Talal Asad | |
|---|---|
.jpg) Talal Asad in 2013 | |
| Born | April 1932 (age 93) Medina,Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (present-day Saudi Arabia) |
| Citizenship | Saudi Arabian (formerly)[7]: 55–60 Pakistani[7] British[7] |
| Spouse | Tanya Asad[8] |
| Father | Muhammad Asad |
| Academic background | |
| Alma mater | |
| Thesis | The Kababish[1] (1968) |
| Doctoral advisor | E. E. Evans-Pritchard |
| Influences | |
| Academic work | |
| Discipline | Anthropology |
| Sub-discipline | |
| School or tradition | |
| Institutions | |
| Notable works | Formations of the Secular (2003) |
| Influenced | |
Talal Asad (born 1932) is a Saudi-born British cultural anthropologist who is currently Distinguished Professor Emeritus ofAnthropology and Middle Eastern Studies at theGraduate Center of the City University of New York. His prolific body of work mainly focuses on religiosity, Middle Eastern studies,postcolonialism, and notions of power, law, and discipline. He is also known for his writing calling for an anthropology ofsecularism.
His work has had a significant influence beyond his home discipline of anthropology. As Donovan Schaefer writes:
The gravitational field of Asad’s influence has emanated far from his home discipline and reshaped the landscape of other humanistic disciplines around him.[9]
Talal Asad was born in April 1932 inMedina, Saudi Arabia. His parents areMuhammad Asad, an Austriandiplomat and writer who converted fromJudaism toIslam in his twenties, and Munira Hussein Al Shammari, a Saudi Arabian Muslim. Asad was born in Saudi Arabia but when he was eight months old his family moved toBritish India, where his father was part of thePakistan Movement. His parents divorced shortly before his father's third marriage.[10] Talal was raised in Pakistan, and attended a Christian-run missionary boarding school.[11] He is an alumnus of theSt. Anthony High School in Lahore.[7] Asad moved to the United Kingdom when he was 18 to attend university and studiedarchitecture for two years before discovering anthropology, about which he has said “it was fun, but I was not terribly suited.”[12]
Asad received his undergraduate degree in anthropology from theUniversity of Edinburgh in 1959.[12] He continued to train as acultural anthropologist, receiving both aBachelor of Letters andPhD from theUniversity of Oxford, which he completed in 1968. Asad’s mentor while at Oxford was notable social anthropologistE.E. Evans-Pritchard, who Asad has since cited in many of his works.[12] While attending the University of Edinburgh, he met Tanya Baker, a fellow anthropologist. The two married in 1960, and later both completed their doctorate research at Oxford.[13]
After his doctoral studies, Asad completedfieldwork in Northern Sudan on the political structures of theKababish, anomadic group that formed underBritish colonial rule. He publishedThe Kababish Arabs: Power, Authority, and Consent in a Nomadic Tribe in 1970. Asad became increasingly interested inreligiosity, power, andOrientalism throughout his studies. In the late 1960s, he formed a reading group that focused on material written in theMiddle East. He recalls being struck by the bias and “theoretical poverty” of Orientalist writing, the assumptions taken for granted, and the questions that were not answered.[12]
Throughout his long and prolific career, Asad has been greatly influenced by a broad spectrum of scholars, including notable figures such asKarl Marx,E.E. Evans-Pritchard,R.G. Collingwood,Ludwig Wittgenstein, andMichel Foucault. He has also cited the invaluable influence of contemporaries and colleagues such asJohn Milbank,Stanley Hauerwas,Edward Said,Alasdair MacIntyre, andJudith Butler, as well as his former studentsSaba Mahmood and Charles Hirschkind. This diverse intellectual network has shaped Asad's unique approach to studying society, culture, and power dynamics, leaving a lasting impact on the field ofsocial sciences.[12]
Asad’s first teaching job was atKhartoum University inSudan, where he spent several years as a lecturer in social anthropology.[12] He returned to theUnited Kingdom in the early 1970s to lecture atHull University inHull, England. He moved to the United States in 1989, and taught at theNew School for Social Research in New York City andJohns Hopkins University inBaltimore, before acquiring his current position of Distinguished Professor of Anthropology at theGraduate Center of the City University of New York. Asad has also held visiting professorships atAin Shams University in Cairo,King Saud University inRiyadh,University of California at Berkeley, and theSchool for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in Paris.[12]
Asad’s writing portfolio is extensive, and he has been involved in a variety of projects throughout his career. His books includeAnthropology and the Colonial Encounter, published in 1973,Genealogies of Religion, published in 1993,Formations of the Secular, published in 2003, andOn Suicide Bombing, published in 2007 and written in response to theSeptember 11, 2001 attacks. In 1983, he was a co-editor onThe Sociology of Developing Societies: The Middle East with economic historianRoger Owen. Asad has said that he wasn’t all that interested in this project and that he did it as a favor to a friend.[12] In 2007 Asad was part of a symposium at the Townsend Center atUniversity of California, Berkeley, at which he spoke on his paper "Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech".
Since 2023,Ibn Haldun University has granted the annual Talal Asad Award for the best graduate dissertation in sociology.[14]
He was elected a Fellow of theAmerican Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2024.[15]
Asad’s work generally involves taking an anthropological approach to political history and analysis, specifically with regard tocolonial history and religion. Asad identifies himself as an anthropologist but also states that he is critical of allowing disciplines to be defined by particular techniques (such asethnography orstatistics, for example).[12]
He is often critical ofprogressnarratives, believing that “the assumption of social development following a linear path should be problematized.” Another main facet of his work is his public criticism ofOrientalism. He has expressed frustration with Orientalist assumptions, particularly about religion, which he has said comes from hismulticulturalMuslim background.[12] His father considered Islam to be primarily anintellectual idea, while his mother considered it an “embodied, unreflective way of living.” Asad’s own interest in religion was based in an attempt to engage with theoretical explorations and to make sense of political and personal experiences. He is particularly interested in conceptions of religion as an embodied practice and the role that discipline plays in this practice.[12]
In an essay published in 1986,The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam,[16] Talal Asad introduces a concept which has since marked a turning point in the study ofIslam – discursive tradition.
Observing the multiplication of anthropological works on ‘Islam’ and ‘Muslims’ in Western anthropology at his time, Asad points at the simultaneous general incapacity to comprehend any of them. Most analyses, Asad notices, conclude on either the theoretical inexistence ofIslam; the irreducible multiplicity of its forms; or define it as a total socio-historical structure. While each of these propositions holds some relevance, they remain unsatisfying – if not wrong due to an initial conceptual flaw, which he proposes to discuss, for ‘to conceptualize Islam as the object of an anthropological study is not as simple a matter as some writers would have one suppose.’ The very question to answer indeed, the starting point of any attempt at understanding Islam, is that of its correct defining – a seemingly basic point which nonetheless reveals paradigm-shifting when put into practice.
Asad’s intervention on Islam is nothing less than a critique of established anthropology as anethnocentric, irreflexive and in that still much colonial discipline, in whichparadigms and methods are to be challenged and revised in order for it to properly engage with human forms existing outside of its cultural cradle. He there specifically challenges two of the main anthropologists of religion,Clifford Geertz andErnest Gellner, who, to him, impose on Islam a Western modern idea of religion, itself the product of a history of progressive separation of the latter from ‘the spheres of real power and reason such as politics, law, and science’. Asad argues for the importance of the historicization of both observer’s positions and analytical categories and their insertion within a certainpower-knowledge moment and configuration, a theoretical approach he draws fromFoucault.[17] When it comes to understandingIslam, this implies the adoption of an internal perspective, ‘as Muslims do’, that is, ‘from the concept of a discursive tradition that includes and relates itself to the founding texts of the Qur'an and theHadith.’
Asad defines tradition as a set of prescriptivediscourses, taught and transmitted, that draw their legitimacy, power and meaning from history. They thereby found social cohesion through shared practices articulating the past, present and future of the group i.e Muslims. Asad’s discursive tradition, while pursuing the decentering project engaged by decolonial thinkers such asEdward Said, attempts at complexifying thedichotomy that had been constituted by scholars of Islam between Great and little traditions. While the first one was considered as followed by the elite, text-based and urban – and thus orthodox, the latter characterized the diversity of local practices of rural communities and, in opposition, was understood asheterodox. Yet, for Asad, there is no such thing as a clear distinction between texts and practices of Islam. On the contrary, texts, which do not have an agency by themselves, are practiced, that is read, discussed, made sense of and embodied by believers – and, this, within a given social structure, that is power-knowledge configuration. The relationship between Muslims and the texts is what makes Islam, Asad argues, making of orthodoxy ‘not just a body of opinion but a relationship of power’. This allows him to introduce a political economy perspective in the analysis of Islam, which, dismissed by Geertz and Gellner’s focus on dramatization, explains the diversity of its forms in different contexts.
Asad’s discursive tradition concept has been fundamental for a number of later Islam scholars,[18] although diversely interpreted and prolonged, as noted byOvamir Anjum.[19] He, for instance, considers thatLukens-Bull[20] misunderstands Asad when he talks of an orthodox Islam as based on the Qu’ran and Hadiths. He nonetheless considers that such a confusion reveals the limits of Asad’s proposition, which does not explain the articulation between local and global orthodoxies. Anjum thus argues for an enriching of the discursive tradition approach withworld-system analyses applied to Islam.
Following the 2013coup d’état in Egypt, Asad wrote an essay, "Thinking About Tradition, Religion, and Politics in Egypt Today",[21] in which he engages withHannah Arendt’s notions of revolution and tradition.[22] Asad argues that the founding of a political tradition is marked by the necessity of violence, and both revolutions and coups use the narrative of necessary violence towards saving and securing the posterity of the nation. The difference, Arendt and Asad both agree on, is that a revolution involves a vision of beginning anew by founding a new tradition, a new system, whereas a coup is meant to replace individuals in power, therefore conserving a living tradition.[22] This is just one of many notable essays Asad has written that deal with concepts of power, discipline, and law.
William E. Connolly attempts to summarize Asad's theoretical contributions onsecularism as follows:[23]
Genealogies of Religion was published in 1993. The intention of this book is to critically examine the culturalhegemony of the West, exploring how Western concepts and religious practices have shaped the way history is written. The book deals with a variety of historical topics ranging from medieval European rites to the sermons of contemporary Arabtheologians. What links them all together, according to Asad, is the assumption that Western history has the greatest importance in the modern world and that explorations of Western history should be the main concern of historians and anthropologists.[24]
The book begins by sketching the emergence of religion as a modern historical object in the first two chapters. Following this, Asad discusses two elements ofmedievalChristianity that are no longer generally accepted by modern religion, those being the productive role of physical pain and the virtue ofself-abasement. While he is not arguing for these practices, he is encouraging readers to think critically about how and whymodernism and secular morality position these as archaic “uncivilized” conditions.[24] Asad then addresses aspects of “asymmetry” between western and non-western histories, the largest of these being the fact that Western history is considered the “norm” in that non-Westerners feel the need to study Western history, but this does not go both ways. These “asymmetrical desires and indifferences”, Asad argues, have historically constructed opposition between West and non-West.[24] The final two chapters of the books were written at the height of the Rushdie affair in the late 1980s and address angry responses to religious intolerance in the name of liberalism.
Asad publishedFormations of the Secular in 2003. The central idea of the book is creating anthropology of thesecular and what that would entail. This is done through first defining and deconstructing secularism and some of its various parts. Asad’s definition posits “secular” as anepistemic category, whereas “secularism” refers to apolitical doctrine.[25] The intention of this definition is to urge the reader to understand secular and secularism as more than the absence ofreligiosity, but rather a mode of society that has its own forms ofcultural mediation. Secularism, as theorized by Asad, is also deeply rooted in narratives ofmodernity and progress that formed out of theEuropean Enlightenment, meaning that it is not as “tolerant” and “neutral” as it is widely considered to be.[25] On this, Asad writes “A secular state does not guarantee toleration; it puts into play different structures of ambition and fear. The law never seeks to eliminate violence since its object is always to regulate violence.”[25]
After giving a short genealogy of the concept of “the secular”, Asad discussesagency, pain, and cruelty, how they relate toembodiment, and how they are conceptualized in secular society. From here, he goes into an exploration of different ways in which “the human” or the individual is conceptualized and how this informs different understandings of human rights - establishing “human rights” as having a subjective definition rather than being an objective set of rules.[25] Later chapters explore notions and assumptions around “religious minorities” in Europe, and a discussion of whethernationalism is essentially secular or religious in nature. The final few chapters explore transformations in religious authority, law, and ethics in colonial Egypt in order to illuminate aspects of secularization not usually attended to.
The concluding thought ofFormations of the Secular is the question of what anthropology can contribute to the clarification of questions about secularism. Asad does not determine a clear answer to this question, but encourages exploring secularism “through its shadows” and advises that anthropology of secularism should start asking how “different sensibilities, attitudes, assumptions, and behaviors come together to either support or undermine the doctrine of secularism?”[25]
In response to theSeptember 11 attacks and the rise inanti-Islamic sentiment that followed, Asad publishedOn Suicide Bombing in 2007. This book is intended to confront questions about political violence that are central to our modern society and to deconstruct western notions of Islamic terrorism. The central question of the book is not to ask why someone would become asuicide bomber, but instead to think critically about why suicide bombing generates such horror.[26]
Asad offers several suggestions or potential explanations as to why there is a particular sense of horror when confronted with suicide bombing:
Asad’s hope in writing this book is not to defend suicide bombing, but instead to go beyond some of the commonly held positions surrounding it. In particular, he is critical of the denunciation of religious violence as the very opposite of legitimate, "justified" political violence that the U.S. engages in. His goal is to communicate that if there is no such thing as "justified terrorism", there is no such thing as "justified war" and therefore to turn the readers' attention to a critical examination of killing, of dying, and of letting live and letting die in modern global politics.[26]
When I switched my Saudi passport for a Pakistani one it made me a member of the Commonwealth, and that gave me the freedom to move and work as I pleased... But eventually, I think it was when I came back from the Sudan, that I decided to get British Nationality
