 A page from theAnalects | |
| Author | Disciples ofConfucius |
|---|---|
| Original title | 論語 |
| Language | Classical Chinese |
| Publication place | China |
Original text | 論語 at ChineseWikisource |
| Translation | Analects at Wikisource |
| Analects | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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.svg) "Analects" written usingseal script (top), as well as moderntraditional (middle) andsimplified (bottom)regular script character forms | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Chinese name | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Traditional Chinese | 論語 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Simplified Chinese | 论语 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Hanyu Pinyin | Lúnyǔ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Literal meaning | 'Selected sayings',[1] 'Edited conversations'[2] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Vietnamese alphabet | Luận ngữ | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Chữ Hán | 論語 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Hangul | 논어 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Hanja | 論語 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Kanji | 論語 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Kana | ろんご | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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TheAnalects, also known as theSayings of Confucius, is an ancientChinese philosophical text composed of sayings and ideas attributed toConfucius and his contemporaries, traditionally believed to have been compiled by his followers.
The consensus among scholars is that large portions of the text were composed during theWarring States period (475–221 BC), and that the work achieved its final form during the mid-Han dynasty (206 BC – 220 AD). During the early Han, theAnalects was merely considered to be a commentary on theFive Classics. However, by the dynasty's end the status of theAnalects had grown to become a central text ofConfucianism.
During the lateSong dynasty (960–1279 AD) the importance of theAnalects as aChinese philosophy work was raised above that of the older Five Classics, and it was recognized as one of the "Four Books". TheAnalects has been one of the most widely read and studied books in China for more than two millennia; its ideas continue to have a substantial influence on East Asian thought and values.
Confucius believed that the welfare of a country depended on the moral cultivation of its people, beginning from the nation's leadership. He believed that individuals could begin to cultivate an all-encompassing sense of virtue throughren, and that the most basic step to cultivatingren wasfilial piety—primarily the devotion to one's parents and older siblings.
He taught that one's individual desires do not need to be suppressed, but that people should be educated to reconcile their desires viali, rituals and forms of propriety, through which people could demonstrate their respect for others and their responsible roles in society. Confucius also believed that a ruler's sense ofde, or 'virtue', was his primary prerequisite for leadership.
Confucius' primary goal in educating his students was to produceethically well-cultivated men who would carry themselves with gravity, speak correctly, and demonstrate consummate integrity in all things.
According toBan Gu, writing in theBook of Han, theAnalects originated as individual records kept by Confucius's disciples of conversations between the Master and them, which were then collected and jointly edited by the disciples after Confucius' death in 479 BC. The work was titledLunyu during the Han dynasty: in this context the character forlun means 'discuss' or 'dispute',[3] whileyu means 'speech' or 'sayings'.[4]Lunyu therefore may mean 'edited conversations',[2] or 'selected speeches' (thus "analects").[4] This broadly forms the traditional account of the genesis of the work accepted by later generations of scholars, for example theSong dynasty neo-Confucian scholarZhu Xi stated thatAnalects is the records of Confucius's first- and second-generation pupils.[5]
This traditional view has been challenged by Chinese, Japanese, and Western scholars. The Qing dynastyphilologist Cui Shu argued on linguistic ground that the last five books were produced much later than the rest of the work.Itō Jinsai claimed that, because of differences he saw in patterns of language and content in theAnalects, a distinction in authorship should be made between the "upperAnalects" (Books 1–10) and "lowerAnalects" (Books 11–20).Arthur Waley speculated that Books 3–9 represent the earliest parts of the book.E. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks reviewed previous theories of the chapters' creation and produced a "four stratum theory" of the text's creation.[1][6] Many modern scholars now believe that the work was compiled over a period of around two hundred years, some time during theWarring States period (476–221 BC), with some questioning the authenticity of some of the sayings.[7][8] Prior to 2015, no manuscript dated earlier thanc. 70 BC has been discovered, and because theAnalects was not referred to by name in any existing source before the early Han dynasty, some scholars have proposed dates as late as 140 BC for the text's final compilation.[9] In the 2010s, ancient manuscripts containing content matching the received text were recovered by theAnhui University and in Wangjiazui (王家嘴), which date back to before 300 BCE. The discoveries of these manuscripts confirmed that at least by the mid-Warring States period, the tradition of preserving and organizing Confucius' sayings had existed.[10]
Regardless of how early the text of theAnalects existed, mostAnalects scholars believe that by the early Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) the book was widely known and transmitted throughout China in a mostly complete form, and that the book acquired its final, complete form during the Han dynasty. However, Han dynasty writerWang Chong claimed that all copies of theAnalects that existed during the Han dynasty were incomplete and formed only a part of a much larger work.[11] This is supported by the fact that a larger collection of Confucius's teachings did exist in the Warring States period than has been preserved directly in theAnalects: 75% of Confucius's sayings cited by his second-generation student,Mencius, do not exist in the received text of theAnalects.[12]
According to the Han dynasty scholarLiu Xiang, there were two versions of theAnalects that existed at the beginning of the Han dynasty: the "Lu version" and the "Qi version". The Lu version contained twenty chapters, and the Qi version contained twenty-two chapters, including two chapters not found in the Lu version. Of the twenty chapters that both versions had in common, the Lu version had more passages. Each version had its own masters, schools, and transmitters.[13]
In the reign ofEmperor Jing of Han (r. 157–141 BC), a third "Old Text" version was discovered hidden in a wall of the home believed at the time to have been Confucius's, when the home was in the process of being destroyed by King Gong of Lu (r. 153–128 BC) in order to expand the king's palace. The new version did not contain the two extra chapters found in the Qi version, but it split one chapter found in the Lu and Qi versions in two, so it had twenty-one chapters, and the order of the chapters was different.[13]
The old text version got its name because it was written in characters not used since the earlier Warring States period (before 221 BC), when it was assumed to have been hidden.[14] According to the Han dynasty scholarHuan Tan, the old text version had four hundred characters different from the Lu version—from which the received text is mostly based—and it seriously differed from the Lu version in 27 places. Of these twenty-seven differences, the received text only agrees with the old text version in two places.[15][clarification needed]
Over a century later,Zhang Yu [zh], the tutor of theAnalects toEmperor Cheng of Han, (d. 5 BC), synthesized the Lu and Qi versions by taking the Lu version as authoritative and selectively adding sections from the Qi version, and produced a composite text of theAnalects known as the "Zhang Hou Lun". This text was recognized by Zhang Yu's contemporaries and by subsequent Han scholars as superior to either individual version, and is the text that is recognized as theAnalects today.[13] No complete copies of either the Lu version or the old text version of theAnalects exist today,[14] though fragments of the old text version were discovered atDunhuang.[15] The Qi version was lost for about 1,800 years, but was rediscovered during the excavation of the tomb ofMarquis of Haihun in 2011.[16]
Before the late twentieth century the oldest existing copy of theAnalects known to scholars was found in the "Stone Classics of the Xinping Era", a copy of the Confucian classics written in stone in the old Eastern capital ofLuoyangc. 175 AD. Archaeologists have since discovered two handwritten copies of theAnalects that were writtenc. 50 BC, during the Western Han dynasty. They are known as the "DingzhouAnalects", and the "PyongyangAnalects", after the location of the tombs in which they were found. The DingzhouAnalects was discovered in 1973, but no transcription of its contents was published until 1997. The PyongyangAnalects was discovered in 1992. Academic access to the PyongyangAnalects has been highly restricted, and no academic study on it was published until 2009.[17]
The DingzhouAnalects was damaged in a fire shortly after it was entombed in the Han dynasty. It was further damaged inan earthquake shortly after it was recovered, and the surviving text is just under half the size of the received text of theAnalects. Of the sections that survive, the DingzhouAnalects is shorter than the receivedAnalects, implying that the text of theAnalects was still in the process of expansion when the DingzhouAnalects was entombed. There was evidence that "additions" may have been made to the manuscript after it had been completed, indicating that the writer may have become aware of at least one other version of theAnalects and included "extra" material for the sake of completeness.[18]
The content of the PyongyangAnalects is similar to the DingzhouAnalects. Because of the secrecy and isolationism of theNorth Korean government, only a very cursory study of it has been made available to international scholars, and its contents are not completely known outside of North Korea. Scholars do not agree about whether either the DingzhouAnalects or the PyongyangAnalects represent the Lu version, the Qi version, the old text version, or a different version that was independent of these three traditions.[18]
Prior to 2015, the oldest extant manuscript of theAnalects were the discovered texts found in the Tomb of the Marquis of Haihun (海昏侯墓, Haihunhou Mu) in 2011; the HaihunhouAnalects "circulated at least seventeen years" before the Dingzhou and Pyongyang ones.[19]
In 2015, Anhui University acquired a corpus of excavated Warring States period bamboo strips containing twenty-five Confucius' sayings with a format similar to the transmittedAnalects. This set of manuscript was known as the "Anda Manuscript Zhongni Said" (安大简仲尼曰, Andajian Zhongniyue), where Confucius the master was referred by his courtesy name Zhongni.[10] Part of the manuscripts featuring content matching theAnalects was officially published by the university in 2022.[20][21] A second Warring States manuscript is titled "Kongzi Said" (孔子曰, Kongzi Yue) by modern researchers for the formulaic introduction that appears before each saying. It is part of a group of around 800 strips recovered from a tomb in Wangjiazui (王家嘴),Hubei, between 2019 and 2021, nearby what by mid-Warring States was the capital of the state ofChu. This manuscript was originally made up of 330 strips, but only a third have survived.[10] It has not been published in full yet, although a few strips have been made available.[22][23] This manuscript has so far been shown to have an overlap of 11 sayings with the "Zhongni Said" text published by Anhui University.[24]
Both the "Zhongni Said" and the "Kongzi Said" manuscripts date back to around 300 BCE. The discoveries of these manuscripts confirmed that at least by the mid-Warring States period, the tradition of preserving and organizing Confucius' sayings had existed.[10]
During most of the Han period theAnalects was not considered one of the principal texts of Confucianism. During the reign ofHan Wudi (141–87 BC), when the Chinese government began promoting Confucian studies, only theFive Classics were considered by the government to be canonical (jing). They were considered Confucian because Confucius was assumed to have partially written, edited, and/or transmitted them. TheAnalects was considered secondary as it was thought to be merely a collection of Confucius's oral "commentary" (zhuan) on the Five Classics.[25]
The political importance and popularity of Confucius and Confucianism grew throughout the Han dynasty, and by theEastern Han theAnalects was widely read by schoolchildren and anyone aspiring to literacy, and often read before the Five Classics themselves. During the Eastern Han, the heir apparent was provided a tutor specifically to teach him theAnalects. The growing importance of theAnalects was recognized when the Five Classics was expanded to the "Seven Classics": the Five Classics plus theAnalects and theClassic of Filial Piety, and its status as one of the central texts of Confucianism continued to grow until the lateSong dynasty (960–1279), when it was identified and promoted as one of theFour Books by Zhu Xi and generally accepted as being more insightful than the older Five Classics.[26]
The writing style of theAnalects also inspired future Confucian writers. For example, theSui dynasty writerWang Tong'sExplanation of the Mean (中说)[27] was purposely written to emulate the style of theAnalects, a practice praised by theMing dynasty philosopherWang Yangming.[28]
Since the Han dynasty, Chinese readers have interpreted theAnalects by reading scholars' commentaries on the book. There have been many commentaries on theAnalects since the Han dynasty, but the two which have been most influential have been theCollected Explanations of the Analects (Lunyu Jijie) byHe Yan (c. 195–249) and several colleagues, and theCollected Commentaries of the Analects (Lunyu Jizhu) byZhu Xi (1130–1200). In his work, He Yan collected, selected, summarized, and rationalized what he believed to be the most insightful of all preceding commentaries on theAnalects which had been produced by earlier Han andWei dynasty (220–265 AD) scholars.[29]
He Yan's personal interpretation of theLunyu was guided by his belief thatDaoism and Confucianism complemented each other, so that by studying both in a correct manner a scholar could arrive at a single, unified truth. Arguing for the ultimate compatibility of Daoist and Confucian teachings, he argued that "Laozi [in fact] was in agreement with the Sage" (sic). TheExplanations that was written in 248 AD, was quickly recognized as authoritative, and remained the standard guide to interpreting theAnalects for nearly 1,000 years, until the earlyYuan dynasty (1271–1368). It is the oldest complete commentary on theAnalects that still exists.[29]
He Yan's commentary was eventually displaced as the definitive, standard commentary by Zhu Xi's commentary. Zhu Xi's work also brought together the commentaries of earlier scholars (mostly from the Song dynasty), along with his own interpretations. Zhu's work took part in the context of a period of renewed interest in Confucian studies, in which Chinese scholars were interested in producing a single "correct" intellectual orthodoxy that would "save" Chinese traditions and protect them from foreign influences, and in which scholars were increasingly interested in metaphysical speculation.[30]
In his commentary Zhu made a great effort to interpret theAnalects by using theories elaborated in the other Four Books, something that He Yan had not done. Zhu attempted to give an added coherence and unity to the message of theAnalects, demonstrating that the individual books of the Confucian canon gave meaning to the whole, just as the whole of the canon gave meaning to its parts. In his preface, Zhu Xi stated, "[T]heAnalects and theMencius are the most important works for students pursuing theWay [...] The words of theAnalects are all inclusive; what they teach is nothing but the essentials of preserving the mind and cultivating [one's] nature."[31]
From the first publication of theCommentaries, Zhu continued to refine his interpretation for the last thirty years of his life. In the fourteenth century, the Ming state endorsed Zhu's commentary. Until 1905 it was read and memorized along with theAnalects by all Chinese aspiring to literacy and employment as government officials.[31]
Very few reliable sources about Confucius exist besides that of the Analects. The principal biography available to historians is included inSima Qian'sRecords of the Grand Historian, but because the history contains a significant amount of material unverifiable in other sources and possibly legendary, the biographical material on Confucius found in theAnalects makes theAnalects arguably the most reliable source of biographical information about Confucius.[32] Confucius viewed himself as a "transmitter" of social and political traditions originating in the earlyZhou dynasty (c. 1000–800 BC), and claimed not to have originated anything (§7.1), but Confucius's social and political ideals were not popular in his time.[33]
Confucius' discussions on the nature of the supernatural (§3.12; §6.20; §11.11) indicate his belief that while "ghosts" and "spirits" should be respected, they are best kept at a distance. Instead human beings should base their values and social ideals on moral philosophy, tradition, and a natural love for others. Confucius' social philosophy largely depended on the cultivation ofren by every individual in a community.[33]
Later Confucian philosophers explainedren as the quality of having a kind manner, similar to the English words "humane", "altruistic", or "benevolent", but, of the sixty instances in which Confucius discussesren in theAnalects, very few have these later meanings. Confucius instead used the termren to describe an extremely general and all-encompassing state of virtue, one which no living person had attained completely. (This use of the termren is peculiar to theAnalects.)[34]
Throughout theAnalects, Confucius's students frequently request that Confucius defineren and give examples of people who embody it, but Confucius generally responds indirectly to his students' questions, instead offering illustrations and examples of behaviours that are associated withren and explaining how a person could achieve it. According to Confucius, a person with a well-cultivated sense ofren would speak carefully and modestly (§12.3); be resolute and firm (§12.20), courageous (§14.4), free from worry, unhappiness, and insecurity (§9.29; §6.22); moderate their desires and return to propriety (§12.1); be respectful, tolerant, diligent, trustworthy and kind (§17.6); and love others (§12.22). Confucius recognized his followers' disappointment that he would not give them a more comprehensive definition ofren, but assured them that he was sharing all that he could (§7.24).[35]
To Confucius, the cultivation ofren involved depreciating oneself through modesty while avoiding artful speech and ingratiating manners that would create a false impression of one's own character (§1.3). Confucius said that those who had cultivatedren could be distinguished by their being "simple in manner and slow of speech." He believed that people could cultivate their sense ofren through exercising the invertedGolden Rule: "Do not do to others what you would not like done to yourself" (§12.2; §15.23) ; "a man withren, desiring to establish himself, helps others establish themselves; desiring to succeed himself, helps others to succeed" (§6.28).[33]
Confucius taught that the ability of people to imagine and project themselves into the places of others was a crucial quality for the pursuit of moral self-cultivation (§4.15; see also §5.12; §6.30; §15.24).[36] Confucius regarded the exercise ofdevotion to one's parents and older siblings as the simplest, most basic way to cultivateren. (§1.2).[33]
Confucius believed thatren could best be cultivated by those who had already learned self-discipline, and that self-discipline was best learned by practicing and cultivating one's understanding ofli: rituals and forms of propriety through which people demonstrate their respect for others and their responsible roles in society (§3.3). Confucius said that one's understanding ofli should inform everything that one says and does (§12.1). He believed that subjecting oneself toli did not mean suppressing one's desires but learning to reconcile them with the needs of one's family and broader community.[33]
By leading individuals to express their desires within the context of social responsibility, Confucius and his followers taught that the public cultivation ofli was the basis of a well-ordered society (§2.3).[33] Confucius taught his students that an important aspect ofli was observing the practical social differences that exist between people in daily life. In Confucian philosophy these "five relationships" include: ruler to ruled; father to son; husband to wife; elder brother to younger brother; and friend to friend.[33]
Ren andli have a special relationship in theAnalects:li manages one's relationship with one's family and close community, whileren is practiced broadly and informs one's interactions with all people. Confucius did not believe that ethical self-cultivation meant unquestioned loyalty to an evil ruler. He argued that the demands ofren andli meant that rulers could oppress their subjects only at their own peril: "You may rob the Three Armies of their commander, but you cannot deprive the humblest peasant of his opinion" (§9.26). Confucius said that a morally well-cultivated individual would regard his devotion to loving others as a mission for which he would be willing to die (§15.8).[33]
Confucius' political beliefs were rooted in his belief that a good ruler would be self-disciplined, would govern his subjects through education and by his own example, and would seek to correct his subjects with love and concern rather than punishment and coercion. "If the people be led by laws, and uniformity among them be sought by punishments, they will try to escape punishment and have no sense of shame. If they are led by virtue, and uniformity sought among them through the practice of ritual propriety, they will possess a sense of shame and come to you of their own accord" (§2.3; see also §13.6). Confucius' political theories were directly contradictory to theLegalistic political orientations of China's rulers, and he failed to popularize his ideals among China's leaders within his own lifetime.[37]
Confucius believed that the social chaos of his time was largely due to China's ruling elite aspiring to, and claiming, titles of which they were unworthy. When the ruler of the large state ofQi asked Confucius about the principles of good government, Confucius responded: "Good government consists in the ruler being a ruler, the minister being a minister, the father being a father, and the son being a son" (§12.11).
The analysis of the need to raise officials' behavior to reflect the way that they identify and describe themselves is known as therectification of names, and he stated that the rectification of names should be the first responsibility of a ruler upon taking office (§13.3). Confucius believed that, because the ruler was the model for all who were under him in society, the rectification of names had to begin with the ruler, and that afterwards others would change to imitate him (§12.19).[37]
Confucius judged a good ruler by his possession ofde ('virtue'): a sort of moral force that allows those in power to rule and gain the loyalty of others without the need for physical coercion (§2.1). Confucius said that one of the most important ways that a ruler cultivates his sense ofde is through a devotion to the correct practices ofli. Examples of rituals identified by Confucius as important to cultivate a ruler'sde include: sacrificial rites held at ancestral temples to express thankfulness and humility; ceremonies ofenfeoffment, toasting, and gift exchanges that bound nobility in complex hierarchical relationships of obligation and indebtedness; and, acts of formal politeness and decorum (i.e. bowing and yielding) that identify the performers as morally well-cultivated.[37]
The importance of education and study is a fundamental theme of theAnalects. For Confucius, a good student respects and learns from the words and deeds of his teacher, and a good teacher is someone older who is familiar with the ways of the past and the practices of antiquity (§7.22). Confucius emphasized the need to find balance between formal study and intuitive self-reflection (§2.15). When teaching he is never cited in theAnalects as lecturing at length about any subject, but instead challenges his students to discover the truth throughasking direct questions, citing passages from the classics, and using analogies (§7.8).[38] He sometimes required his students to demonstrate their understanding of subjects by making intuitive conceptual leaps before accepting their understanding and discussing those subjects at greater levels of depth. (§3.8)[39]
His primary goal in educating his students was to produce ethically well-cultivated men who would carry themselves with gravity, speak correctly, and demonstrate consummate integrity in all things (§12.11; see also §13.3). He was willing to teach anyone regardless of social class, as long as they were sincere, eager, and tireless to learn (§7.7; §15.38). He is traditionally credited with teaching three thousand students, though only seventy are said to have mastered what he taught. He taughtpractical skills, but regarded moral self-cultivation as his most important subject.[38]
The traditional titles given to each chapter are mostly an initial two or threeincipits. In some cases a title may indicate a central theme of a chapter, but it is inappropriate to regard a title as a description or generalization of the content of a chapter. Chapters in theAnalects are grouped by individual themes, but the chapters are not arranged in a way as to carry a continuous stream of thoughts or ideas. The themes of adjacent chapters are completely unrelated to each other. Central themes recur repeatedly in different chapters, sometimes in exactly the same wording and sometimes with small variations.
Chapter 10 contains detailed descriptions of Confucius's behaviors in various daily activities.Voltaire andEzra Pound believed that this chapter demonstrated how Confucius was a mere human.Simon Leys, who recently translated theAnalects into English and French, said that the book may have been the first in human history to describe the life of an individual, historic personage.Elias Canetti wrote: "Confucius'sAnalects is the oldest complete intellectual and spiritual portrait of a man. It strikes one as a modern book; everything it contains and indeed everything it lacks is important."[40]
Chapter 20, "Yao Yue", particularly the first verse, is bizarre in terms of both language and content. In terms of language, the text appears to be archaic (or a deliberate imitation of the archaic language of the Western Zhou) and bears some similarity with the language of the speeches in theShujing.[41][42][page needed] In terms of the content, the passage appears to be an admonition byYao toShun on the eve of Yao's abdication, which seems to be only tangentially related to Confucius and his philosophy. Moreover, there appear to be some problems with the text's continuity, and scholars have speculated that parts of the text were lost in the process of transmission and possibly transmitted with errors in the order.[43] The fragmentary nature of the final chapter of the received Lu text has been explained by the "accretion theory", in which the text of theAnalects was gradually accreted over a 230-year period, beginning with the death of Confucius and ending suddenly with the conquest of Lu in 249 BC.[44]
Within these incipits, a large number of passages in the Analects begin with the formulaicziyue, "The Master said," but without punctuation marks in classical Chinese, this does not confirm whether what followsziyue is direct quotation of actual sayings of Confucius, or simply to be understood as "the Master said that ..." and the paraphrase of Confucius by the compilers of the Analects.[45]
| No. | Title | Translation | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 學而 (Xué ér) | "Studying and Practicing" | |
| 2 | 為政 (Wéi zhèng) | "The practice of government" | This chapter explores the theme that political order is best gained through thenon-coercive influence of moral self-cultivation rather than through force or excessive government regulation.[46] |
| 3 | 八佾 (Bā yì) | "Eight lines of eight dancers apiece" | Ba Yi was a kind ofritual dance practiced in the court of the Zhou king. In Confucius' time, lesser nobles also began staging these dances for themselves. The main themes of this chapter are: criticism of ritual impropriety (especially among China's political leadership), and the need to combine learning with nature in the course of moral self-cultivation.[47] Chapters 3–9 may be the oldest in theAnalects.[48] |
| 4 | 里仁 (Lǐ rén) | "Living in brotherliness" | This chapter explores the theme ofren, its qualities, and the qualities of those who have it. A secondary theme is the virtue of filial piety.[49] |
| 5 | 公冶長 (Gōngyě cháng) | "Gongye Chang" | The main theme of this chapter is Confucius' examination of others' qualities and faults in order to illustrate the desirable course of moral self-cultivation.[50] This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples ofZigong, a student of Confucius.[51]Gongye Chang was Confucius' son-in-law.[52] |
| 6 | 雍也 (Yōng yě) | "There is Yong" | Refers toRan Yong, also called Zhou Gong, a disciple of Confucius. |
| 7 | 述而 (Shù ér) | "Transmission" | Transmission, not invention [of learning]. |
| 8 | 泰伯 (Tàibó) | "Taibo" | Wu Taibo was the legendary founder of thestate of Wu. He was the oldest son ofKing Tai and the uncle ofKing Wen of theZhou dynasty. |
| 9 | 子罕 (Zǐ hǎn) | "The Master shunned" | Confucius seldom spoke of advantage. |
| 10 | 鄉黨 (Xiāng dǎng) | "Among the Xiang and the Dang" | A "xiang" was a group of 12,500 families, while a "dang" is a group of 500. The chapter is a collection of maxims related to ritual.[48] |
| 11 | 先進 (Xiānjìn) | "Those of former eras" | The former generations. This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples ofMin Sun, a student of Confucius.[51] |
| 12 | 顏淵 (Yán Yuān) | "Yan Yuan" | Yan Hui was a common name of Zi Yuan, the favorite disciple of Confucius. |
| 13 | 子路 (Zǐlù) | "Zilu" | Zilu was a student of Confucius. |
| 14 | 憲問 (Xiàn wèn) | "Xian asked" | This chapter has traditionally been attributed to the disciples ofYuan Xian, also called both Yuan Si and Zisi, a student of Confucius.[51] |
| 15 | 衛靈公 (Wèi líng gōng) | "Duke Ling of Wey" | Duke Ling ruled from 534 to 493 BC in thestate of Wey. |
| 16 | 季氏 (Jì shì) | "Chief of the Ji Clan" | Jisun was an official from one of the most important families in Lu. This chapter is generally believed to have been written relatively late;[48] possibly compiled from the extra chapters of the Qi version of theAnalects.[51] |
| 17 | 陽貨 (Yáng huò) | "Yang Huo" | Yang was an official of the Ji clan, an important family in Lu. |
| 18 | 微子 (Wēizǐ) | "Weizi" | Weizi was the older half-brother ofZhou, the last king of theShang dynasty, and was founder of thestate of Song. The writer of this chapter was critical of Confucius.[48] |
| 19 | 子張 (Zǐzhāng) | "Zizhang" | Zizhang (Zhuansun Shi) was a student of Confucius. This chapter consists entirely of sayings by Confucius' disciples.[48] |
| 20 | 堯曰 (Yáo yuē) | "Yao spoke" | Yao was one of the traditionalThree Sovereigns and Five Emperors of ancient China. This chapter consists entirely of stray sentences resembling the style and content of theShujing.[48] |
TheAnalects and its commentaries are applied in a multitude of cultural expressions throughout East and South-East Asia, in countries like China, Japan, Korea (both North and South), Thailand and Vietnam.[53][54] It stands out especially in fields pertaining to education.[55]
TheAnalects also has a long history of having influenced traditional East Asian martial arts.[56][57] The text is still influential in the practice and teaching of such martial arts in contemporary time, including in relation to their social and political dynamics.[58]
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