הספרים אשר הגיעו לידינו מספרי רבינו משה ע"ה בענין הפתוחות והסתומות כולם היו מוטעים טעיות משונות זה מזה מפני דברי הספר שהיו מסותמים והמעתיקים ממנו באו להכריע מדעתם והוסיף כל אחד וגרע כפי הכרע דעתו והשחיתו את הספרים בדברים אשר בדו מלבם ואשר הכריעו מדעתם ואני הוצרכתי לחקור ולדרוש כו' וכו' ושלחתי למארסילי' לחכם המובהק שמואל אבן תיבון הרופא ובקשתי ממנו לשלוח לי נוסח הפרשיות הסתומות והפתוחות מן הספר המועתק מספר הרב שבא עמו למארשילי' ושהרב זכרונו לברכה חתם עליו בחתימת ידו וגם זה מן הספר שכתבתי אני שלא בפני אני משה בר' מיימון הספרדי וכן עשה ושלחם אלי בזריזות ומצאתי בפתשגן הכתב כו' את כל הדברים אשר הכרעת דעתי כי אמת הי' כו' ושארי הדברים המסותמים לא נתבררו לי מן הספר ההוא עד אשר הוצרכתי לשוב ולחקור ולדרוש כו' ונתגלו לי שאריתם בעזרת החונן לאדם דעת והנם כתובים בקונטירס הזה השלוח אליכם כו' פתוחות וסתומות לא פתוחה ולא סתומה אלא סדורה כ"י וכן כתבתי לכם צורת שירת האזינו בשני סימנים אחד בשמות התיבות שבראש כל שטה ואחד בשמות התיבות שבראש כל שטה האחרון [א"ס והם בששים ושבע שיטין כמו בהתנ"ך כ"י שלי וברמב"ם כ"י הראשונים והארכתי בזה במ"א.] ... מאת המיוסר בתוכחת מוסר לא בשוטים כי אם בעקרבים עד שהוצרך להודיע צערו לרבים אולי יבקשו עליו רחמים מאת בעל הרחמים כותב לידידיו ורעיו מאיר הלוי בר' טודרוס

וכותב עוד שם הרב המאירי ז"ל שבטולטילא הי' ספר נקרא ספר עזרא וספר אחד שנעתק מספר הרמ"ה הנז' והוגה פעמים רבות בחריצות נפלא ע"י כמה סופרים וחכמים בעיר הנז' בטרחה והוצאה מרובה והגיע אח"כ לידו עם כל העדיות של המגיהים והסופרים ועל פיו כתב בספרו זה קרית ספר כל מלה חסרה ויתרה פתוחות וסתומות בשנת גלות צרפת היא שנת חמשת אלפים וששים ושש לבריאת העולם עכ"ל. והנה מצאתי ראיתי בזה הקרית ספר כפי הכתוב בספרי תימן (ראה למעלה במצרים שהארכתי בכל פרטיהם.) ובחנם מחקתי ותקנתי ואם ראיתיו קודם לא נגעתי בה יד והוא רחום יכפר עון


Notes:

  1. ^Rabbi Menaḥem Ha-Meiri wrote hisKiryat Sefer shortly after the year 1306 CE, which work quickly gave him high acclaim. It is quoted by R. Yoseph Karo.
  2. ^The sense here is to superfluous letters.
  3. ^Literally, "write."
  4. ^Rabbi Meir Halevi, the son of R. Todros. He came from Burgos, in Spain, but moved to Toledo (Ṭulayṭulah) where he taught the Torah among many, and raised up many disciples. He wrote several commentaries on the different tractates of the Talmud. He died in 1244 CE.
  5. ^In the book,Sefer Yuchasin, the title of this book of the Law, or else Codex, is given asHilleli, rather thanHallelujah, but in Rabbi Meir’s account in hisKiryat Sefer the Codex was calledHalleliyya. The ancient Codex is allegedly referenced in the colophon of Jewish Theological Seminary MS. JTS 44a, where it claims that the said Spanish Codex was proofread by usingSefer Halleli as its master text.
  6. ^RabbiAbraham Zacuto.
  7. ^A place in NW Spain.
  8. ^In the book,Sefer Yuchasin, his name is given as Rabbi Moshe ben Hillel.
  9. ^Meaning, during the time of Abraham Zakuto, the Codex was aged nine-hundred years, since it was compiled incirca 596 CE.
  10. ^RabbiQimḥi.
  11. ^Literally, "his orders."
  12. ^He is the great philosopher and scholar who translated Maimonides' "Guide to the Perplexed" into the Hebrew language during Maimonides' lifetime.
  13. ^Literally, "those things that remained of them."
  14. ^The arranged section (Heb.parashah sedurah) is to be found also in the Yemenite tradition of orthography, said to be those indentations that do not comprise in length the space made by nine letters, but somewhat shorter, such as when a scribe concludes the writing of a section near the left margin, without extending the words unto the margin.
  15. ^This is in complete harmony and agreement with the Yemenite tradition of orthography.
  16. ^A scroll of the Torah believed to have been written by Ezra the scribe, and which, based on the testimony of RabbiObadiah of Bertinoro, was once kept in Old Cairo, in Egypt. The ancient scroll is said to have been taken out from there, and during a voyage at sea, the ship which transported it sank and the scroll was lost forever. Ratzaby, Yitzhaq (1975), p. 32, has pointed out that in the "Book of Ezra" mentioned above there was found written in it like the Yemenite tradition, namely:גדול עוני מנשא (without awaw in the wordמנשא), and in the verse,נבקעו על מעינת (without awaw in the wordמעינת).
  17. ^i.e. into the hand of Rabbi Menahem Hameiri, author ofKiryat Sefer.

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^Penkower 1992, p. 68. According to Penkower, the Ashkenazi tradition– with respect toplene anddefective scriptum in their Torah scrolls – follows more closely the teachings of RabbiMeir Abulafia (author ofMasoret Seyag La-Torah), RabbiMenahem Lonzano (author ofOr Torah) and RabbiJedidiah Norzi (the author of the seminal work,Minḥat Shai). Their acceptedorthography for the Hebrew Bible was published in the Tartaz Codex, printed in Amsterdam in 1666. Excluding the irregular letters in the Torah, the Ashkenazi tradition differs from theYemenite tradition in some thirteen places. Penkower goes on to say that the Yemenite tradition, in terms ofplene anddefective scriptum, is nearly identical to theAleppo Codex; see alsoBreuer 1976, p. xxvii (English Introduction)
  2. ^An ancientTannaitic manuscript that was first printed in Paris in 1866 under the titleSefer Tagin, although believed to be defected in parts by its copyists, and which was also copied inMahzor Vitri, top ofParashat Vayishlaḥ (pp. 674–ff.), with slight variations. The entire work has been reprinted byKasher 1978, pp. 87–90; also published as an annotated side-by-side bilingual edition: Brian Tice,Sefer Tagin: An Ancient Sofer Manual (Grand Rapids, Mich: Yiddishkeit 101, 2021).
  3. ^Meiri 1956
  4. ^Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah 7:8)
  5. ^Maimonides, Hil.Sefer Torah 8:4
  6. ^abcQafih 1989, p. 934
  7. ^Benayah ben Sa'adyah has long been acknowledged as the greatest scribe of Yemenite Jewry and as patriarch of an entire family of Yemenite scribes which flourished beginning in the latter half of the fifteenth century, in and around the capital, Sana'a. In addition to Benaya himself, at least four of his children (three sons and a daughter) and two of his grandsons followed in his footsteps and penned Hebrew manuscripts. According to Yemenite tradition, the Benayah family is said to have copied some 400 volumes. Out of this great number, only about 36 codices have survived.
  8. ^Penkower 1992, p. 63 (top)
  9. ^See the Yemenite Codex (Tāj) now at the British Library,Or. 2350[permanent dead link], written in 1408, showing the beginning of the column used in the Torah forShirat ha-Yam (theSong of the Sea), and which single column is continued in the following two pages of the codex.
  10. ^Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985), Foreword byShelomo Morag; Taj Benaya (copied in the 1846th year of the Seleucid era/1535 CE); British Museum, Or. 2364; British Museum, Or. 2349; British Museum, Or. 2350; British Museum, Or. 2365; British Museum, Or. 1379, et al.
  11. ^Bin-Nun, Adam (2016)
  12. ^Offer 1989, p. 338 [62] (note 10)
  13. ^Ratzaby 2000, p. 172 (§ 165:23)
  14. ^Ratzaby 1975, p. 33
  15. ^Ratzaby 2000, pp. 174–175 (§ 165:23)
  16. ^Shulhan Arukh,Yoreh De'ah (Hil.Sefer Torah § 271:3).
  17. ^Qafih 1985, p. 334 (note 20), chapter 3. The advantage of taking the tendons from the flanks (Heb.כסלים) is that they were naturally long, unlike those taken from the heel, and they did not require softening by working them with a stone, nor was it necessary to twine the tendons before making use of them (ibid.).
  18. ^Qorah 1987, pp. 103–105
  19. ^Offer 1989, p. 309 [33]
  20. ^Qorah 1987, p. 103. Cf.Sapir 1986, p. 160, where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Genesis 4:13 the wordמנשא was written in the Aleppo Codex indefective scriptum – without awaw. TheLeningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the wordמנשא written without awaw, indefective scriptum.
  21. ^abcdefghOffer 1989, p. 309 [33]
  22. ^abQorah 1987, p. 103
  23. ^TheLeningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the wordמעינת written without awaw, indefective scriptum. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list ofplene anddefective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word,מעינת, was indeed written indefective scriptum.
  24. ^TheLeningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the wordויהיו written with a finalwaw. InHibshoosh 1985, p. s.v. Gen. 9:29, the word is written with a finalwaw. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same finalwaw inויהיו כל ימי נח; see:The British Library MS Viewer[permanent dead link], frame 33v. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sethon's list ofplene anddefective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word,ויהיו, was indeed written inplene scriptum.
  25. ^This was also the original Ashkenazic tradition (See Minchat Shai Genesis 9:29), but the Ashkenazic scribes seemed to have adopted the Sephardic reading around the 17th century.
  26. ^Qorah 1987, p. 103. Likewise,Hibshoosh 1985, p. s.v. Gen. 41:45, where the wordפוטיפרע ("Potifera") is written as one word. So, too, in theDamascus Pentateuch the name is written as one word. However, the Aleppo Codex, based on the testimony passed down by Yaakov Sapir (Me'oroth Nathan), had the nameפוטי פרע written in two words.
  27. ^Qorah 1987, p. 104. Cf.Sapir 1986, p. 166, where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Exodus 25:31 the wordתעשה was written in the Aleppo Codex indefective scriptum – without ayod. TheLeningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the wordתעשה written without ayod, indefective scriptum. Concerning this word in Exodus 25:31,Avraham ibn Ezra has written: "I have seen books [of the Torah] that were checked by the sages of Tiberias, and fifteen of their elders have sworn that they have looked three times upon every word and every point, and [upon] every word written inplene anddefective scriptum, and lo! There was written ayod in the word תֵּיעֲשֶׂה. But I haven’t found so in the books [of the Torah] in Spain and in France, and beyond the sea. Moreover, the ancients have expounded that the addition of ayod (i.e. numerical value of ten) alludes to the ten candelabrums that Solomon would make, although the general rule states that if there were there ayod it is a foreign word. By way of an exegesis [they have said] that it was made by itself (i.e. because of its passive-perfect tense). The reason being is that all those who saw it were astonished how a man could make it, etc." It is to be noted that the Spanish Jewish community has since abandoned its old tradition in this regard.
  28. ^abcdefghQorah 1987, p. 104.
  29. ^TheLeningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also the wordהאפד written without awaw, indefective scriptum. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list ofplene anddefective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word,האפד, was indeed written indefective scriptum.
  30. ^The Leningrad Codex, a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work, has also an Open Section for this reading. So, too, the Yemenite MS. of Maimonides' Mishne Torah has this section listed as an Open Section; see:Qafih 1985, p. 402 (note 19), chapter 8
  31. ^In Maimonides' own handwritten Ms. of Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah, ch. 8:4,Sefer Vayiqra), now at theBodleian Library in Oxford, England (Ms. Huntington 80), p. 133b (top), which same is identical with the Yemenite Ms. of Maimonides'Mishne Torah, there is some ambiguity in the wording used by Maimonides when describing this section of the Torah. There, Maimonides writes: `And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `This is the offering, [etc.]`(Lev. 6:12); "`And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs [to the verse], `Speak unto Aaron, [etc.]` (Lev. 6:17); `And this is the law of the guilt-offering, [etc.]` (Lev. 7:1); `And this is the law of the sacrifice, [etc.]` (Lev. 7:11);`And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `Speak unto the children of Israel, [etc.] [all suet, etc.]` (Lev. 7:22); `And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `Take Aaron, [etc.]` (Lev. 8:1) – all of them are Open sections, and they are [altogether] six." In the highlighted text, theLeningrad Codex (a text whose scribe made use of texts proofread by Ben-Asher when editing his own work) renders this passage of scripture an Open section. (Original Hebrew: וידבר דזה קרבן, וידבר דדבר אל אהרן, וזאת תורת האשם, וזאת תורת זבח,וידבר דדבר אל בני ישראל, וידבר דקח את אהרן, כולן פתוחות, והן שש). See alsoMeiri (1881),Parashat Ṣau, # 7, who lists this section as an "Open Section" (Hebrew). However, in the modern printed texts of Maimonides, the reading differs greatly: "`And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `This is the offering, [etc.]` (Lev. 6:12); `And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `Speak unto Aaron, [etc.]` (Lev. 6:17); `And this is the law of the guilt-offering, [etc.]` (Lev. 7:1); `And this is the law of the sacrifice, [etc.]` (Lev. 7:11);`And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `Speak unto the children of Israel, [etc.] He that offers, [etc.]` (Lev. 7:28); `And the LORD spake, [etc.]` which belongs to [the verse], `Take Aaron, [etc.]` (Lev. 8:1) – all of them are Open sections, and they are [altogether] six." (Hebrew: ). Rabbi Yehudah Attiya, a rabbi of Aleppo who had seen the Aleppo Codex and copied-down its Open and Closed sections, made a comparison between the same and Maimonides' list of Open and Closed sections. This list was sent to Jerusalem, and was later reviewed byM.D. Cassuto, who, in turn, disclosed that the section known asha-maqrīv (Lev. 7:28), though not listed as a section in Maimonides, was listed as an Open section in the Aleppo Codex.
  32. ^This section is listed as an Open section in the Aleppo Codex. See: Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 339 [63].
  33. ^Although theLeningrad Codex and theDamascus Pentateuch both have the wordבשמות in Numbers 1:17 as containing awaw (i.e. inplene scriptum), RabbiJacob Saphir (Sapir, Y. 1986) brings down theplene anddefective scriptum as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and writes that in Numbers 1:17 the wordבשמת was written in the Aleppo Codex indefective scriptum – without awaw. In this case, the Yemenite Jewish tradition still finds solid ground and support on which to base its own scribal traditions.M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list ofplene anddefective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word,בשמת, was indeed written indefective scriptum.
  34. ^M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list ofplene anddefective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word,חדשיכם, was indeed written inplene scriptum, with ayod.
  35. ^Cf.Sapir 1986, p. 171, where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Numbers 25:12 thewaw (ו) of the wordשלום was written complete, and without being broken in the Aleppo Codex.
  36. ^abcdefghRatzaby 2000, p. 168 (§ 165:21)
  37. ^In the Torah codex (Pentateuch) copied by David ben Benaya in 1490, now at British Museum (Or. 2349), the wordדכא is written with an "aleph." See:The British Library MS Viewer[permanent dead link], frame 136r. M.D. Cassuto, a man who made a copy of Menashe Sathon's list ofplene anddefective scriptum in the Aleppo Codex, has attested that this word,דכא, was written with analeph (א).
  38. ^This was also the original Ashkenazic tradition (see for examplethis article), but most Ashkenazic communities have adopted the Sephardic reading around the 18th-19th century. An Exception is Chabad, seeHayom Yom for 7th of Elul.
  39. ^Maimonides,Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah 7:11), who writes: "...If he wrote plene defective, or defective plene, or if he wrote an open section closed or a closed section open... then it is invalid and it has no sanctity of a Torah scroll at all." See alsoQorah 1987, p. 103;Yihye Saleh (Maharitz),Ḥeleq ha-Diqdūq, Parashat Noaḥ, s.v.ויהיו כל ימי נח (Hebrew). RabbiMenachem Meiri objects, saying in the Preface to hisKiryat Sefer, Jerusalem 1956, that where there is a variant tradition in theplene anddefective scriptum, or in the Open and Closed sections, and they are supported by the writings of the early exponents of the Torah, even though the tradition has not been accepted by other scribes, we do not invalidate such a Torah scroll. However, where no support can be found in the writings of Israel's early sages or exponents, we invalidate such a Torah scroll.
  40. ^Kasher 1978, p. 228
  41. ^Maimonides,Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah 7:8–9)
  42. ^Gaimani 2008, p. 163 (note 873), who points out that in aTaj (Codex) written by Rabbi Yihye Bashiri (now in the possession of the heirs of Zechariah Saminah of Moshav Eliakhin, in Israel) he brings down the number of large and small letters in the Torah, and that there is to be found differences between the list found there and the list that he brings down in his bookHavatzelet Hasharon.
  43. ^abcdefghijklmGaimani 2008, pp. 163–165
  44. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Gen. 1:1, where all of the letters of "breishit" are written larger than usual, but the "bet" is written larger than all of them.
  45. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Gen. 5:1, where the "semakh" is also made large, as is also the case in a private Codex (Taj) written by a scribe of the Benaya family in the year 1535 CE (1846 of the Seleucid Era).
  46. ^abcdQorah 1987, p. 105
  47. ^Spelling follows the Yemenite pronunciation of "samech," which by them is pronounced "semakh."
  48. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Exo. 34:14, where theresh of "aḥer" is of large size.
  49. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Lev. 11:42, where thewaw of "ğaḥon" is of large size.
  50. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Lev. 13:33, where thegimel of "wehithğalaḥ" is of large size.
  51. ^The Yemenite tradition of making an oversizedyod is supported by theHibshoosh Family Pentateuch, copied in 1485, as also by theDamascus Pentateuch (vol. 2, p. 308).
  52. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Num. 27:5, where thenun of "mishpaṭan" is of large size.
  53. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Deut. 11:21, where theṣadi of "ha'areṣ" is of large size. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same large letterṣadi; see:The British Library MS ViewerArchived 2019-12-23 at theWayback Machine, frame 130r
  54. ^Amar 2017, p. 51
  55. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Deut. 22:6, where theqof of "qen" is of large size.
  56. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Deut. 29:27, where thelamed of "wayashlikhem" is of large size.
  57. ^Zechariah ha-Rofé 1992, p. 453
  58. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Deut. 32:6, where thehe of "haladonai" is of large size.
  59. ^The Yemenite tradition of making an oversizedaleph is supported by theHibshoosh Family Pentateuch, copied in 1485, by the scribe David ben Benaya.
  60. ^Qorah 1987, p. 105. So, too, inHibshoosh 1985, p. Exo. 34:7, where thenun here is of regular size.
  61. ^Gaimani 2008, pp. xii–xiii, xv (English Abstract)
  62. ^Rabbi Yitzhaq Ratzaby alludes to these lesser accepted Yemenite references to irregular letters inKasher 1978, p. 228
  63. ^abcdefGaimani 2008, pp. 165–167
  64. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Gen. 2:4, where thehe of "behibar'am" is written small. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same small letterhe; see:The British Library MS ViewerArchived 2019-12-23 at theWayback Machine, frame 30r
  65. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Gen. 23:2, where the wordולבכתה is written with a small "kaph". A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same small letterkaph as written small, with a note in theMasora Parva sayingכף זעיר (smallkaph); see:British Library, Or. 2349[permanent dead link], frame 39v
  66. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Gen. 27:46, where there is a note in the margin for the wordקצתי, saying that the "qof" is to be made small. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same marginal note in theMasora Parva, saying that the "qof" ofקצתי is made small; see:British Library, Or. 2349[permanent dead link], frame 43v
  67. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Lev. 1:1, where there is a note in the margin which says the wordויקרא is written in small script. A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the letteraleph is written in a regular size, although a note in the margin (Masora Parva) there also saysאלף זעיר (smallaleph); see:British Library, Or. 2349[permanent dead link], frame 82v
  68. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Deut. 32:18, where the wordתשי is written with a small "yod". A comparison made with another Codex written by the same scribe in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349) reveals the same small letteryod as written small, with a note in theMasora Parva sayingיוד זעיר (smallyod); see:The British Library MS ViewerArchived 2019-12-23 at theWayback Machine, frame 142r
  69. ^Qorah 1987, p. 105. So, too, inHibshoosh 1985, p. Lev. 6:2, themim here is of regular size.
  70. ^Ratzaby 1975, p. 33
  71. ^Kasher, M. (1978), p. 230, where Rabbi Yitzhaq Ratzaby citesRabbi Yihye Saleh (Maharitz) in hisḤeleq ha-Diqdūq, end ofParashat Noaḥ.
  72. ^Ratzaby 2000, p. 168 (section # 165:22)
  73. ^Two of which can be seen in a Yemenite Codex now at the British Museum (Or. 2350[permanent dead link]), from the year 1408–1409; Exo. 14:19 and Exo. 14:27.
  74. ^abZechariah ha-Rofé 1990, p. 98
  75. ^The curious manner in which the Hebrew letterpe (ף‎) is made in Gen. 3:1 can be seen in the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350[permanent dead link]) at the British Museum.
  76. ^For the Hebrew letterlamed (ל‎) with its curious shape, see the last word in the page of the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350[permanent dead link]).
  77. ^abThe Hebrew letterlamed (ל‎) can be seen with its curious shape in the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350Archived 2023-02-21 at theWayback Machine) of the British Museum; Gen. 3:23 and Gen. 3:24.
  78. ^Thelamed (ל‎) in Gen. 8:2 with its curious shape can be seen in the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350[permanent dead link]), although the letters preceding thelamed have been defaced in the codex.
  79. ^For an example of thiswaw (ו‎) with its curious shape, see the last line in the Yemenite Codex (Or 2350[permanent dead link])
  80. ^For an example of the hook-like extension made at the bottom of the leg in the Hebrew letterkaph (ך‎), see the Yemenite Codex (Or 2350[permanent dead link]), the second line from the top.
  81. ^For an example of thekaph (ך‎) in Gen. 10:10, see the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350Archived 2023-02-21 at theWayback Machine) at the British Museum.
  82. ^Tikkun Soferim (1993);Kasher 1978, p. 231;et al. See also the Yemenite codex from the British Library,Or. 2349[permanent dead link], frame 30v.
  83. ^abcdTikkun Soferim (1993);Kasher 1978, p. 231;et al.
  84. ^abcTikkun Soferim (1993);Zechariah ha-Rofé 1990, p. 98 (Gen. 7:2);Kasher 1978, p. 231;et al.
  85. ^These extensions are made very thinly, by using a very small and nearly pointed nib.
  86. ^For examples of these shapes, see the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350[permanent dead link]) at the British Museum.
  87. ^For an example of this shape, see the Yemenite Codex (Or. 2350[permanent dead link]) at the British Museum.
  88. ^Yehudah Levy Nahum,Mi-Yetzirot Sifrutiyyot Mi-Teman (Fragments of Literary Works from Yemen), Holon 1981, p. 164.
  89. ^abHibshoosh 1985, p. Gen. 41:45
  90. ^Ben Isaiah 1983, p. 167 (note 8), on Gen. 42:12
  91. ^Kasher 1978, p. 232;et al.
  92. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Gen. 42:12, where the bottom left leg of thealeph in the word "lo" (לא) is written with a slight inversion upwards.
  93. ^Kasher 1978, p. 233; A comparison made with the Codex written by the scribe Benayah in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349), reveals that bothpe's (פ) are made overlapping (recoiling inwards). See:British Library, Or. 2349[permanent dead link], frame 96r.
  94. ^So, too, in all traditions.
  95. ^Kasher 1978, p. 233; A comparison made with the Codex written by the scribe Benayah in 1490, now at the British Museum (Or. 2349), reveals the same small letterḥet with an outstretched left leg. See:British Library, Or. 2349[permanent dead link], frame 109r.
  96. ^In the Benayah codex written in 1535, now in the possession of Rabbi Hayyim Kessar's daughter and son-in-law in Jerusalem, as in all other Yemenite codices, the head of thelamed (ל) is inverted backwards.
  97. ^Kasher 1978, p. 234
  98. ^Shulhan Arukh (Yoreh De'ah § 275:5). The Sephardic tradition is also consonant with the practice found in theMinor Tractate,Treatise Sofrim 12:9.
  99. ^The Yemenite tradition, in terms of number of lines inShirat Ha'azinu, follows the ruling of Maimonides, in his handwritten Ms. of Mishne Torah, now at theBodleian Library in Oxford, England (Ms. Huntington 80), pp. 135b–136a. In the printed texts, however, the text of Maimonides'Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah 8:4) has been altered to read "seventy lines" (rather than 67). A comparison with the partially extant Book of Deuteronomy in the Aleppo Codex reveals that it, too, was written in only 67 lines. See:The Aleppo Codex OnlineArchived 2016-11-25 at theWayback Machine (select Book of Deuteronomy from list, starting with chapter 32_28).
  100. ^abAl-Naddaf 1981, pp. 200–210 (responsum no. 50)
  101. ^Al-ʻAdeni 2009, p. 163
  102. ^See the 15th century Yemenite Codex at the British Library,Or. 2350[permanent dead link], showing the six lines with their proper indentations. Every three pages in the codex equals one column in the Sefer Torah.
  103. ^Saleh 1979a, p. responsum no. 22 (vol. 2). Although Maharitz suggested a compromise of sorts out of respect to those exponents of the law who objected to this practice of making indentations in these six lines, the original Yemenite tradition viewed the practice as valid, and Yemenite scribes continued to make use of this practice, without change.
  104. ^Benveniste n.d., p. Yoreh De'ahresponsum no. 234
  105. ^Penkower 1992, p. 25
  106. ^Macho 1977, p. folio 343r, s.v. where the wordsגם בחור גם בתולה are grouped together on one line, in spite of the verse being interspersed withTargum Onkelos.
  107. ^SeeAleppo CodexArchived 2016-11-25 at theWayback Machine, Deuteronomy 32:14–32:33, for the layout of the Prosaic songHa'azinu.
  108. ^Amar 2017, p. 46 (§ 143). See also Codex (Tāj) written in Yemen in 1408 CE, now at the British Library,Or. 2350[permanent dead link], showing the section of the Prosaic songHa'azinu, with traditional word layout in double columns; Codex at the British Library,Or. 2349[permanent dead link]; The Jewish Theological Seminary's Hebrew Pentateuch (JTS L64a), copied in Yemen and containing the spurious date of 1206 CE, showing the same lines and word arrangements; et al.
  109. ^Meiri 1956, p. 47, who mentions this invaluable account, wherein he copies down a letter written by Rabbi Meir b. Todros Halevi where he states explicitly that he found the words as written above, but decided against its orthography because of the way the previous lines had been made.
  110. ^The Yemenite tradition, in terms of which words to begin and end each row in the column used in theSong of the Sea, follows the ruling of Maimonides, in his handwritten Ms. ofMishneh Torah, now at theBodleian Library in Oxford, England (Ms. Huntington 80), p. 137a. In the printed texts, however, the text of Maimonides'Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah, end of ch. 8) has been altered to show a different arrangement.
  111. ^Penkower 1992, pp. 40–41
  112. ^This may have also been the result of the variant readings found in the works of the masoretes. TheDamascus Codex (10th cent.), as well as a beautifully written Spanish codex of the 11th or 12th century (nowVatican ebr. 448, frame 102r) and theLondon CodexArchived 2014-04-19 at theWayback Machine (Or. 4445) all show differing orthographic renditions for the last two lines in the Song of the Sea.
  113. ^Macho 1977, p. folio 102r
  114. ^The lines of theSong of the Sea in the Sephardic scroll are based on theTikkun Soferim, "Ish Matzliach," by Rabbi Matzliach Mazuz, which, in turn, are founded upon RabbiJedidiah Norzi'sMinḥat Shai. The Yemenite tradition is well-known, and follows the pattern found in theLeningrad Codex (B19a), p. 85 in pdf. Although the Book of Exodus in the Aleppo Codex is no longer extant, the arrangement of lines in the ProsaicSong of the Sea is attested to have been identical to the Yemenite tradition of today. See:Penkower 1992, pp. 40–41. The arrangement of lines is also identical withShirat ha-Yam in Maimonides' own hand-written copy of the Mishne Torah, now at theBodleian Library in Oxford, England (Ms. Huntington 80), p. 137a – chapter 9 (top).
  115. ^The sense here is to the modern-day Sephardic scrolls, although in the old Sephardic scroll (Vatican Library,Vat. ebr. 448), folio 102r, it shows a line arrangement similar to the Aleppo Codex.
  116. ^The Hebrew verse is expressed by an idiom, literally: "The hand of the Lord upon the throne, the Lord shall be at war with Amalek from generation to generation." Meaning, God has sworn by His throne that he will have war with Amalek from generation to generation.
  117. ^Sapir 1986, p. 165 (entry no. 137). TheDamascus Pentateuch of the 10th century, which incorporates both the Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali traditions, also writes these words as one word (see ibid., p. 140 in vol. 1).
  118. ^Hibshoosh 1985, p. Preface (Exodus 17:16)
  119. ^Penkower 1992, pp. 69–70 (esp. note 190)
  120. ^Treatise Sofrim 7:3
  121. ^Breuer 1976, pp. xiv, 88
  122. ^abcdefghMeiri 1956, p. 38;Tikkunei Soferim compiled by R. David ben Benaya (15th-century).
  123. ^SeeTikkun Soferim (1993), based on an old Torah scroll brought out from Yemen, and patterned after R. David ben Benaya'sTikkunei Soferim of the 15th-century.
  124. ^Jedidiah Norzi, in hisMinḥat Shai, brings down a different tradition, writing that the verse in "Numbers 24:5,מה טבו אהליך יעקב, must be written at the top of the column in accordance withhalacha, since it is themim ofבי"ה שמ"ו, and thus did writeBaal Haturim." The Sephardim who make use of a 42-line column follow Norzi in their practice, and which in this regard differs from the Yemenite tradition.
  125. ^Meiri 1956, p. 38, citingTreatise Sofrim 9:2.
  126. ^Tīkkūn Soferīm 1993, p. Leviticus 10:16. The Torah scroll and the printedTikkun Soferim are based after the Benaya family Codex.
  127. ^Ben Isaiah 1983, p. 454 (Numbers 31:5);Al-Dhamari 1999, p. 430, (Numbers 31:5);Wertheimer 1988, p. 99 (Numbers 31:5)
  128. ^Rashi's commentary on II Kings 22:13; R. David Altshuler's commentaryMetzudat David on II Kings 22:8. Cf.Babylonian Talmud (Yoma 52b).
  129. ^Maimonides,Mishne Torah (Hil. Sefer Torah 8:4)
  130. ^Rabbi Judah Attiya of Aleppo, at the behest ofM.D. Cassuto, copied down the Open and Closed sections of the Aleppo Codex for the books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy, and presented these to Cassuto. The Open and Closed sections for the book of Genesis were checked by Cassuto himself. In these findings, there emerged differences between the Aleppo Codex and the Yemenite tradition (based on Maimonides) in three different sections. See:Offer 1989, pp. 325 [49]–326 [50]
  131. ^These being: Gen. 41:45; Exo. 1:19; Exo. 17:16; Exo. 34:1; Lev. 7:28–29; Lev. 19:16; Lev. 25:10–12 and Num. 22:5.
  132. ^Offer 1989, p. 312 [36]. Rabbi Yitzhaq Ratzaby, citing Menashe Sathon, claims that the Aleppo Codex had erred in three places:בטרם תבוא אליהן (Exo. 1:19),לא תעמדעל דם רעיך (Lev. 19:16) andיובל היא תהיה לכם (Lev. 25:10). SeeRatzaby 1992, p. 251 (responsum no. 146), s.v.ועתה בחדש תמוז
  133. ^Aside from the shapes of the letters, the Sephardic tradition of today (e.g.plene anddefective scriptum, the Open and Closed sections, etc.) is the same as that of the Ashkenazi tradition. Among Ashkenazi Jews,Tikkun Soferim Dovidovitch is now the standard text used for copying modern Ashkenazi writing. Among Sephardic Jews, the Tikkun Soferim,Ish Matzliach, by Rabbi Matzliach Mazuz, is now used as a model text for copying modern Sephardic scrolls.
  134. ^Known also as the Codex Orientales 4445, whichCh. D. Ginsburg dated to 820–850 CE, and whichKahle dated to the 10th-century CE. The current manuscript was written by two different scribes, the older square script believed to be from the 9th century, whereas the newer Yemenite square script was written in the 16th century (1539 CE). Today, the Codex is held at theBritish Library (The London Codex (Or. 4445Archived 2020-11-11 at theWayback Machine). According to Steven Ortlepp,Introduction to the Interlinear Bible, 2010 (ISBN: 978-1-4452-7789-9), p83, Or 4445 is said to be a revision from an earlier stage of Aaron Ben Asher's work.
  135. ^Composed in 1008–1009 CE. SeeLeningrad Codex.
  136. ^Composed incirca 1000 CE (Formerly calledSassoon Ms. 507). SeeDamascus Codex.
  137. ^Composed in Egypt in 1009–1010 CE. SeeAleppo Codex.
  138. ^This section of the Pentateuch (frame 3v) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
  139. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 10 (center column).
  140. ^abThis section is missing in the Damascus Codex.
  141. ^abcdefBased onCassuto's copy of the Aleppo Codex. SeeOffer 1989, p. 309 [33]
  142. ^This section of the Pentateuch (frame 5r) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
  143. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 13 (center column).
  144. ^Cf.Maharitz'sḤeleq ha-Diqdūq (Piece on Grammar), on the biblical pericope,Noah (Genesis 9:29), concerning the lastwaw in the wordויהיו, ofויהיו כל ימי נח (Published by Shelomo Qareh in a facsimile edition, Jerusalem 1982), where he emphatically stresses the adherence to this custom, and rules as invalid all Torah scrolls that are written differently.
  145. ^This section of the Pentateuch (frame 6v) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
  146. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 15 (left column).
  147. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 1.
  148. ^Such is the modern Sephardic tradition, although in some 14th century Bible codices of Sephardic provenance the spelling ofPotiphera was written as one word,פוטיפרע, as in Bibliotèque Nationale, Paris – Hebreu 1314, p. 39a.
  149. ^Such is the spelling also in Genesis 41:50 and in Genesis 46:20 (in pericopeVayigash),פוטיפרע.
  150. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 31v
  151. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 55 (center column).
  152. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 76.
  153. ^Sapir 1986, p. 163 [13], where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum,inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Gen. 41:45 the wordפוטי פרע was written in the Aleppo Codex as two words.
  154. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 42v.
  155. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 68 (right column).
  156. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 101.
  157. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 59v.
  158. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 88 (right column).
  159. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 140.
  160. ^Sapir 1986, p. 165 [15], where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum,inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Exo. 17:16 the wordכסיה was written in the Aleppo Codex as one word.
  161. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 62r.
  162. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 91 (right column).
  163. ^This section is entirely missing in the Damascus Codex.
  164. ^Offer 1989, p. 326 [50]
  165. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 66v.
  166. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 96 (left column).
  167. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 155.
  168. ^Sapir 1986, p. 166 [16], where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum,inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Exo. 25:31 the wordתעשה was written in the Aleppo Codex indefective scriptum – without ayod. Cf.Offer 1989, p. 309 [33]
  169. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 70r.
  170. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 100 (left column).
  171. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 163.
  172. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 76v
  173. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 108 (right column).
  174. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 177.
  175. ^Thus testified Rabbi Attiya concerning the section as he found it in the Aleppo Codex. See: Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 328 [52]
  176. ^Cf.Saleh 1979a, p. responsum no. 24 (vol. 1), where he wrote a protracted response in which he citesMenahem Lonzano's work,Or Torah, and where he notes that in pericopeṢav (Leviticus 7:22–23) he found in the renownedHalleli Codex anOpen Section for ParashatKol Ḥelev, as also in the old codices from the Land of Israel and from Egypt, as well as in handwritten manuscripts ofMaimonides'Mishne Torah. Such findings agree with the Yemenite tradition.
  177. ^abBritish Library, Or. 4445, frame 90v.
  178. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 124 (center column).
  179. ^abDamascus Codex, vol. 1, p. 211.
  180. ^abOffer 1989, p. 328 [52]
  181. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 124 (left column).
  182. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 105r.
  183. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 140 (right column).
  184. ^Damascus Codex, vol. […] p. 243
  185. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 111r.
  186. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 147 (right column).
  187. ^Damascus Codex, vol. [...], pp. 257–258.
  188. ^Based on Cassuto's copy of the Aleppo Codex. See:Offer 1989, p. 312 [36]
  189. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 115v.
  190. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 152 (right column).
  191. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 268.
  192. ^Sapir 1986, p. 169 [19], where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum,inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Num. 1:17 the wordבשמת was written in the Aleppo Codex indefective scriptum – without awaw. Cf. Offer, Joseph (1989), p. 309 [33]), note 6.
  193. ^This section of the Pentateuch (frame 128v) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
  194. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 166 (center column).
  195. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 298.
  196. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 141v.
  197. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 182 (right column).
  198. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 330.
  199. ^Offer 1989, p. 311 [35]
  200. ^Here, thewaw of שלום is broken.
  201. ^British Library, Or. 4445, frame 145r (thewaw is not broken).
  202. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), pdf p. 186 (right column), thewaw is not broken.
  203. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 338 (thewaw is not broken).
  204. ^Sapir 1986, p. 171 [21], where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum,inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Num. 25:12 the wordשלום was written in the Aleppo Codex without thewaw (ו) being broken.
  205. ^For a discussion of this word and its spelling in Hebrew scrolls, seeSclar 2019, pp. 393–413
  206. ^This section of the Pentateuch (frame 176r) was written by a later Yemenite hand and, therefore, no proof can be had of the more ancient text and what was written there.
  207. ^Leningrad Codex (Ms. B19a), in pdf p. 229 (center column).
  208. ^Damascus Codex, vol. 2, p. 426.
  209. ^Sapir 1986, p. 174 [24], where he brings down theplene anddefective scriptum,inter alia, as relayed to him by the overseers of the Jewish community in Aleppo in the then complete Aleppo Codex, and where he wrote that in Deut. 23:2 the wordדכא was written in the Aleppo Codex with analeph (א). Cf.Offer 1989, p. 309 [33]
  210. ^Abraham Maimuni 1937, pp. 134–135 (responsum no. 91)
  211. ^Maimonides and Rabbeinu Asher (Rosh) differ on their definition of 'Open' and 'Closed' sections (פרשה פתוחה ופרשה סתומה). The present custom of Askhenazi and Sephardic scribes is to compromise, where both an Open and Closed section end in the middle of the line, but in an Open section the next section commences on the following line, whereas in a Closed section, the next section commences on the same line after a short blank space. [Soncino edition,Shabbat 103b, note c (2)]. The Yemenite custom follows the practice of Maimonides.
  212. ^Gelis 1968, p. 289 (gimel)
  213. ^abcYitzhak 2009, pp. 192–193
  214. ^Wertheimer 1988, p. 81 (Numbers 24:5)
  215. ^Pesikta Rabbati n.d., p. 46b (Yehudah ve-yisrael), Quote: "Said Rabbi Abin in the name of Rabbi Yehoshua: 'And you shall be unto me' [Exo. 19:5] (Hebrew: והייתם לי), thelamed of לי is the largest of all the letters, while theyod of לי is the smallest of all the letters."
  216. ^In Yemen, small kids of the goats, approximately two months old, were used for vellum (kalaf) in making Tefillin. It was not necessary to split the leather, in this case, since it was already very thin. The custom in treating leather hides that were to be used for the books of the Law and for the scroll of Esther was, indeed, to put them into an astringent solution of a gall-like substance extracted from the leaves of acacia (Arabic:qaradh). However, the vellum (kalaf) used in writing the Tefillin was never treated with any gall-like substance. (The reason being that leather, when treated with gall or similar substances, constricts and usually takes on a darker colour. Although this treatment gives the leather its durability, it makes writing on such parchment very difficult, as the ink tends to glide on the parchment and is not absorbed so readily into the leather. This makes writing the four portions of scripture in the Tefillin all the more difficult, since the strips of parchment were very small in order that they might be inserted within the phylactery boxes. For this reason, in Yemen as in other places of world Jewry, the leather used in writing the four portions of scripture for the Tefillin went without the treatment of gall, and was subsequently white.)
  217. ^Qafih 1985, p. 312 (note 17), [s.v.Hil. Tefillin 1:6]. Quote: "Maimonides is of the opinion that any [hide] which is not treated with an astringent tannin and the like of such substances, which is to include thesumac mentioned inMishnahPeah 1:5 andDemai 1:1, whose leaves they used to work [their leather] with inPalestine during the Mishnaic period, along withqaradh (=Acacia etbaica) that was used by the people of Yemen and the people of Egypt, just as Maimonides has written in hisresponsum no. 153, makes the Torah scrolls, Tefillin and Mezuzah invalid and are esteemed asuntreated leather, although [tannin substances] may also include the rinds of pomegranates, and the green, outer shells of walnuts" [End Quote]. With respect to Tefillin, the Yemenite Jewish custom was not to tan the leather used for writing the scriptural portions in the Tefillin.
  218. ^Gall substances used in tanning leather is a requisite according to many exponents of Jewish law, such as the author of the lexicon,Sefer Ha-Arukh, andMaimonides, andRabbeinu Hananel, and RabbiHai Gaon, and theSheëltot of Rabbi Achai of Shibha. The gall gives the leather its lasting durability. TheShulhan Arukh of Rabbi Yosef Karo, on the other hand, writes that it is sufficient to treat leather with lime alone. Leaves from thesalam-tree (Ar.qarat) were crushed and put within a bath of water. The untreated leather was added to this solution for a period of 15 days, the time allotted for its preparation. After the first 8 days of soaking, the leaves are changed with a batch of fresh leaves. After another 7–8 days, the leather was ready for use. Thesalam-tree leaves give the leather a reddish-tinge. The tree, known locally asqarāḍ, grows plenteous in the coastal areas of Arabia and Oman.
  219. ^Qafih 1989, p. 962
  220. ^As a first resort, no sheet of parchment has less than three columns, and no more than eight columns. See:Ratzaby 2000, p. 148 (§ 165:9)
  221. ^Qorah 1987, p. 99
  222. ^Al-ʻAdeni 2009, p. 139
  223. ^Cf.Babylonian Talmud(Eruvin 13a,Tosefot, s.v.קנקנתום‎)
  224. ^A yellowish-white mineral having the same property as vitriol, and which turns the water black. It was derived from a saline earth found in the ravines and gulches of Yemen. The same earth, when extracted, was usually mixed with alum. The alum was then cleansed of its litharge until it became white. The litharge was then taken up and mixed with water to produce a black dye. In this, the Yemenites did not follow the teaching of Maimonides who wrote that the ink must not be indelible. The use of vitriol made the ink indelible.
  225. ^Qafih 1989, p. 965
  226. ^Ratzaby 2000, pp. 150–151; cf.Babylonian Talmud,Sanhedrin 106a
  227. ^Subeiri 1964, p. section 9
  228. ^Babylonian Talmud (Menaḥot 29b),Tosafot, s.v.דחטריה.
  229. ^Ibn Abi-Zimra 1749, p. responsum no. 596 (Part II)
  230. ^Qafih 1985, p. Hil. Sefer Torah 10:1 (note 8). Qafih wrote: "...If a letter touched itself in a place where its shape is not made entirely corrupt thereby, and [if] it does not resemble a different letter, it is [still] valid... And if it is a questionable matter, they bring a young child who is neither wise, nor unintelligent, just as it is explained in the Gemara (Menahoth 29b). So it is our custom to render valid anything similar to these cases, and even as a first resort they are [permitted] to read in a scroll of the Law that has in it such joining, and it is not necessary to amend it. Look atSaleh 1979b, p. responsum no. 213 (vol. 3), who wrote in the name of RabbiLevi, the son of Habib (HaRalbach), who quotes in turn from theMeiri inQiryat Sefer. And even if the left leg of the letterhe (ה) was found clinging to its rooftop, with [only] a slight joining and not a considerable one, so long as the shape of the [Hebrew] letterhe (ה) is [still] recognizable and a young child reads it as the letterhe, it is valid. So did RabbiShimon Bar Tzemach (theTashbetz) write in the second volume [of his Questions & Responsa], section # 73. Moreover, even if the entire scroll was written from the start in this way, it is valid and does not require being amended. And he brings down proof from that which is written in [Tractate]Menahoth [29b], that the more meticulous scribes would hang the [left] leg of the letter he. By this wording we learn that only as a first rule of thumb, being of a more superlative nature, was it stated, and not that it is indispensable... Be apprised, [moreover], that in the ancient Torah scrolls of Yemen the leg of the letterqof (ק) was joined to its roof, and in this manner was [written] the scroll of the Law known as "Tam," which was in the village Qaryat al-Qabil. All of the legs of the letterqof were joined to their roof. And so were the ancient scrolls of the Law in Tunis and Tripoli made, just as Rabbi Shimon Bar Tzemach (theTashbetz) wrote in aresponsum, vol. I, [responsum] # 50. Look there, for he went to great lengths to prove that it is valid. And there, inresponsum # 51, he brought evidence from the words of RabbiAbraham ibn Ezra that in this manner were [written] the scrolls of the Law in Spain. Wherefore, [such a scroll] is valid as a first resort."
  231. ^Ratzaby 1989, pp. 301–303 (responsa no. 126 and no. 127);The Validity of Torah Scrolls that are Stamped with Dots (Hebrew), being a review of the subject by Rabbi Yitzhaq Ratzaby;Qorah 2012, pp. 130–ff.
  232. ^Cf.Shulchan Aruch (Yoreh De'ah §274:7 [6]): "A book [of the Law] that is punctuated is invalid, and even if they had removed from it the punctuation symbols; so, too, a division of verses [in the Torah] is invalid."Addenda (Moses Isserles): "And this refers, specifically, to when he made the biblical cantillation symbol with ink, etc."
  233. ^Ratzaby 2000, p. 148 (§ 165:9 - note 30)
  234. ^abAmar 2017, p. 45; cf.Qafih 1985, p. chapter 9:2 (note 4), who cites theBabylonian Talmud (Menaḥot 30a) for the basis of this ancient practice.
  235. ^Muchawsky-Schnapper 1999, pp. 122–123
  236. ^Amar 2017, p. 10
  237. ^Sapir, J. (1866), chapterḤadrei Teman
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Bibliography

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  • Al-Dhamari, Sa'adyah ben David (1999).Midrash ha-Beʼur (in Hebrew). Vol. 2. Translated byYosef Qafih. Kiryat Ono: Mekhon Mishnat ha-Rambam.OCLC 40260458.
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  • Amar, Z. (2017).Differing Halachic Customs between 'Baladi' Yemenite and Other Jewish Communities (in Hebrew). Neve-Tzuf (Halamish).ISBN 978-965-90891-2-3.OCLC 992702131.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Ben Isaiah, N. (1983).Sefer Me'or ha-Afelah (in Hebrew). Translated byYosef Qafih. Kiryat Ono: Mechon Moshe.OCLC 970925649.
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  • Bin-Nun, Adam (2016).The Yemenite Manuscripts of the Pentateuch and the Linguistic Tradition Reflected in Them in Comparison with the Orthography, Vocalization and Accentuation in the Ben-Asher Codex and with R. Yaḥya Ṣālaḥ's Ḥeleq Ha-Diqdūq, Thesis in fulfillment of the requirements for "Doctor of Philosophy (in Hebrew). Ramat-Gan:Bar-Ilan University (The Department of Hebrew and Semitic Languages). (Hebrew title:כתבי היד התימניים של התורה והמסורת המשתקפת מהם בהשוואה למסורת הכתיב הניקוד והטעמים שבכתר בן-אשר ול"חלק הדקדוק" של מהרי"ץ)
  • Breuer, M. (1976).The Aleppo Codex and the Accepted Text of the Bible. Jerusalem:Mossad Harav Kook.OCLC 246075750.
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  • Hibshoosh, Yehiel (1985).The Hibshoosh Family Pentateuch (Facsimile Edition of an Exquisite Yemenite Manuscript copied in the year 1485 by the illustrious scribe, David ben Benaya) (in Hebrew). Jerusalem/Tel-Aviv: Jewish National and University Library.OCLC 173752358.
  • Ibn Abi-Zimra, David (1749). David Ashkenazi (ed.).The Responsa of the Radbaz (in Hebrew). Vol. 1. Venice.OCLC 233235313., s.v. Part II,responsum # 596 (reprinted in Israel, n.d.)
  • Kasher, M. (1978), "The Script of the Torah and its Characters",Chomash 'Torah Sheleimah' (in Hebrew), vol. 29, Jerusalem: Beit Torah Sheleimah
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  • Macho, A. Díez, ed. (1977).Facsimile edition of Ms. Vat. Heb. 448 (The Pentateuch with the Masorah Parva and the Masorah Magna and with Targum Onkelos) (in Hebrew). Vol. 1–5. Jerusalem: Makor Publishing Ltd. (original:Vatican Library).OCLC 862568143.
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  • Pesikta Rabbati (n.d.).Meir Ish Shalom of Vienna (ed.).Midrash Pesikta Rabbati (in Hebrew). Israel.OCLC 249274973., (reprinted from 1880 edition)
  • Qafih, Y., ed. (1985), "Hil. Tefillin, u'Mezuzzah weSefer Torah",Mishne Torah (in Hebrew), vol. 2, Kiryat-Ono: Mekhon mishnat ha-Rambam,OCLC 232908658
  • Qafih, Y. (1989). Yosef Tobi (ed.).Rabbi Yosef Qafih - Collected Papers (in Hebrew). Vol. 2. Jerusalem: E'ele BeTamar.OCLC 61623627.
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  • Ratzaby, Yitzhaq[in Hebrew] (1975), "Ḳunṭris Taga deOraitha",Sefer Toldot Yitzhaq (in Hebrew), Benei Barak{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Ratzaby, Yitzhaq[in Hebrew] (1989).Questions & Responsa ʻOlat Yitzḥak (in Hebrew). Vol. 1. Benei Barak: Mechon Peʻulath Ṣadīq.
  • Ratzaby, Yitzhaq[in Hebrew] (1992).Questions & Responsa ʻOlat Yitzḥak (in Hebrew). Vol. 2. Benei Barak: Mechon Peʻulath Ṣadīq.
  • Ratzaby, Yitzhaq[in Hebrew] (2000).Shulhan Arukh ha-Mekutzar (Yoreh De'ah) (in Hebrew). Vol. 5 (part ii). Benei Barak.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Saleh, Y. (1979a).Questions & Responsa 'Pe'ulath Ṣadīq' (in Hebrew). Vol. 1–2 (2nd ed.). Jerusalem.OCLC 122773689.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Saleh, Y. (1979b).Questions & Responsa 'Pe'ulath Ṣadīq' (in Hebrew). Vol. 3 (2nd ed.). Jerusalem.OCLC 122773689.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Sapir, J. (1866).Iben Safir (chapter Ḥadrei Teman) (in Hebrew). Vol. 2. Lyck: L. Silbermann.OCLC 192076334.
  • Sapir, Y. (1986). Rafi Zer (ed.). "Meorot Nathan by Rabbi Ya'aqov Sapir (Ms JTS L 729)".Lĕšonénu: A Journal for the Study of the Hebrew Language and Cognate Subjects (in Hebrew).50:151–213.JSTOR 24359260.
  • Sclar, David (2019), "A Letter's Importance: The Spelling of Daka(h) (Deut. 23:2) and the Broadening of Western Sephardic Rabbinic Culture", in Yosef Kaplan (ed.),Religious Changes and Cultural Transformations in the Early Modern Western Sephardic Communities, vol. 54, Leiden: Brill, pp. 393–413,ISBN 9789004367531,JSTOR 10.1163/j.ctvrzgvqk.21,OCLC 1057731121
  • Subeiri, Yosef[in Hebrew] (1964), "Massoret Meduyeket", in Hasid, Yosef (ed.),Sefer Torah Tāj: Hamargalit, Jerusalem: Yosef Hasid,OCLC 233101579
  • Tīkkūn Soferīm (1993). Azriel ben Saadia Tzadok (ed.).The Pentateuch: Five Books of the Torah (Tīkkūn Soferīm) (in Hebrew). Vol. 1–5. Benei Barak.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) (in five pocket volumes)
  • Wertheimer, Abraham Joseph, ed. (1988).Yalḳuṭ Midreshe Teman ʻal ḥamimishah ḥumshe Torah - A Collection of Yemenite Midrashim on the Pentateuch (in Hebrew). Vol. 2. Jerusalem: Ktav-Yad Vesefer.OCLC 924293889.
  • Yitzhak, Avichai (2009).The Book of Yemenite Jewish Tradition with respect to Fowl (Sefer mesorat yehudei teman be-'of) (in Hebrew). Zichron Ya'akov: Avichai Yitzhak.OCLC 951801067.
  • Zechariah ha-Rofé (1990). Havazelet, Meir (ed.).Midrash ha-Ḥefetz (in Hebrew). Vol. 1. Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook.OCLC 23773577.
  • Zechariah ha-Rofé (1992). Havazelet, Meir (ed.).Midrash ha-Ḥefetz (in Hebrew). Vol. 2. Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook.OCLC 23773577.

Further reading

[edit]
  • Amar, Zohar, "ʿIbūd ʿOr Ǧirafah le-Ketivat S'TaM" (The Treatment of Giraffe Parchment for Writing Torah Scrolls, Tefillin and Mezuzzot), in:Massorah le-Yosef (vol. 9), Kiryat Ono 2016, pp. 135–148
  • Nahum, Yehuda Levy:Mi-Yetzirot Sifrutiyyot Mi-Teman (Fragments of Literary Works from Yemen), Holon 1981, pp. 160–166 (Hebrew)
  • Rigler, Michael:Benaya the Scribe and His Descendants: a Family of Scribes from Yemen, Journal: Pe'amim 64, (Summer, 1995), pp. 54–67, (Hebrew) and the extensive sources listed there, including a complete list of surviving manuscripts of Benayah and his family.
  • Würthwein, Ernst (translated by Erroll F. Rhodes),The Text of the Old Testament: An Introduction to the Biblia Hebraica, Grand Rapids 1995ISBN 0-8028-0788-7
  • Yeivin, Israel:The Aleppo Codex of the Bible : a study of its vocalization and accentuation, Jerusalem 1969, pp. 361–362 (Hebrew: כתר ארם צובה : ניקודו וטעמיו)

External links

[edit]
Lists of scribes
Ktav Stam
Documents
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