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Tone is the use ofpitch inlanguage to distinguish lexical or grammatical meaning—that is, to distinguish or toinflect words.[1] All oral languages use pitch to express emotional and other para-linguistic information and to convey emphasis, contrast and other such features in what is calledintonation, but not all languages use tones to distinguish words or their inflections, analogously to consonants and vowels. Languages that have this feature are called tonal languages; the distinctivetone patterns of such a language are sometimes called tonemes,[2] by analogy withphoneme. Tonal languages are common inEast andSoutheast Asia,Africa, theAmericas and thePacific.[1]
Tonal languages are different frompitch-accent languages in that tonal languages can have each syllable with an independent tone whilst pitch-accent languages may have one syllable in a word ormorpheme that is more prominent than the others.
Most languages usepitch asintonation to conveyprosody andpragmatics, but this does not make them tonal languages.[3] In tonal languages, eachsyllable has an inherent pitch contour, and thusminimal pairs (or larger minimal sets) exist between syllables with the same segmental features (consonants and vowels) but different tones.Vietnamese andChinese have heavily studied tone systems, as well as amongst their various dialects.
Below is a table of the six Vietnamese tones and their corresponding tone accent or diacritics:
| Tone name | Tone ID | Vni/telex/Viqr | Description | Chao Tone Contour | Diacritic | Example | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Northern | Southern | ||||||
| ngang "flat" | A1 | [default] | mid level | ˧ (33) or˦ (44) | ◌ | ma | |
| huyền "deep" | A2 | 2 / f / ` | low falling (breathy) | ˧˩ (31) or˨˩ (21) | ◌̀ | mà | |
| sắc "sharp" | B1 | 1 / s / ' | mid rising, tense | ˧˥ (35) or˦˥ (45) | ◌́ | má | |
| nặng "heavy" | B2 | 5 / j / . | mid falling, glottalized, heavy | ˧ˀ˨ʔ (3ˀ2ʔ) or˧ˀ˩ʔ (3ˀ1ʔ) | ˩˨ (12) or˨˩˨ (212) | ़ | mạ |
| hỏi "asking" | C1 | 3 / r / ? | mid falling(-rising), emphasis | ˧˩˧ (313) or˧˨˧ (323) or˧˩ (31) | ˧˨˦ (324) or˨˩˦ (214) | ◌̉ | mả |
| ngã "tumbling" | C2 | 4 / x / ~ | mid rising, glottalized | ˧ˀ˥ (3ˀ5) or˦ˀ˥ (4ˀ5) | ◌̃ | mã | |
Mandarin Chinese, which hasfive tones, transcribed by letters with diacritics over vowels:
These tones combine with a syllable such asma to produce different words. A minimal set based onma are, inpinyin transcription:
These may be combined into atongue-twister:
See alsoone-syllable article.
A well-known tongue-twister in Standard Thai is:
A Vietnamese tongue twister:
A Cantonese tongue twister:
Tone is most frequently manifested on vowels, but in most tonal languages wherevoicedsyllabic consonants occur they will bear tone as well. This is especially common with syllabic nasals, for example in manyBantu andKru languages, but also occurs inSerbo-Croatian. It is also possible for lexically contrastive pitch (or tone) to span entire words or morphemes instead of manifesting on the syllable nucleus (vowels), which is the case inPunjabi.[4]
Tones can interact in complex ways through a process known astone sandhi.
In a number of East Asian languages, tonal differences are closely intertwined withphonation differences. InVietnamese, for example, thengã andsắc tones are both high-rising but the former is distinguished by havingglottalization in the middle. Similarly, thenặng andhuyền tones are both low-falling, but thenặng tone is shorter and pronounced withcreaky voice at the end, while thehuyền tone is longer and often hasbreathy voice. In some languages, such asBurmese, pitch and phonation are so closely intertwined that the two are combined in a single phonological system, where neither can be considered without the other. The distinctions of such systems are termedregisters. Thetone register here should not be confused withregister tone described in the next section.
Gordon and Ladefoged established a continuum of phonation, where several types can be identified.[5]
Kuang identified two types of phonation:pitch-dependent andpitch-independent.[6] Contrast of tones has long been thought of as differences in pitch height. However, several studies pointed out that tone is actually multidimensional. Contour, duration, and phonation may all contribute to the differentiation of tones. Investigations from the 2010s using perceptual experiments seem to suggest phonation counts as a perceptual cue.[6][7][8]
Many languages use tone in a more limited way. InJapanese, fewer than half of the words have adrop in pitch; words contrast according to which syllable this drop follows. Such minimal systems are sometimes calledpitch accent since they are reminiscent ofstress accent languages, which typically allow one principal stressed syllable per word. However, there is debate over the definition of pitch accent and whether a coherent definition is even possible.[9]
Both lexical or grammatical tone and prosodicintonation are cued by changes in pitch, as well as sometimes by changes in phonation. Lexical tone coexists with intonation, with the lexical changes of pitch like waves superimposed on larger swells. For example, Luksaneeyanawin (1993) describes three intonational patterns in Thai: falling (with semantics of "finality, closedness, and definiteness"), rising ("non-finality, openness and non-definiteness") and "convoluted" (contrariness, conflict and emphasis). The phonetic realization of these intonational patterns superimposed on the five lexical tones of Thai (in citation form) are as follows:[10]
| Falling intonation | Rising intonation | Convoluted intonation | |
|---|---|---|---|
| High level tone | ˦˥˦ | ˥ | ˦˥˨ |
| Mid level tone | ˧˨ | ˦ | ˧˦˨ |
| Low level tone | ˨˩ | ˧ | ˧˧˦ |
| Falling tone | ˦˧˨,˦˦˨ | ˦˦˧,˥˥˦ | ˦˥˨ |
| Rising tone | ˩˩˦ | ˧˧˦ | ˨˩˦ |
With convoluted intonation, it appears that high and falling tone conflate, while the low tone with convoluted intonation has the same contour as rising tone with rising intonation.
Languages with simple tone systems orpitch accent may have one or two syllables specified for tone, with the rest of the word taking a default tone. Such languages differ in which tone is marked and which is the default. InNavajo, for example, syllables have a low tone by default, whereas marked syllables have high tone. In the related languageSekani, however, the default is high tone, and marked syllables have low tone.[11] There are parallels with stress: English stressed syllables have a higher pitch than unstressed syllables.[12]
In manyBantu languages, tones are distinguished by their pitch level relative to each other. In multisyllable words, a single tone may be carried by the entire word rather than a different tone on each syllable. Often, grammatical information, such as past versus present, "I" versus "you", or positive versus negative, is conveyed solely by tone.
In the most widely spoken tonal language,Mandarin Chinese, tones are distinguished by their distinctive shape, known ascontour, with each tone having a different internal pattern of rising and falling pitch.[13] Many words, especially monosyllabic ones, are differentiated solely by tone. In a multisyllabic word, each syllable often carries its own tone. Unlike in Bantu systems, tone plays little role in the grammar of modern standard Chinese, though the tones descend from features inOld Chinese that hadmorphological significance (such as changing a verb to a noun or vice versa).
Most tonal languages have a combination of register and contour tones. Tone is typical of languages includingKra–Dai,Vietic,Sino-Tibetan,Afroasiatic,Khoisan,Niger-Congo andNilo-Saharan languages. Most tonal languages combine both register and contour tones, such asCantonese, which produces three varieties of contour tone at three different pitch levels,[14] and the Omotic (Afroasiatic) languageBench, which employs five level tones and one or two rising tones across levels.[15]
Mostvarieties of Chinese use contour tones, where the distinguishing feature of the tones are their shifts in pitch (that is, the pitch is acontour), such as rising, falling, dipping, or level. Most Bantu languages (except northwestern Bantu) on the other hand, have simpler tone systems usually with high, low and one or two contour tone (usually in long vowels). In such systems there is a default tone, usually low in a two-tone system or mid in a three-tone system, that is more common and less salient than other tones. There are also languages that combine relative-pitch and contour tones, such as manyKru languages and other Niger-Congo languages of West Africa.
Falling tones tend to fall further than rising tones rise; high–low tones are common, whereas low–high tones are quite rare. A language with contour tones will also generally have as many or more falling tones than rising tones. However, exceptions are not unheard of;Mpi, for example, has three level and three rising tones, but no falling tones.
Another difference between tonal languages is whether the tones apply independently to each syllable or to the word as a whole. InCantonese,Thai, andKru languages, each syllable may have a tone, whereas inShanghainese,[citation needed]Swedish,Norwegian and manyBantu languages, the contour of each tone operates at the word level. That is, a trisyllabic word in a three-tone syllable-tone language has many more tonal possibilities (3 × 3 × 3 = 27) than a monosyllabic word (3), but there is no such difference in a word-tone language. For example, Shanghainese has two contrastive (phonemic) tones no matter how many syllables are in a word.[citation needed] Many languages described as havingpitch accent are word-tone languages.
Tone sandhi is an intermediate situation, as tones are carried by individual syllables, but affect each other so that they are not independent of each other. For example, a number of Mandarin Chinese suffixes and grammatical particles have what is called (when describing Mandarin Chinese) a "neutral" tone, which has no independent existence. If a syllable with a neutral tone is added to a syllable with a full tone, the pitch contour of the resulting word is entirely determined by that other syllable:
| Tone in isolation | Tone pattern with added neutral tone | Example | Pinyin | English meaning |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| high˥ | ˥꜋ | 玻璃 | bōli | glass |
| rising˧˥ | ˧˥꜊ | 伯伯 | bóbo | elder uncle |
| dipping˨˩˦ | ˨˩꜉ | 喇叭 | lǎba | horn |
| falling˥˩ | ˥˩꜌ | 兔子 | tùzi | rabbit |
After high level and high rising tones, the neutral syllable has an independent pitch that looks like a mid-register tone – the default tone in most register-tone languages. However, after a falling tone it takes on a low pitch; the contour tone remains on the first syllable, but the pitch of the second syllable matches where the contour leaves off. And after a low-dipping tone, the contour spreads to the second syllable: the contour remains the same (˨˩˦) whether the word has one syllable or two. In other words, the tone is now the property of the word, not the syllable. Shanghainese has taken this pattern to its extreme, as the pitches of all syllables are determined by the tone before them, so that only the tone of the initial syllable of a word is distinctive.
Lexical tones are used to distinguish lexical meanings. Grammatical tones, on the other hand, change thegrammatical categories.[16] To some authors, the term includes both inflectional and derivational morphology.[17] Tian described a grammatical tone, theinduced creaky tone, inBurmese.[18]
Languages may distinguish up to five levels of pitch, though theChori language of Nigeria is described as distinguishing six surface tone registers.[19] Since tone contours may involve up to two shifts in pitch, there are theoretically 5 × 5 × 5 = 125 distinct tones for a language with five registers. However, the most that are actually used in a language is a tenth of that number.
SeveralKam–Sui languages of southern China have nine contrastive tones, including contour tones. For example, theKam language has 9 tones: 3 more-or-less fixed tones (high, mid and low); 4 unidirectional tones (high and low rising, high and low falling); and 2 bidirectional tones (dipping and peaking). This assumes thatchecked syllables are not counted as having additional tones, as they traditionally are in China. For example, in the traditional reckoning, theKam language has 15 tones, but 6 occur only in syllables closed with the voicelessstop consonants/p/,/t/ or/k/ and the other 9 occur only in syllables not ending in one of these sounds.
Preliminary work on theWobe language (part of the Wee continuum) of Liberia and Côte d'Ivoire, theTicuna language of the Amazon and theChatino languages of southern Mexico suggests that some dialects may distinguish as many as fourteen tones or more. TheGuere language,Dan language andMano language of Liberia and Ivory Coast have around 10 tones, give or take. TheOto-Manguean languages of Mexico have a huge number of tones as well. The most complex tonal systems are actually found in Africa and the Americas, not east Asia.
Tones are realized as pitch only in a relative sense. "High tone" and "low tone" are only meaningful relative to the speaker's vocal range and in comparing one syllable to the next, rather than as a contrast of absolute pitch such as one finds in music. As a result, when one combines tone with sentenceprosody, the absolute pitch of a high tone at the end of aprosodic unit may be lower than that of a low tone at the beginning of the unit, because of the universal tendency (in both tonal and non-tonal languages) for pitch to decrease with time in a process calleddowndrift.
Tones may affect each other just as consonants and vowels do. In many register-tone languages, low tones may cause adownstep in following high or mid tones; the effect is such that even while the low tones remain at the lower end of the speaker's vocal range (which is itself descending due to downdrift), the high tones drop incrementally like steps in a stairway orterraced rice fields, until finally the tones merge and the system has to be reset. This effect is calledtone terracing.
Sometimes a tone may remain as the sole realization of a grammatical particle after the original consonant and vowel disappear, so it can only be heard by its effect on other tones. It may cause downstep, or it may combine with other tones to form contours. These are calledfloating tones.
In many contour-tone languages, one tone may affect the shape of an adjacent tone. The affected tone may become something new, a tone that only occurs in such situations, or it may be changed into a different existing tone. This is called tone sandhi. In Mandarin Chinese, for example, a dipping tone between two other tones is reduced to a simple low tone, which otherwise does not occur in Mandarin Chinese, whereas if two dipping tones occur in a row, the first becomes a rising tone, indistinguishable from other rising tones in the language. For example, the words 很[xɤn˨˩˦] ('very') and 好[xaʊ˨˩˦] ('good') produce the phrase 很好[xɤn˧˥xaʊ˨˩˦] ('very good'). The two transcriptions may be conflated with reversed tone letters as[xɤn˨˩˦꜔꜒xaʊ˨˩˦].
Tone sandhi inSinitic languages can be classified with a left-dominant or right-dominant system. In a language of the right-dominant system, the right-most syllable of a word retains its citation tone (i.e., the tone in its isolation form). All the other syllables of the word must take their sandhi form.[20][21]Taiwanese Southern Min is known for its complex sandhi system. Example: 鹹kiam5 'salty'; 酸sng1 'sour'; 甜tinn1 'sweet'; 鹹酸甜kiam7 sng7 tinn1 'candied fruit'. In this example, only the last syllable remains unchanged. Subscripted numbers represent the changed tone.
Tone change must be distinguished fromtone sandhi.Tone sandhi is a compulsory change that occurs when certain tones are juxtaposed. Tone change, however, is a morphologically conditionedalternation and is used as an inflectional or a derivational strategy.[22] Lien indicated that causative verbs in modernSouthern Min are expressed with tonal alternation, and that tonal alternation may come from earlier affixes. Examples: 長 tng5 'long' vs. tng2 'grow'; 斷 tng7 'break' vs. tng2 'cause to break'.[23] Also, 毒 inTaiwanese Southern Min has two pronunciations: to̍k (entering tone) means 'poison' or 'poisonous', while thāu (departing tone) means 'to kill with poison'.[24] The same usage can be found in Min, Yue, and Hakka.[25]
In East Asia, tone is typically lexical. That is, tone is used to distinguish words which would otherwise behomonyms. This is characteristic of heavily tonal languages such as Chinese, Vietnamese, Thai, andHmong.
However, in many African languages, especially in theNiger–Congo family, tone can be both lexical and grammatical. In theKru languages, a combination of these patterns is found: nouns tend to have complex tone systems but are not much affected by grammatical inflections, whereas verbs tend to have simple tone systems, which are inflected to indicatetense and mood,person, andpolarity, so that tone may be the only distinguishing feature between "you went" and "I won't go".
InYoruba, much of the lexical and grammatical information is carried by tone. In languages of West Africa such as Yoruba, people may even communicate with so-called "talking drums", which are modulated to imitate the tones of the language,[26] or bywhistling the tones of speech.[citation needed]
Note that tonal languages are not distributed evenly across the same range as non-tonal languages.[27] Instead, the majority of tone languages belong to the Niger-Congo, Sino-Tibetan and Vietic groups, which are then composed by a large majority of tone languages and dominate a single region. Only in limited locations (South Africa, New Guinea, Mexico, Brazil and a few others) do tone languages occur as individual members or small clusters within a non-tone dominated area. In some locations, like Central America, it may represent no more than an incidental effect of which languages were included when one examines the distribution; for groups like Khoi-San in Southern Africa and Papuan languages, whole families of languages possess tonality but simply have relatively few members, and for some North American tone languages, multiple independent origins are suspected.
If generally considering only complex-tone vs. no-tone, it might be concluded that tone is almost always an ancient feature within a language family that is highly conserved among members. However, when considered in addition to "simple" tone systems that include only two tones, tone, as a whole, appears to be more labile, appearing several times within Indo-European languages, several times in American languages, and several times in Papuan families.[27] That may indicate that rather than a trait unique to some language families, tone is a latent feature of most language families that may more easily arise and disappear as languages change over time.[28]
A 2015 study byCaleb Everett argued that tonal languages are more common in hot and humid climates, which make them easier to pronounce, even when considering familial relationships. If the conclusions of Everett's work are sound, this is perhaps the first known case of influence of the environment on the structure of the languages spoken in it.[29][30] The proposed relationship between climate and tone is controversial, and logical and statistical issues have been raised by various scholars.[31][32][33]
Tone has long been viewed as a phonological system. It was not until recent years that tone was found to play a role ininflectional morphology. Palancar and Léonard (2016)[34] provided an example with TlatepuzcoChinantec (anOto-Manguean language spoken in SouthernMexico), where tones are able to distinguishmood,person, andnumber:
| 1 SG | 1 PL | 2 | 3 | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Completive | húʔ˩ | húʔ˩˥ | húʔ˩ | húʔ˧ |
| Incompletive | húʔ˩˧ | húʔ˩˧ | húʔ˩˧ | húʔ˧ |
| Irrealis | húʔ˩˥ | húʔ˩˥ | húʔ˩˥ | húʔ˧ |
InIau language (the most tonally complexLakes Plain language, predominantly monosyllabic), nouns have an inherent tone (e.g. be˧ 'fire' but be˦˧ 'flower'), but verbs don't have any inherent tone. For verbs, a tone is used to markaspect. The first work that mentioned this was published in 1986.[35] Example paradigms:[36]
| Tone | Aspect | ba 'come' | tai 'moving s.t. toward' | da 'locate s.t. inside' |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| tone 2 | totality of action, punctual | ba˦ 'came' | tai˦ 'pulled' | da˦ 'ate, put it in (stomach)' |
| tone 3 | resultative durative | ba˧ 'has come' | tai˧ 'has been pulled off' | da˧ 'has been loaded onto s.t.' |
| tone 21 | totality of action, incomplete | ba˦˥ 'might come' | tai˦˥ 'might pull' | |
| tone 43 | resultative punctual | ba˨˧ 'came to get' | tai˨˧ 'land on s.t.' | da˨˧ 'dip into water, wash s.t.' |
| tone 24 | telic punctual | ba˦˨ 'came to end' | tai˦˨ 'fell to ground' | da˦˨ 'eaten it all up' |
| tone 23 | telic, incomplete | ba˦˧ 'still coming' | tai˦˧ 'still falling' | da˦˧ 'still eating it up' |
| tone 34 | totality of action, durative | ba˧˨ 'be coming' | tai˧˨ 'be pulling' | |
| tone 243 | telic durative | ba˦˨˧ 'sticking to' | tai˦˨˧ 'be falling' | |
| tai˦˥–˧˨ 'pull on s.t., shake hands' | ||||
| tai˦˥–˧ 'have pulled s.t., shook hands' |
Tones are used to differentiatecases as well, as inMaasai language (aNilo-Saharan language spoken inKenya andTanzania):[37]
| gloss | Nominative | Accusative |
|---|---|---|
| 'head' | èlʊ̀kʊ̀nyá | èlʊ́kʊ́nyá |
| 'rat' | èndérònì | èndèrónì |
Certainvarieties of Chinese are known to express meaning by means of tone change although further investigations are required. Examples from twoYue dialects spoken inGuangdong Province are shown below.[22] InTaishan, tone change indicates the grammatical number of personal pronouns. In Zhongshan,perfective verbs are marked with tone change.
| ngwoi˧ | 'I' (singular) |
| ngwoi˨ | 'we' (plural) |
| hy˨ | 'go' |
| hy˧˥ | 'gone' (perfective) |
The following table compares the personal pronouns of Sixian dialect (a dialect ofTaiwanese Hakka)[38] with Zaiwa and Jingpho[39] (bothTibeto-Burman languages spoken inYunnan andBurma). From this table, we find the distinction between nominative, genitive, and accusative is marked by tone change andsound alternation.
| Sixian | Zaiwa | Jingpho | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 Nom | ŋai˩ | ŋo˥˩ | ŋai˧ |
| 1 Gen | ŋa˨˦ or ŋai˩ ke˥ | ŋa˥ | ŋjeʔ˥ |
| 1 Acc | ŋai˩ | ŋo˧˩ | ŋai˧ |
| 2 Nom | ŋ̍˩ | naŋ˥˩ | naŋ˧ |
| 2 Gen | ŋia˨˦ or ŋ̍˩ ke˥ | naŋ˥ | naʔ˥ |
| 2 Acc | ŋ̍˩ | naŋ˧˩ | naŋ˧ |
| 3 Nom | ki˩ | jaŋ˧˩ | khji˧ |
| 3 Gen | kia˨˦ or ki˩ ke˥ | jaŋ˥˩ | khjiʔ˥ |
| 3 Acc | ki˩ | jaŋ˧˩ | khji˧ |
There are several approaches to notating tones in the description of a language. A fundamental difference is betweenphonemic andphonetic transcription.
A phonemic notation will typically lack any consideration of the actual phonetic values of the tones. Such notations are especially common when comparing dialects with wildly different phonetic realizations of what are historically the same set of tones. In Chinese, for example, the "four tones" may be assigned numbers, such as ① to ④ or – after the historical tone split that affected all Chinese languages to at least some extent – ① to ⑧ (with odd numbers for theyin tones and even numbers for theyang). In traditional Chinese notation, the equivalent diacritics⟨꜀◌꜂◌◌꜄◌꜆⟩ are attached to theChinese character, marking the same distinctions, plus underlined⟨꜁◌꜃◌◌꜅◌꜇⟩ for theyang tones where a split has occurred. If further splits occurred in some language or dialect, the results may be numbered '4a' and '4b' or something similar. Among theKradai languages, tones are typically assigned the letters A through D or, after a historical tone split similar to what occurred in Chinese, A1 to D1 and A2 to D2. (SeeProto-Tai language.) With such a system, it can be seen which words in two languages have the same historical tone (say tone ③) even though they no longer sound anything alike.
Also phonemic areupstep anddownstep, which are indicated by the IPA diacritics⟨ꜛ⟩ and⟨ꜜ⟩, respectively, or by the typographic substitutes⟨ꜞ⟩ and⟨ꜝ⟩, respectively. Upstep and downstep affect the tones within a language as it is being spoken, typically due to grammatical inflection or when certain tones are brought together. (For example, a high tone may be stepped down when it occurs after a low tone, compared to the pitch it would have after a mid tone or another high tone.)
Phonetic notation records the actual relative pitch of the tones. Since tones tend to vary over time periods as short as centuries, this means that the historical connections among the tones of two language varieties will generally be lost by such notation, even if they are dialects of the same language.
| Name | Top tone (extra-high) | High tone | High-mid tone | Mid tone | Low-mid tone | Low tone | Bottom tone (extra-low) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| IPA tone diacritic | ◌̋ | ◌́ | ◌̄ | ◌̀ | ◌̏ | ||
| IPA tone letter | ◌˥ | ◌˦ | ◌˧ | ◌˨ | ◌˩ | ||
| Neutral tone letter[b] | ◌꜈ | ◌꜉ | ◌꜊ | ◌꜋ | ◌꜌ | ||
| Sandhi tone letter[b] | ◌꜒ | ◌꜓ | ◌꜔ | ◌꜕ | ◌꜖ | ||
| Sandhi neutral tone letter[b] | ◌꜍ | ◌꜎ | ◌꜏ | ◌꜐ | ◌꜑ |
| Name | Falling tone | High falling tone | Low falling tone |
|---|---|---|---|
| IPA tone diacritic | ◌̂ | ◌᷇ | ◌᷆ |
| IPA tone letters | ˥˩,˥˨,˥˧,˥˦, ˦˩,˦˨,˦˧, ˧˩,˧˨,˨˩ | ◌˥˧,◌˥˦,◌˦˧, &c. | ◌˧˩,◌˧˨,◌˨˩, &c. |
| Name | Rising tone | High rising tone | Low rising tone |
|---|---|---|---|
| IPA tone diacritic | ◌̌ | ◌᷄ | ◌᷅ |
| IPA tone letters | ˩˥,˩˦,˩˧,˩˨, ˨˥,˨˦,˨˧, ˧˥,˧˦,˦˥ | ◌˧˥,◌˦˥,◌˧˦, &c. | ◌˩˧,◌˨˧,◌˩˨, &c. |
| Name | Dipping tone (falling–rising) | Peaking tone (rising–falling) |
|---|---|---|
| IPA tone diacritic | ◌᷉ | ◌᷈ |
| IPA tone letters | (various)
| (various)
|
An IPA/Chao tone letter will rarely be composed of more than three elements (which are sufficient for peaking and dipping tones). Occasionally, however, peaking–dipping and dipping–peaking tones, which require four elements – or even double-peaking and double-dipping tones, which require five – are encountered. This is usually only the case whenprosody is superposed on lexical or grammatical tone, but a good computer font will allow an indefinite number of tone letters to be concatenated. The IPA diacritics placed over vowels and other letters have not been extended to this level of complexity.
In African linguistics (as well as in many African orthographies), a set of diacritics is usual to mark tone. The most common are a subset of theInternational Phonetic Alphabet:
| High tone | acute | á |
| Mid tone | macron | ā |
| Low tone | grave | à |
Minor variations are common. In many three-tone languages, it is usual to mark high and low tone as indicated above but to omit marking of the mid tone:má (high),ma (mid),mà (low). Similarly, in two-tone languages, only one tone may be marked explicitly, usually the less common or more 'marked' tone (seemarkedness).
When digits are used, typically 1 is high and 5 is low, except inOmotic languages, where 1 is low and 5 or 6 is high. In languages with just two tones, 1 may be high and 2 low, etc.
In the Chinese tradition, digits are assigned to various tones (seetone number). For instance,Standard Mandarin Chinese, the official language of China, has four lexically contrastive tones, and the digits 1, 2, 3, and 4 are assigned to four tones. Syllables can sometimes be toneless and are described as having a neutral tone, typically indicated by omitting tone markings. Chinese varieties are traditionally described in terms of four tonal categoriesping ('level'),shang ('rising'),qu ('exiting'),ru ('entering'), based on the traditional analysis ofMiddle Chinese (seeFour tones); note that these are not at all the same as the four tones of modern standard Mandarin Chinese.[c] Depending on the dialect, each of these categories may then be divided into two tones, typically calledyin andyang. Typically, syllables carrying theru tones are closed by voiceless stops in Chinese varieties that have such coda(s) so in such dialects,ru is not a tonal category in the sense used by Western linguistics but rather a category of syllable structures. Chinese phonologists perceived thesechecked syllables as having concomitant short tones, justifying them as a tonal category. InMiddle Chinese, when the tonal categories were established, theshang andqu tones also had characteristic final obstruents with concomitant tonic differences whereas syllables bearing theping tone ended in a simple sonorant. An alternative to using the Chinese category names is assigning to each category a digit ranging from 1 to 8, sometimes higher for some Southern Chinese dialects with additional tone splits. Syllables belonging to the same tone category differ drastically in actual phonetic tone across thevarieties of Chinese even among dialects of the same group. For example, theyin ping tone is a high level tone in Beijing Mandarin Chinese but a low level tone in Tianjin Mandarin Chinese.
More iconic systems use tone numbers or an equivalent set of graphic pictograms known as "Chaotone letters". These divide the pitch into five levels, with the lowest being assigned the value 1 and the highest the value 5. (This is the opposite of equivalent systems in Africa and the Americas.) The variation in pitch of atone contour is notated as a string of two or three numbers. For instance, the four Mandarin Chinese tones are transcribed as follows (the tone letters will not display properly without acompatible font installed):
| High tone | 55 | ˥ | (Tone 1) |
| Mid rising tone | 35 | ˧˥ | (Tone 2) |
| Low dipping tone | 21(4) | ˨˩˦ | (Tone 3) |
| High falling tone | 51 | ˥˩ | (Tone 4) |
A mid-level tone would be indicated by /33/, a low level tone /11/, etc. The doubling of the number is commonly used with level tones to distinguish them from tone numbers; tone 3 in Mandarin Chinese, for example, is not mid /3/. However, it is not necessary with tone letters, so /33/ =/˧˧/ or simply/˧/. If a distinction is made, it may be that/˧/ is mid tone in a register system and/˧˧/ is mid level tone in a contour system, or/˧/ may be mid tone on a short syllable or a midchecked tone, while/˧˧/ is mid tone on a long syllable or a mid unchecked tone.
IPA diacritic notation is also sometimes seen for Chinese. One reason it is not more widespread is that only two contour tones, rising/ɔ̌/ and falling/ɔ̂/, are widely supported by IPA fonts while several Chinese varieties have more than one rising or falling tone. One common workaround is to retain standard IPA/ɔ̌/ and/ɔ̂/ for high-rising (e.g./˧˥/) and high-falling (e.g./˥˧/) tones and to use the subscript diacritics/ɔ̗/ and/ɔ̖/ for low-rising (e.g./˩˧/) and low-falling (e.g./˧˩/) tones.
Several North American languages have tone, one of which isCherokee, anIroquoian language. Oklahoma Cherokee has six tones (1 low, 2 medium, 3 high, 4 very high, 5 rising and 6 falling).[42] TheTanoan languages have tone as well. For instance,Kiowa has three tones (high, low, falling), whileJemez has four (high, mid, low, and falling).
In Mesoamericanist linguistics, /1/ stands for high tone and /5/ stands for low tone, except inOto-Manguean languages for which /1/ may be low tone and /3/ high tone. It is also common to see acute accents for high tone and grave accents for low tone and combinations of these for contour tones. Several popular orthographies use⟨j⟩ or⟨h⟩ after a vowel to indicate low tone. TheSouthern Athabascan languages that include theNavajo andApache languages are tonal, and are analyzed as having two tones: high and low. One variety ofHopi has developed tone, as has theCheyenne language.
In Roman script orthographies, a number of approaches are used. Diacritics are common, as inpinyin, but they tend to be omitted.[43]Thai uses a combination of redundant consonants and diacritics. Tone letters may also be used, for example inHmong RPA and several minority languages in China. Tone may simply be ignored, as is possible even for highly tonal languages: for example, the Chinese navy has successfully used toneless pinyin in government telegraph communications for decades. Likewise, Chinese reporters abroad may file their stories in toneless pinyin.Dungan, a variety of Mandarin Chinese spoken in Central Asia, has, since 1927, been written in orthographies that do not indicate tone.[43]Ndjuka, in which tone is less important, ignores tone except for a negative marker. However, the reverse is also true: in the Congo, there have been complaints from readers that newspapers written in orthographies without tone marking are insufficiently legible.[citation needed]
Standard CentralThai has five tones–mid, low, falling, high and rising–often indicated respectively by the numbers zero, one, two, three and four. TheThai alphabet is analphasyllabary, which specifies the tone unambiguously. Tone is indicated by an interaction of the initial consonant of a syllable, the vowel length, the final consonant (if present), and sometimes a tone mark. A particular tone mark may denote different tones depending on the initial consonant. TheShan alphabet, derived from theBurmese script, has five tone letters:ႇ,ႈ,း,ႉ,ႊ; a sixth tone is unmarked.
Vietnamese uses the Latin alphabet and its six tones are marked by letters withdiacritics above or below a certain vowel. Basic notation for Vietnamese tones are as follows:
| Name | Contour | Diacritic | Example |
|---|---|---|---|
| ngang | mid level,˧ | not marked | a |
| huyền | low falling,˨˩ | grave accent | à |
| sắc | high rising,˧˥ | acute accent | á |
| hỏi | dipping,˧˩˧ | hook above | ả |
| ngã | creaky rising,˧ˀ˦˥ | tilde | ã |
| nặng | creaky falling,˨˩ˀ | dot below | ạ |
The Latin-basedHmong andIu Mien alphabets use full letters for tones. In Hmong, one of the eight tones (the˧ tone) is left unwritten while the other seven are indicated by the lettersb, m, d, j, v, s, g at the end of the syllable. Since Hmong has no phonemic syllable-final consonants, there is no ambiguity. That system enables Hmong speakers to type their language with an ordinary Latin-letter keyboard without having to resort to diacritics. In theIu Mien, the lettersv, c, h, x, z indicate tones but unlike Hmong, it also has final consonants written before the tone.
TheStandard Zhuang andZhuang languages used to use a unique set of six "tone letters" based on the shapes of numbers, but slightly modified, to depict what tone a syllable was in. This was replaced in 1982 with the use of normal letters in the same manner, like Hmong.
The syllabary of theNuosu language depicts tone in a unique manner, having separate glyphs for each tone other than for the mid-rising tone, which is denoted by the addition of a diacritic. Take the difference between ꉬ nge [ŋɯ³³], and ꉫ ngex [ŋɯ³⁴]. In romanisation, the letters t, x, and p are used to demarcate tone. As codas are forbidden in Nuosu there is no ambiguity.
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| Sound change andalternation |
|---|
| Fortition |
| Dissimilation |
André-Georges Haudricourt established that Vietnamese tone originated in earlier consonantal contrasts and suggested similar mechanisms for Chinese.[44][45] It is now widely held that Old Chinese did not have phonemically contrastive tone.[46] The historical origin of tone is calledtonogenesis, a term coined byJames Matisoff.
Tone is sometimes anareal rather than aphylogenetic feature. That is to say, a language may acquire tones through bilingualism if influential neighbouring languages are tonal or if speakers of a tonal languageshift to the language in question and bring their tones with them. The process is referred to ascontact-induced tonogenesis by linguists.[47] In other cases, tone may arise spontaneously and surprisingly fast: the dialect ofCherokee in Oklahoma has tone, but the dialect in North Carolina does not, even though they were onlyseparated in 1838.Hong Kong English is tonal, a result of the contact between non-tonalBritish English withHong Kong Cantonese, a tonal language;[48][49] a similar process of tonogenesis has happened inSingapore English, although under slightly different conditions of linguistic contact, resulting in different tonal outcomes.[49]
Tone arose in theAthabascan languages at least twice, in a patchwork of two systems. In some languages, such asNavajo, syllables with glottalized consonants (including glottal stops) in thesyllable coda developed low tones, whereas in others, such asSlavey, they developed high tones, so that the two tonal systems are almost mirror images of each other. Syllables without glottalized codas developed the opposite tone. For example, high tone in Navajo and low tone in Slavey are due to contrast with the tone triggered by the glottalization.
Other Athabascan languages, namely those in western Alaska (such asKoyukon) and the Pacific coast (such asHupa), did not develop tone. Thus, the Proto-Athabascan word*tuː ('water') is tonelesstoː in Hupa, high-tonetó in Navajo, and low-tonetù in Slavey; while Proto-Athabascan*-ɢʊtʼ ('knee') is toneless-ɢotʼ in Hupa, low-tone-ɡòd in Navajo, and high-tone-ɡóʔ in Slavey.Kingston (2005) provides a phonetic explanation for the opposite development of tone based on the two different ways of producing glottalized consonants with eithertense voice on the preceding vowel, which tends to produce a highfundamental frequency, orcreaky voice, which tends to produce a low fundamental frequency. Languages with "stiff" glottalized consonants and tense voice developed high tone on the preceding vowel and those with "slack" glottalized consonants with creaky voice developed low tone.
TheBantu languages also have "mirror" tone systems in which the languages in the northwest corner of the Bantu area have the opposite tones of other Bantu languages.
ThreeAlgonquian languages developed tone independently of one another and of neighboring languages:Cheyenne,Arapaho, andKickapoo. In Cheyenne, tone arose via vowel contraction; the long vowels of Proto-Algonquian contracted into high-pitched vowels in Cheyenne while the short vowels became low-pitched. In Kickapoo, a vowel with a following [h] acquired a low tone, and this tone later extended to all vowels followed by a fricative. InAfrikaans the glottal fricative also lowers the tone of surrounding vowels.
InMohawk, a glottal stop can disappear in a combination ofmorphemes, leaving behind a long falling tone. Note that it has the reverse effect of the postulated rising tone inCantonese orMiddle Chinese, derived from a lost final glottal stop.
InKorean, a 2013 study which compared voice recordings of Seoul speech from 1935 and 2005 found that in recent years,lenis consonants (ㅂㅈㄷㄱ),aspirated consonants (ㅍㅊㅌㅋ) and fortis consonants (ㅃㅉㄸㄲ) were shifting from a distinction viavoice onset time to that of pitch change, and suggests that the modernSeoul dialect is currently undergoing tonogenesis.[50] These sound shifts still show variations among different speakers, suggesting that the transition is still ongoing.[51] Among 141 examined Seoul speakers, these pitch changes were originally initiated by females born in the 1950s, and have almost reached completion in the speech of those born in the 1990s.[52]
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"There is tonogenetic potential in various series of phonemes: glottalized vs. plain consonants, unvoiced vs. voiced, aspirated vs. unaspirated, geminates vs. simple (...), and even among vowels".[53] Very often, tone arises as an effect of theloss ormerger of consonants. In a nontonal language,voiced consonants commonly cause following vowels to be pronounced at a lower pitch than other consonants. That is usually a minor phonetic detail of voicing. However, if consonant voicing is subsequently lost, that incidental pitch difference may be left over to carry the distinction that the voicing previously carried (a process calledtransphonologization) and thus becomes meaningful (phonemic).[54]
This process happened in thePunjabi language: the Punjabimurmured (voiced aspirate) consonants have disappeared and left tone in their wake. If the murmured consonant was at the beginning of a word, it left behind a low tone; at the end, it left behind a high tone. If there was no such consonant, the pitch was unaffected; however, the unaffected words are limited in pitch and did not interfere with the low and high tones. That produced a tone of its own, mid tone. The historical connection is so regular that Punjabi is still written as if it had murmured consonants, and tone is not marked. The written consonants tell the reader which tone to use.[55]
Similarly, finalfricatives or other consonants may phonetically affect the pitch of preceding vowels, and if they thenweaken to[h] and finally disappear completely, the difference in pitch, now a true difference in tone, carries on in their stead.[56] This was the case with Chinese. Two of the three tones ofMiddle Chinese, the "rising" and the "departing" tones, arose as theOld Chinese final consonants/ʔ/ and/s/→/h/ disappeared, while syllables that ended with neither of these consonants were interpreted as carrying the third tone, "even". Most varieties descending from Middle Chinese were further affected by atone split in which each tone divided in two depending on whether the initial consonant was voiced. Vowels following a voiced consonant (depressor consonant) acquired a lower tone as the voicing lost its distinctiveness.[57]
The same changes affected many other languages in the same area, and at around the same time (AD 1000–1500). The tone split, for example, also occurred inThai andVietnamese.
In general, voiced initial consonants lead to low tones while vowels after aspirated consonants acquire a high tone. When final consonants are lost, a glottal stop tends to leave a preceding vowel with a high or rising tone (although glottalized vowels tend to be low tone so if the glottal stop causes vowel glottalization, that will tend to leave behind a low vowel). A final fricative tends to leave a preceding vowel with a low or falling tone. Vowel phonation also frequently develops into tone, as can be seen in the case of Burmese.
1. The table below is the process of tonogenesis inWhite Hmong, described byMartha Ratliff.[58][59] The tone values described in the table are from Christina Esposito.[60][61]
| Atonal stage | CV | CVʔ | CVh | CVCvl | ||||
| Tonogenesis | CVlevel | CVrising | CVfalling | CVCvlatonal | ||||
| Tone split | A1upper | A2lower | B1upper | B2lower | C1upper | C2lower | D1upper | D2lower |
| Current | [pɔ˦˥] | [pɔ˥˨] | [pɔ˨˦] | [pɔ˨] | [pɔ˧] | [pɔ̤˦˨] | -- | [pɔ̰˨˩] |
2. The table below shows theVietnamese tonogenesis.[62][63][64] The tone values are taken from James Kirby.[65][66]
| Atonal stage | CV | CVx > CVʔ | CVs > CVh | |||
| Tonogenesis | CVmid | CVrising | CVfalling | |||
| Tone split | A1higher | A2lower | B1higher | B2lower | C1higher | C2lower |
| Current | ngang/˦/ | huyền/˨˩/ | sắc/˨˦/ | nặng/˨/ | hỏi/˧˨/ | ngã/˧˥/ |
3. The table below is the tonogenesis ofTai Dam (Black Tai). Displayed in the first row is the Proto-Southern Kra-Dai, as reconstructed by Norquest.[67][68][69]
| Proto-SKD | *∅ | *-h | *-ʔ | *-ʔ͡C | ||||
| Tonogenesis | level | rising | falling | |||||
| Tone split | A1 | A2 | B1 | B2 | C1 | C2 | D1 | D2 |
| Current | /˨/ | /˥/ | /˦˥/ | /˦/ | /˨˩ʔ/ | /˧˩ʔ/ | /˦˥/ | /˦/ |
4. The table below shows theChinese language tonogenesis.[70][71]
| Atonal stage | -∅, -N | -ʔ | -s | -p, -t, -k | ||||
| Tonogenesis | 平 píng (level) | 上 shǎng (rising) | 去 qù (departing) | 入 rù (entering) | ||||
| Tone split | A1 | A2 | B1 | B2 | C1 | C2 | D1 | D2 |
The tone values are listed below:
| Class | SC[72] | TSH[73] | THH[73] | XMM[74] | FZM[74] | SZW[72] | SXW[72] |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| A1 | /˥/ | /˨˦/ | /˥˧/ | /˥/ | /˦/ | /˦/ | /˦˩/ |
| A2 | /˧˥/ | /˩/ | /˥/ | /˨˦/ | /˥˨/ | /˩˧/ | /˩˥/ |
| B1 | /˨˩˦/ | /˧˩/ | /˨˦/ | /˥˩/ | /˧˩/ | /˥˨/ | /˥/ |
| B2 | /˨/ | ||||||
| C1 | /˥˩/ | /˥˥/ | /˩/ | /˩/ | /˨˩˧/ | /˦˩˨/ | /˦/ |
| C2 | /˧/ | /˧/ | /˨˦˨/ | /˧˩/ | /˧˩/ | ||
| D1 | /˥,˧˥ ˨˩˦,˥˩/ | /˨/ | /˥/ | /˧˨/ | /˨˧/ | /˥/ | /˥/ |
| D2 | /˥/ | /˨/ | /˥/ | /˦/ | /˨/ | /˧˨/ |
The tones across allvarieties (ordialects) of Chinese correspond to each other, although they may not correspond to each other perfectly. Moreover, listed above are citation tones, but in actual conversations, obligatorysandhi rules will reshape them. The Sixian and Hailu Hakka inTaiwan are famous for their near-regular and opposite pattern (of pitch height). Both will be compared withStandard Chinese below.
| Word | Hailu Hakka | Standard Chinese | Sixian Hakka |
|---|---|---|---|
| 老人家 'elder people' | loLR nginHL gaHF | laoLF renMR jiaHL (→ laoLFrenjia) | loMF nginLL gaLR |
| 碗公 'bowl' | vonLR gungHF | wanLF gongHL | vonMF gungLR |
| 車站 'bus stop' | chaHF zhamLL | cheHL zhanHF | caLR zamHL |
| 自行車 'bicycle' | ciiML hangHL chaHF | ziHF xingMR cheHL | ciiHL hangLL caLR |
5. The table below shows Punjabi tonogenesis in bisyllabic words. Unlike the above four examples, Punjab was not under the east Asian tonesprachbund, instead belonging to a separate one in its own area of Punjab. As well, unlike the above languages, which developed tone from syllable endings, Punjab developed tone from its voiced aspirated stops losing their aspiration.[75] Tone does occur in monosyllabic words as well, but are not discussed in the chart below.
| Atonal stage | C(V)VC̬ʰ(V)V | C̬ʰ(V)VC(V)V | C(V)VC(V)V | |||
| Tonogenesis | C̬ʰ → V́C̬V̀ / V_V | C̬ʰVC(V)V | C̬ʰVVC(V)V | - | ||
| C̬ʰ → T̥V, R̬V / #_V | C̬ʰVV → T̥VV̀, R̬VV̀ / #_VV | |||||
| Result | C(V)V́C̬(V)V̀ | T̥VC(V)V | R̬VC(V)V | T̥VV̀C(V)V | R̬VV̀C(V)V | C(V)VC(V)V |
(C = any consonant, T = non-retroflex stop, R = retroflex stop; C̬ = voiced, C̥ = unvoiced; Cʰ = aspirated; V = Neutral tone, V́ = Rising tone, V̀ = Falling tone)
Most languages ofSub-Saharan Africa are members of theNiger-Congo family, which is predominantly tonal; notable exceptions areSwahili (in the southeast), most languages spoken in theSenegambia (among themWolof,Serer andCangin languages), andFulani. The Afroasiatic languages include both tonal (Chadic,Omotic) and nontonal (Semitic,Berber,Egyptian, and mostCushitic) branches.[76] All threeKhoisan language families—Khoe,Kx'a andTuu—are tonal. Most languages of theNilo-Saharan family are tonal.
Numerous tonal languages are widely spoken inChina andMainland Southeast Asia.Sino-Tibetan languages (includingMeitei-Lon,Burmese,Mog and mostvarieties of Chinese; though some, such asShanghainese, are only marginally tonal[77]) andKra–Dai languages (includingThai andLao) are mostly tonal. TheHmong–Mien languages are some of the most tonal languages in the world, with as many as twelve phonemically distinct tones.Austronesian andAustroasiatic languages are mostly non-tonal, with a number of exceptions, e.g.Vietnamese (Austroasiatic),Cèmuhî andYabem (Austronesian).[78] Tones inVietnamese[79] andTsat may result fromChinese influence on both languages. There were tones inMiddle Korean[80][81][82] and a few tones in Japanese.[83][84][85] Other languages represented in the region, such asMongolian andUyghur belong to language families that do not contain any tonality as defined here. In South Asia tonal languages are rare, but someIndo-Aryan languages have tonality, includingPunjabi,Haryanvi,Khariboli, andDogri,[86][87][88][89]Sylheti,[90]Chittagonian,Rohingya,Chakma as well as theEastern Bengali dialects.[91][92]
A large number of North, South and Central American languages are tonal, including many of theAthabaskan languages ofAlaska and theAmerican Southwest (includingNavajo),[11] and theOto-Manguean languages of Mexico. Among theMayan languages, which are mostly non-tonal,Yucatec (with the largest number of speakers),Uspantek, and one dialect ofTzotzil have developed tone systems. TheTicuna language of the western Amazon is perhaps the most tonal language of the Americas. Other languages of the western Amazon have fairly simple tone systems as well. However, although tone systems have been recorded for many American languages, little theoretical work has been completed for the characterization of their tone systems. In different cases, Oto-Manguean tone languages in Mexico have been found to possess tone systems similar to both Asian and African tone languages.[93]
Norwegian[94] and Swedish share tonal language features via the 'Single' and 'Double' tones, which can be marked in phonetic descriptions by either a preceding ' (single tone) or ៴ (double tone). The single tone starts low and rises to a high note (˩˦). The double tone starts higher than the single tone, falls, and then rises again to a higher pitch than the start (˨˩˦), similar to the Mandarin third tone (as in the wordnǐ,/ni˨˩˦/).
Examples in Norwegian: 'bønder (farmers) and ៴bønner (beans) are, apart from the intonation, phonetically identical (despite the spelling difference). Similarly, and with in this case identical spelling, 'tømmer (timber) and ៴tømmer (present tense of verb tømme – to empty) are distinguished only through intonation. Entire phrases can also change meaning depending on intonation, like the phrase "Hagen gror igjen" which can mean either "The garden is growing again" or "The garden is getting overgrown".
According to Watson,Scouse contrasts certain tones.[95]
Languages that are tonal include:
In some cases, it is difficult to determine whether a language is tonal. For example, theKet language ofSiberia has been described as having up to eight tones by some investigators, as having four tones by others, but by some as having no tone at all. In cases such as these, the classification of a language as tonal may depend on the researcher's interpretation of what tone is. For instance, the Burmese language has phonetic tone, but each of its three tones is accompanied by a distinctivephonation (creaky, murmured or plain vowels). It could be argued either that the tone is incidental to the phonation, in which case Burmese would not bephonemically tonal, or that the phonation is incidental to the tone, in which case it would be considered tonal. Something similar appears to be the case with Ket.
The 19th-centuryconstructed languageSolresol can consist of only tone, but unlike all natural tonal languages, Solresol's tone is absolute, rather than relative, and no tone sandhi occurs.
Clearly, language contact with Chinese had something to do with the development of Vietnamese tones, as the tonal system of Vietnamese corresponds quite directly to the eight-way system of Middle Chinese[dead link]
Possibly, Punjabi is the only major South Asian language that has this kind of tonal character. There does seem to have been some speculation among scholars about the possible origin of Punjabi's tone-language character but without any final and convincing answer.
The tonal element in Panjabi as well as in Eastern Bengali has been noticed in respect of various new ways of treating the voiced aspirates and 'h'.
Glottalization is often connected with tone and in the East Bengali cases seem to be related to the evolution of tone from the voiced aspirates.
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