| Takeminakata-no-Kami | |
|---|---|
God of the wind, water, hunting and warfare | |
 Takeminakata carrying a heavy rock (chibiki no iwa) with his fingertips as a display of strength | |
| Other names | Takeminakata-no-Mikoto (建御名方命, 健御名方命) Minakatatomi-no-Kami (南方刀美神) |
| Japanese | 建御名方神 |
| Major cult center | Suwa Grand Shrine |
| Symbols | snake,dragon |
| Texts | Kojiki,Sendai Kuji Hongi,Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba |
| Genealogy | |
| Parents | Ōkuninushi andNunakawahime |
| Siblings | Kotoshironushi and others |
| Consort | Yasakatome |
| Children | Izuhayao, Katakurabe and others |
Takeminakata (タケミナカタ), also known asMinakatatomi orTakeminakatatomi, is akami inJapanese mythology. Also known asSuwaMyōjin (諏訪明神 / 諏方明神) orSuwa Daimyōjin (諏訪大明神 / 諏方大明神) afterSuwa Grand Shrine (Suwa Taisha) inNagano Prefecture in which he is enshrined alongside his consortYasakatome, Takeminakata is historically worshiped as a god ofwind,water andagriculture, as well as a patron ofhunting andwarfare, in which capacity he enjoyed a particularly fervent cult from varioussamurai clans during the medieval period such as theHōjō or theTakeda. Takeminakata was also held to be the mythical ancestor of certain families who once served at the shrine as priests, foremost among them being theSuwa clan, the high priests of the Upper Shrine of Suwa who were also revered aslivingvessels of the god.
There are multiple, often conflicting accounts regarding the deity. The mythology of theimperial (Yamato) court as recorded in theKojiki (ca. 712 CE) and theSendai Kuji Hongi portrays Takeminakata as a son of the godŌkuninushi who was defeated by the heavenly deityTakemikazuchi and fled toLake Suwa. Local traditions from Suwa itself, however, present markedly different narratives. These portray him, for example, as an invading deity (sometimes said to have descended from heaven) who subjugated the area's indigenous gods, as an unseen divine presence that chose a young boy as its human embodiment (the future ancestor of the Suwa clan), or as aserpentine ordragon-like being. As worship of the Suwa deity spread throughout Japan from the medieval period onward, additional legends developed, shaped by regional adaptation and thesyncretism of Buddhism and Shinto. These later stories often diverged from both Suwa's own traditions and the Yamato court's account, portraying the Suwa deity, for example, as a king from India whomanifested in Japan, or identifying him with figures such as thewarriorKōga Saburō.
The god is named 'Takeminakata-no-Kami' (建御名方神) in both theKojiki (ca. 712 CE) and theSendai Kuji Hongi (ca. 807-936 CE).[1][2] Variants of the name found in the imperially commissionednational histories and other literary sources include the following:[3]
The etymology of the name '(Take)minakata(tomi)' is unclear. While most commentators seem to agree thattake- (and probably-tomi) are honorifics, they differ in how to interpret the other components of the name. Some of the proposed solutions are as follows.
During the medieval and early modern periods, the god enshrined inSuwa Grand Shrine – specifically, in the Upper Shrine (Kamisha) located southeast ofLake Suwa – was popularly known asSuwa Daimyōjin (諏訪大明神 / 諏方大明神) orSuwa Myōjin (諏訪明神), a name also applied viametonymy to the shrine itself. The name '(Take)minakata(tomi)' was rarely used, if at all, during this period: indeed, medieval documents from Suwa Shrine simply refer to the god assonshin /sonjin (尊神, "revered deity") ormyōjin (明神, "bright deity" or "manifest deity").[18] This however is hardly unusual, as before the early modern period use of titles such asmyōjin orgongen for various gods and their shrines were so widespread that these deities were rarely referred to by their classical names.[19]
Other epithets applied to the Suwa deity includeNangū Daimyōjin (南宮大明神, "Daimyōjin of the Southern Shrine (Nangū)"),Hosshō Daimyōjin (法性大明神, "Dharma-Nature Daimyōjin"), a combination of the two such asNangū Hosshō Daimyōjin (南宮法性大明神), orSuwa Hosshō Kamishimo (orJōge)Daimyōjin (諏訪法性上下大明神, "Dharma-Nature Daimyōjin of the Upper and Lower Suwa [Shrines]").[20] Some of the war banners used bySengokudaimyōTakeda Shingen (a devotee of the god) for instance contain the inscriptionSuwa Nangū Hosshō Kamishimo /Jōge Daimyōjin (諏訪南宮法性上下大明神 / 諏方南宮法性上下大明神).[21][22] Ahanging scroll given byEmperor Go-Nara (reigned 1526–1557) to the Upper Shrine in 1553 (Tenbun 22), written in the emperor's own calligraphy, refers to the god asSuwa Shōichii Nangū Hossho Daimyōjin (諏方正一位南宮法性大明神, "Dharma-Nature Daimyōjin of the SuwaNangū, ofUpper First Rank").[23]
A number of explanations have been proposed for the origin of the termNangū. One theory posits it to refer to the geographical location of the Upper Suwa Shrine, which is locatedsoutheast of Lake Suwa, at thesouthern half of Shinano Province, while another claims it to be derived from 'Minakatatomi' (南方刀美), one of the variant names for the deity, withminakata being apparently understood to mean "south(ern)" (cf. etymology of 'Takeminakata' above).[24] The term has also been interpreted to come from the medieval belief that the Suwa deity was the guardian of thesouth side of theimperial palace[25] or theShinto-Buddhist concept that the god is an enlightened being whomanifested in our world, which inBuddhist cosmology is thesouthern continent ofJambudvīpa.[23]
Aside from Suwa Shrine,Nangū was also applied to Kanayamahiko Shrine inMino Province (modernNangū Taisha inGifu Prefecture) andAekuni Shrine (南宮大菩薩,Nangū Daibosatsu) inIga Province (modernMie Prefecture). A song in the lateHeian period anthologyRyōjin Hishō associates the three shrines together, with Suwa Shrine being identified as the "head" of the threeNangū shrines (南宮の本山,nangu no honzan), the shrine at Mino as the "midmost shrine" (中の宮,naka no miya), and the shrine at Iga as the "youngest shrine" (稚の宮,chigo no miya).[26]
Hosshō, meanwhile, is believed to refer to the concept of thedharmakāya (法性身,hosshōshin), the formless, transcendent ultimate truth that is the source of allbuddhas, which are its physical manifestations (nirmāṇakāya). A certain medieval legend claims that the Suwa deity chose an eight-year-old boy to become his priest while declaring: "I have no (physical) body and so make this priest mybody".[23][27]
Takeminakata is portrayed in both theKojiki and theSendai Kuji Hongi as a son of the godŌkuninushi, although the former does not include him in its genealogy of Ōkuninushi's children.[28] TheKuji Hongi meanwhile identifies him as the son of Ōnamuchi (Ōkuninushi) with one of his wives,Nunakawahime ofKoshi.[2][29]
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Takeminakata appears in both theKojiki and theKuji Hongi in the context of Ōkuninushi's "transfer of the land" (kuni-yuzuri) to theamatsukami, the gods of the heavenly realm ofTakamagahara.[5][30]
When the heavenly deities, headed by the sun goddessAmaterasu and/or theprimordial deityTakamimusubi, sentTakemikazuchi and another messenger[a] to demand that Ōkuninushi relinquish his authority over the earthly realm ofAshihara no Nakatsukuni (the "Central Land of Reed-Plains") to Amaterasu's progeny, he told the messengers to consult his sonKotoshironushi, who immediately accepted their demands and advised his father to do likewise. Upon being asked if he had any other sons who ought to express their opinion, Ōkuninushi told the messengers that he had another son named Takeminakata. Takeminakata then appeared, bearing a heavy boulder (千引之石,chibiki no iwa, i.e. a boulder so large it would take a thousand men to pull) on his fingertips, challenging Takemikazuchi to a test of strength. Takeminakata attempted to grab the messenger's arm(s)[b], but Takemikazuchi transformed them into a column of ice and then a sword blade, frightening him. Takemikazuchi then retaliated by grasping and crushing Takeminakata's arm(s)[b] "like a young reed," causing Takeminakata to flee. The defeated god fled toLake Suwa in theland of Shinano, where he was cornered. To save his life, Takeminakata surrendered, vowing never to leave Suwa. With Takeminakata's surrender, Ōkuninushi finally agreed to cede the land to theamatsukami and withdrew himself into the unseen spirit world.[31][30][32][33][34]
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The opening section of theSuwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba, aNanboku-chō period compilation of legends and other information regarding Suwa Shrine and its festivals completed in 1356, retells theKuji Hongi version of this story, albeit with Takeminakata's shameful defeat in the hands of Takemikazuchi notably omitted.[35]
In the province of Shinano in Japan, there is a sacred shrine [known as] Suwa Daimyōjin. The origins of the deity's descent are ancient and profound. Humbly looking into what the national histories relate, theKuji Hongi states:
Amaterasu-Ōmikami issued a command and sent down two deities,Futsunushi-no-Kami (ofKatori Shrine inShimōsa Province) andTakeikatsuchi-no-Kami (ofKashima Shrine inHitachi), to the land of Izumo. They proclaimed toŌanamuchi (ofKitsuki inIzumo [and]Miwa inYamato), "The Central Land of Reed-Plains is the land entrusted to our heir. Will you offer this land up to the heavenly deities?"Ōanamuchi said, "Ask my son,Kotoshironushi-no-Kami (ofNagata Shrine inSettsu; eighth [patron deity of] theJingi-kan); he will give you an answer."
Kotoshironushi-no-Kami said, "My father ought respectfully to withdraw. I, too, shall not oppose this."
[The messengers said,] "Do you have any other sons who ought to speak?"
"There is also my son, Takeminakata-no-Kami (of Suwa Shrine)."
[He] came, bearing a heavy boulder on his fingertips, saying, "Who is it who has come to our land and is talking so furtively? I wish to challenge you to a test of strength."When he took his hand,he caused ice to appear, and then he manifested a sword. Upon arriving at the sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano, Takeminakata-no-Kami said, "I will go to no other place."
This is theorigin story of this shrine'smanifestation (当社垂迹ノ本縁).[c][37]
Originally, it was believed that the compiler,Suwa (Kosaka) Enchū (1295-1364), a member of a branch of the Suwa clan based inKyoto, deliberately edited the story to cast the shrine's deity in a more favorable light.[35] However, recent scholarship by Ryōtarō Maeda (2020) suggests Enchū did not have access to theKuji Hongi text itself; rather, he appears to have relied on an abridged excerpt titled "The Matter of Suwa Shrine" (諏方社事,Suwa-sha no koto). This text is found appended to theKojiki Jōkan-shō (古事記上巻抄,“Excerpt from the Upper Volume of the Kojiki”), a manuscript copy of theKojiki'skuni-yuzuri account preserved in the library of Shinpuku-ji (Ōsu Kannon) inNagoya. Notably, this text omits the passage describing Takeminakata’s defeat, replacing it with the notationunnun (云々, "and so forth" or "etc.").[38][39]
This excerpt is thought to have been produced by theUrabe clan, a priestly lineage associated with theYoshida andHirano Shrines in Kyoto influential in theDepartment of Divinities (Jingi-kan). The Urabe frequently utilized theKuji Hongi as a primary reference for inquiries regarding shrine origins. During his research for what would become theEkotoba, Enchū is known to have consulted with two Urabe clan members—Urabe Kanetoyo (卜部兼豊) of the Yoshida branch, then serving as senior assistant director (神祇大輔,jingi taifu) of theJingi-kan, and Urabe Kanemae (卜部兼前) of the Hirano branch. It is highly probable that one of these men provided Enchū with the redacted account.[39]
The ambiguity in the classical Chinese syntax also allowed Enchū to reinterpret the narrative. While the original myth has Takemikazuchi transforming his own arm into ice and a sword, theEkotoba presents it asTakeminakata manifesting these elements as a display of his power (即氷ヲ成立、又劍ヲ取成, "he (Takeminakata) caused ice to appear, and then he manifested a sword"). This reinterpretation transformed Takeminakata from a defeated figure into a triumphant god who chose to remain in Suwa of his own volition.[39]
AShinto-Buddhist liturgical text (講式,kōshiki) composed by Enchū around the same time period as theEkotoba, theSuwa Daimyōjin Koshiki (諏方大明神講式), makes use of theKugi Hongi account in a similar vein:
The manifestations of greatavatars (大權ノ應迹) appear according to the needs of beings, and the comings and goings of the unseen hosts are not fixed by time. Sometimes the [Suwa] Deity is regarded as a spirit born in foreign lands (他國應生之靈); at other times, a fundamental deity of our country (我朝根本之神). These diverging theories are inconsistent and difficult for ordinary minds to fathom. Yet the divine workings are inexhaustible and cannot be confined to a single aspect. (...) [W]hen one consults theSendai Kuji Hongi and investigates the past events of the [Deity's] descent in theDivine Age, it is clear that the origins of this country's earthly deities far precede the primordial beginnings of other nations. In that text, it is written that the deity of this shrine is none other than Takeminakata-no-Kami, the divine grandson ofSosanō-no-Mikoto and the son of Ōanamuchi-no-Kami.
Volume 3 of theKuji Hongi states:
- "When he arrived at the Sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano, Takeminakata-no-Kami declared: "I will go to no other place. I will not disobey the command of my father, Ōkuninushi-no-Kami, nor the words of my elder brother, Yae-Kotoshironushi-no-Kami. I yield this Central Land of Reed Plains to the august child of the heavenly deities.'"
It further states that "Takeminakata-no-Kami resides in Suwa Shrine of Suwa District in Shinano Province." He is thus, without question, a fundamental numinous deity of theland of Wa (和國根本之靈神). Could he not truly be the original master of the founding of Japan (日本草創之本主)? The record cannot be doubted; this theory is most worthy of our trust.[40]
This more heroic depiction of Takeminakata in theEkotoba had a lasting impact, especially before theKojiki became widely popular during theEdo period. It introduced this version of the myth (which seems to have originally been specific to the imperial court and was unknown in Suwa itself - see 'Analysis' below) to the Suwa region, where it influenced subsequent texts.[41]
According to Maeda (2023), theEkotoba was likely introduced to Suwa no earlier than the 17th century. It was gradually accepted by the priestly families of Suwa Shrine, who then created numerous copies of it. The influence of theEkotoba is evident in various texts from the area. For example, theShinshu Suwa Daimyōjin Engi (信州諏方大明神縁起, "The Origin Story of Suwa Daimyōjin of Shinano Province"), written in 1684 by thehatamotoSuwa Morieda (1646-1695), the younger brother ofSuwa Tadaharu, the thirddaimyō ofTakashima Domain, retells the reinterpretedkuni-yuzuri myth. Morieda framed Takeminakata's actions in a Neo-Confucian light, comparing his ceding of the land to a meritorious act of filial piety comparable toTaibo's renunciation of the throne ofZhou.[41]
They (Futsunushi and Takemikazuchi) also made the declaration [to cede the land] to this god (Takeminakata), but this god would not easily give his assent. Bearing a heavy boulder on his fingertips, he came, saying, "Who has come forth, saying these things? I wish to have a contest of strength." [But] he repented and eventually ceded the Central Land to the Heavenly Grandson. He departed, arriving at the sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano.
'It may be said that he is supreme in virtue, and the people could not praise him [enough].' (可謂至徳也、已民無得而稱焉)[d] This is he who is now known as Suwa Daimyōjin.[42]
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Even in the 19th century, when knowledge of theKojiki and its less flattering account of Takeminakata's defeat became more widespread, this positive reinterpretation persisted within Suwa: a mid-19th century genealogical chart of Takeminakata issued by the Upper Shrine for instance quotes theShinshu Suwa Daimyōjin Engi.[43] A document submitted in 1834 to the Commissioner of Shrines and Temples (Jisha-bugyō) by the Lower Shrine's Momoi clan (桃井氏) of priests relates the following:
When the two deities of Kashima and Katori came down to the land of Izumo at the command of the heavenly deities, he [Takeminakata] fought for his land bearing a heavy rock on his fingertips and engaged in a test of strength.He also took up a sword and exhibited valor. When he, leading [an army of] divine soldiers, arrived at the sea of Suwa in the land of Shinano, he offered up the Central Land of the Reed Plains to the Heavenly Grandson. As his divine father had ceded the land, he made a vow to never go to another place. This is the account of this shrine's establishment.[44]
A third text found in the archives of the Upper Shrine's Moriya (守矢氏) priestly clan titled "The Origin of Suwa Daimyōjin" (諏訪大明神由来,Suwa Daimyōjin yurai) features Takeminakata striking fear into Futsunushi and Takemikazuchi after displaying his power to them, only agreeing to cede Ashihara no Nakatsukuni after he was convinced by their reasoning. The three then go to Suwa, where they defeat the local deityMoriya (see below).[45]
Similar attempts at retelling or reinterpreting the myth in a more positive way are found in other texts. In one version, for instance, Takeminakata is portrayed as going to Suwa not so much to flee from Takemikazuchi but to pacify it under the orders of his father Ōkuninushi.[46]
A variant found in a commentary on theNihon Shoki penned by a 15th-century monk named Shun'yu (春瑜), theNihon Shoki Shikenmon (日本書紀私見聞), claims 'Suwa Daimyōjin' (諏防大明神) to be the third son of the deitySannō Gongen, the guardian deity ofMount Hiei. After engaging in a failed rebellion against Amaterasu, the deity surrendered and settled down in the land of Shinano.[47]
Local legends from within Nagano Prefecture claim Takeminakata to have passed or stayed in various places within the region during his escape. A local legend inShimoina District (located south of Suwa) for instance claims that Takemikazuchi caught up with the fleeing Takeminakata in the modern village ofToyooka, where they agreed to an armistice and left imprints of their hands on a rock as a sign of their agreement. The rock, bearing the gods' supposed handprints (tegata), is found in Otegata Shrine (御手形神社) in Toyooka.[48] After Takemikazuchi's departure, Takeminakata temporarily resided in the neighboring village ofŌshika, where he discovered hot springs of saltwater while hunting for deer.[49][50][51]
The contest between Takemikazuchi and Takeminakata has also been sometimes interpreted as anorigin myth forsumo wrestling andaiki.[52][53][54] This interpretation apparently follows an alternative reading of the text which sees Takemikazuchi as not so much crushing and tearing Takeminakata's arm(s) off but seizing him by the arm and throwing him into the ground.
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A foundational myth from the Suwa area portrays the advent of Suwa Myōjin and his conflict with the local godMoriya (Moreya). This story is recorded in several medieval texts, each with unique details.
TheSuwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba relates a variant of this myth as an origin story of Fujishima Shrine (藤島社) inSuwa City, one of the Upper Shrine'sauxiliary shrines where its yearly rice-planting ceremony is traditionally held.[55][56][57] In this version, the deity of Fujishima Shrine (藤嶋ノ明神,Fujishima no Myōjin) - usually equated with Suwa Myōjin - defeats "Moriya the evil outlaw" (洩矢ノ惡賊,Moriya no akuzoku) with a wisteria branch:
Regarding the god of Fujishima [Shrine] (藤嶋ノ明神,Fujishima no Myōjin): when the revered Deity (尊神,sonjin, i.e. Suwa Myōjin)manifested long ago, Moriya the evil outlaw (洩矢ノ惡賊,Moriya no akuzoku), seeking to prevent the god from establishing his sacred domain, took up an iron ring (鐵輪) to fight him, but the [Fujishima] Deity picked up a wisteria branch and defeated [Moriya]. Ultimately, he brought down the evil ring (邪輪,jarin) and establishedthe true Dharma (正法,shōbō). When the Deity pronounced a vow and threw the wisteria branch away, immediately it took root [in the ground], its branches and leaves flourishing in abundance, and [sprouted] beautiful blossoms, leaving behind a marker of the battleground for posterity. For this reason, he is called the Fujishima ('Wisteria Island') Deity.[e][58][59]
Another version of this myth is recorded in theSuwa Nobushige Gejō (諏訪信重解状, "The Petition of Suwa Nobushige"). This document purports to be a formal petition submitted in 1249 by the Upper Shrine of Suwa's high priest orŌhōri (大祝), Suwa Nobushige, to theKamakura shogunate in order to assert the Upper Shrine's primacy and legitimacy over the Lower Suwa Shrine. However, it is now regarded by some scholars as apocryphal, likely a forgery created in the 14th century or later.[60][61] In this version, the Suwa deity is portrayed as descending from heaven in order to take possession of the land of 'Moriya Daijin' (守屋大臣, lit. 'Minister Moriya').
On the [Deity's] Manifestation at the Foot of Mount Moriya (守屋山麓御垂跡事)
Upon reverent examination of ancient traditions (舊貫), [we have found that] this place (砌,migiri) was once the domain of the Minister Moriya (守屋大臣,Moriya Daijin). When the great god (大神) came down from heaven, the Minister attempted to prevent the Deity (明神,Myōjin) from residing here, striving to repel him. The Deity, in turn, devised a secret plan to make this land his own. This led to disputes, and then to outright battles, with neither side able to claim victory.
Hereupon, the Deity brought forth a wisteria hook (藤鎰), while the Minister wielded an iron hook (鐵鎰). Anchoring them into the [contested] ground, they pulled [against one another]; the Deity, with his wisteria hook, emerged victorious in this martial contest. He then cast out and punished Minister Moriya.
From the time he chose this shrine as his abode until now, hundreds of years have passed, during which the fame of our god has spread throughout the land. The traces [of the Deity's miraculous deeds] remain visible even today (lit. "The traces are ever new").
The Deity planted the wisteria hook in front of this shrine, and it grew and flourished, becoming known as the "Forest of Fujisuwa" (藤諏訪之森). Twice a year, sacred rites are performed there. Since then, this district has been named 'Suwa' (諏方).
Now the Lower Shrine, by virtue of a marital pact with our shrine, is known as [the shrine of] thePrincess Deity (姫大明神,Hime Daimyōjin). However, if our (i.e. the Upper Shrine's) Deity had not driven Moriya out, how could he possibly have foundedboth shrines? That ours had been the main shrine since the very moment [the Deity] descended from heaven is therefore perfectly clear.[f][55][62][63]
This portrayal of Suwa Myōjin as a heavenly deity can also be observed in other texts such as theInako Ōmatsubara Daimyōjin Engi (伊那古大松原大明神縁起), the origin narrative of Matsubara Suwa Shrine[64] (located in the town ofKoumi at the eastern part of Nagano Prefecture) composed in 1340, where Suwa Myōjin describes his descent couched in Buddhist terminology:
"For the benefit of all sentient beings, I hid my compassionate and gentle form and revealed a manifestation (現垂迹, lit. "caused a trace (suijaku) to appear"). I departed from the realm (lit. "capital") ofDharma-Nature (法性都); from theHigh Plain of Heaven, I divided heaven and earth. When I descended from heaven, I paused at the foot of this tree and, with the water of this pond, I first performed the ritual purification of my hands, rinsed my feet, and calmed my spirit. I reached the district of Suwa; at that moment, I manifested my trace."[65]
Moriya being called 'Minister Moriya' (Moriya Daijin) in theGejō suggests that the deity was already being conflated with the historical figureMononobe no Moriya at the time the text was composed. TheSuwa Daimyōjin Kōshiki already hints at this connection by drawing a parallel between the two figures:
That Mononobe no Moriya was an enemy of Buddhism. Prince Jōgū (Shōtoku) executed him, causing the Sun of Wisdom to shine over the village of Wakaki (若木郷, lit. "Village of Young Trees"). [Likewise,] this Yamabe (?) no Moriya (山家洩矢) is the nemesis of the divine. The Deity of this shrine punished him, and the divine majesty was displayed splendidly throughout the realm ofFusō. Though the nature of these rebels differs, their names are uncannily alike.[66]
The local deity Moriya's outright conflation with Mononobe no Moriya can already be observed in theJinshi Keizu (神氏系図, "Genealogy of the Jin (Miwa) Clan"), a lineage record of the Kyoto branch of the Suwa clan attributed to Suwa Sadamichi (諏訪貞通), Enchū's third great-grandson and the copyist of the extantKōshiki manuscript. The text dates the arrival of Suwa Myōjin during the reign ofEmperor Yōmei (585-587) - the precise era of the historical conflict between Prince Shōtoku and Mononobe no Moriya - and describes him as defeating 'Moriya' (守屋) in a battle at Mount Moriya. This same variant appears in another genealogical record of the Suwa clan.[67][68]
The Deity's arrival in Suwa District in the province of Shinano occurred during the reign of the 32nd human sovereign, Emperor Yōmei.At that time, there was an eight-year-old boy (later styled Arikazu (有員)) who accompanied the Deity. Moriya (守屋) opposed the great god, and a battle took place at Mount Moriya. The boy, leading divine troops, routed Moriya. Then, at the foot of that mountain, he constructed a sanctuary.[68]
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In later versions of this story which combine it with thekuni-yuzuri myth, Moriya opposes Takeminakata after the latter had fled from Izumo. Following his defeat, Moriya swears allegiance to Takeminakata, becoming a loyal ally.[69][70] This event establishes a new order, with Moriya becoming the divine ancestor of the Moriya clan (守矢氏), one of the former priestly lineages of the Upper Shrine.[71]
While medieval sources such as Nobushige's petition and theEkotoba situate the battle between the two gods in the slopes ofMount Moriya somewhere in the vicinity of the Upper Shrine (modernSuwa City), a variant legend first attested inEdo period texts instead place it on the banks of theTenryū River (modernOkaya City).[72][69][71][73]
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Local folklore describes other deities who submitted to or resisted the Suwa deity's rule. One such figure was Yatsukao-no-Mikoto (矢塚男命), also known as Ganigawara (蟹河原長者Ganigawara-chōja), portrayed in a late legend as a powerful horse breeder who is said to have opposed both Takeminakata and his new ally, Moriya. According to this story, Ganigawara held Moriya in contempt for surrendering and had his servants harass him. When the harassment escalated to violence against Takeminakata's dwelling, Takeminakata retaliated. In the ensuing battle, Ganigawara was mortally wounded. Begging Moriya for forgiveness, he entrusted his youngest daughter to Takeminakata, who in turn gave her in marriage to the god Taokihooi-no-Mikoto (手置帆負命), also known as Hikosachi-no-Kami (彦狭知神)[g], who had been injured by Ganigawara's men.[77][78][79][80][81]
In another legend, a god named Takei-Ōtomonushi (武居大伴主神 or 武居大友主神) swore allegiance to Takeminakata and became the ancestor of a line of priests in the Lower Shrine known as theTakeihōri (武居祝).[82][77] Yet another story relates that the Suwa deity forbade the goddess of Sakinomiya Shrine (先宮神社) in Owa,Suwa City from building a bridge over the creek before her shrine as punishment for her refusal to submit to him.[77][83]
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Before the abolition of the Suwa Grand Shrine's traditional priestly offices during theMeiji period, the Upper Shrine of Suwa's high priest orŌhōri (大祝 'great priest'; alsoŌhafuri) was a young boy chosen from theSuwa clan, who was, during his term of office, considered to bea living god, the visible incarnation or 'body' of the unseen god of the shrine.[84][85]
The legend of how Suwa Myōjin chose his first priest is recounted in various sources, such as theSuwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba:
At the beginning of the god'smanifestation, he took off his robe, put them on an eight year old boy, and dubbed him 'great priest' (Ōhōri). The god declared, "I do not have a body and so make this priest (hōri) my body."
This [boy] is Arikazu (有員), the priest of the sacred robe (御衣祝Misogihōri), the founding ancestor of the Miwa/Jin (神, i.e. Suwa) clan.[h]
Although most sources (such as theEkotoba above) identify the boy with the semi-legendary priest Arikazu, who is said to have lived in the9th century (earlyHeian period) during the reign ofEmperor Kanmu (781-806) or his immediate successorsHeizei (806-809) orSaga (809-823),[87][88][89][90] two genealogical lists - of disputed historical reliability[91][92] - instead identify the first priest with an individual named Otoei (乙頴) or Kumako (神子 or 熊古), a son of Mase-gimi (麻背君) or Iotari (五百足), head of the Kanasashi clan andkuni no miyatsuko of Shinano during the late 6th century.[93][94]
One of these two texts is a genealogy of the Aso (阿蘇) clan ofAso Shrine inKyushu known as the 異本阿蘇氏系図 (Ihon Asoshi Keizu).[95][96] It reads in part:
Otoei (Ōhōri of the great god of Suwa): also known as Kumako (神子) or Kumako (熊古).
When he was eight years old, the great god Minakatatomi-no-Mikoto appeared, took off his robe and put them on Kumako, declaring, "I do not have a body and so make you my body." In the third month of the second year ofIware Ikebe no Ōmiya (587), a sanctuary (社壇) was built at the foot of the mountain at the southern side of the lake (i.e. Lake Suwa) to worship the great god of Suwa and various other gods ...[i]
The other is theŌhōri-ke Jinshi Keizu (大祝家神氏系図), a genealogy of the Suwa clan discovered in theŌhōri's residence in 1884 (Meiji 17).[97][98][99] It portrays Arikazu as a descendant of Kumako, the priest chosen by Takeminakata:
When Kumako was eight years old, the revered deity appeared, took off his robe and put them on Kumako. After declaring, "I do not have a body and so make you my body," he disappeared.[j] This [Kumako] is the ancestor of Arikazu of the Miwa/Jin (Suwa) clan, theMisogihōri. In the second year of Emperor Yōmei, Kumako built a sanctuary at the foot of the mountain at the southern side of the lake.[k]
A medieval Buddhist legend portrays Suwa Myōjin as a king from India who later achieved enlightenment and went to Japanto become a nativekami.
A short text attached to a late 15th century copy of an ordinance regulating the Upper Shrine's ritual puritytaboos (物忌みmonoimi) originally enforced in 1238 and revised in 1317, theSuwa Kamisha monoimi no rei no koto (諏訪上社物忌令之事),[100] relates that 'Takeminakata Myōjin' (武御名方明神) was originally the ruler ofa certain Indian kingdom called 'Hadai' (波堤国Hadai-koku)[l] who survived an insurrection instigated by a rebel named 'Moriya' (守屋 or 守洩) during the king's absence while the latter was out hunting deer. After going toPersia to rescue its inhabitants from an evil dragon, the king ruled over it for some time as 'Emperor Suwa' (陬波皇帝Suwa Kōtei) before retiring to "cultivate the seedling of virtueand realize the Buddhist path." He eventually manifested in Japan, appearing in various places before finally choosing to dwell in Suwa.[103][104][105]
TheSuwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba relates a slightly different, fuller version of the first half of this story as an origin myth for the Upper Shrine's hunting ceremony held every seventh month of the year at Misayama (御射山) on the slopes of theYatsugatake Mountains:
If one should inquire about the origins (因縁in'en, lit. 'causes and conditions') of this hunt: long ago, the Daimyōjin was the king of the land of Hadai inIndia who went out to hunt atDeer Park from the twenty-seventh to the thirtieth day ofthe seventh month. At that time, a traitorous vassal named Bikyō (美教) suddenly organized an army and sought to kill the king. The king, ringing a golden bell, looked up to heaven and shouted eight times: "I am now about to be killed by this rebel. I have hunted animals, not for my own enjoyment, but in order to lead them to the Buddhist path. If this my action is in accordance with Heaven's will, mayBrahmā save me."
Brahmā then saw this and commanded thefour great deva-kings to wieldvajra-poles and destroy the army. It is said that the Misayama (三齋山) of today reflects that event.
... One should know, therefore, that the deity's compassionate hunting is anexpedient means for the salvation of creatures.[106]
Regarding the Upper Shrine's hunting rituals, theMonoimi no rei asserts that
[The shrine's] hunts began in the deer park of Hadai-no-kuni [in India]. [The use of] hawks began inMagada-no-kuni.[107]
The second half of the legend (the slaying of the dragon in Persia and the king's migration to Japan) is used by theEkotoba's compiler, Suwa Enchū, in a liturgical text, theSuwa Daimyōjin Kōshiki (諏方大明神講式),[108][109][103] where it is introduced as an alternative, if somewhat less credible, account of the Suwa deity's origins (in comparison to the myth of Takeminakata of Izumo as found in theKuji Hongi, touted by the same text as the authoritative origin story of the god) that nevertheless should not be suppressed.[110] In this text, the king of Hadai is claimed to be a great-great-grandson ofKing Siṃhahanu (獅子頬王Shishikyō-ō),Gautama Buddha's grandfather.[111] Bikyō, the rebel who raised up an army against the king in India - identified as an incarnation of theDemon King (魔王) - is also said to have eventually manifested in Japan, opposing the deity in Suwa as "Moriya the evil outlaw."[112]
A similar account appears in a work known as theSuwa Jinja Engi (諏訪神社縁起) orSuwa Shintō Engi (諏訪神道縁起),[113] wherein the Suwa deity is identified as the son of Kibonnō (貴飯王), the son of Amṛtodana (甘呂飯王Kanrobonnō), one of Siṃhahanu's four sons. The Lower Shrine's goddess, meanwhile, is the daughter ofPrasenajit (波斯匿王Hashinoku-ō), claimed here to be the son of Dronodana (黒飯王Kokubonnō), another son of Siṃhananu.[114]
During the Misayama festival as performed during the medieval period, theŌhōri recited aritual declaration supposedly composed by the Suwa deity himself known as theSuwa Mishirushibumi (陬波御記文),[115] which begins:
I, Great King Suwa (陬波大王), have hidden my person during[the year/month/day of] the Yang Wood Horse (甲午kinoe-uma).
[The name] 'Suwa' (陬波) and [the sign] Yang Wood Horse [and] the seal (印文)[m] - these three are all one and the same.[n]
Within the text, King Suwa (i.e. Suwa Myōjin) declares theŌhōri to be his 'truebody' (真神体shin no shintai) and the Misayama (三斎山) hunting grounds below Yatsugatake (here likened toVulture Peak in India) to be another manifestation of himself that cleanses (斎) the three (三) evils:evil thoughts, evil speech and evil actions.[119][120] He promises that whoever sets foot at Misayama will not fall intothe lower, evil realms of existence (悪趣akushu); conversely, the god condemns and disowns whoever defiles the hunting grounds by cutting down its trees or digging out the soil.[121]
A commentary on theMishirushibumi, theSuwa Shichū (陬波私注 "Personal Notes on theSuwa Mishirusibumi," written 1313–1314),[122] elaborates on the text by retelling the legend of Suwa Myōjin's consecration of his first priest:
TheDaimyōjin was born during [the year/month/day of] the Yang Wood Horse and disappeared during [the year/month/day of] the Yang Wood Horse.
Sokutan Daijin (続旦大臣) was the Daimyōjin's uncle who accompanied him from India. When the Daimyōjin was to disappear, he took off his garments, put them on the Daijin, and dubbed him theMisogihōri (御衣木法理). He then pronounced a vow: "You shall consider this priest to be my body."[o]
The same text identifies the god's uncle Sokutan Daijin with Arikazu.[124][125][p]
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Two texts, theMonoimi no rei[127][128] and theSuwa Shichū (陬波私注 "Personal Notes on theSuwa Mishirusibumi," written 1313–1314),[122] mention an oral legend about Suwa Myōjin pacifying the waves of thefour seas by subduing an unrulyfrog god.
Suwa (陬波) should be read as "the waves are calm." When a frog god (蝦蟆神), being a harmful god (荒神kōjin), caused suffering tothe realm, theDaimyōjin quelled it and came to reside here; [because] thefour seas were calm, it is called Suwa.[q][129]
After defeating this frog, Suwa Myōjin then blocked the way to its dwelling - a hole leading to the underwater palace of thedragon god of the sea, theRyūgū-jō - with a rock and sat on it.[122][130][131]
This story functions as anetiological legend for the annual sacrifice of frogs held everyNew Year's Day in the Upper Shrine (see below)[132] as well as yet anotherfolk etymology for the toponym 'Suwa' (rendered here as 陬波), here explained as deriving either from a term for a wave lapping onto the sea's edge[133] or a reference to the deity's pacification of the waters: "the waves are calm."[134]
The portrayal of Suwa Myōjin's enemy as a frog also hints at the deity's character as a serpentine water god.[133] (As a point of comparison, the obscure snake godUgajin was also credited with defeating a malevolent frog deity.[135]) The frog god itself has been interpreted either as representing the native deitiesMishaguji and/or Moriya, with its defeat symbolizing the victory of the cult of Suwa Myōjin over the indigenous belief system,[136][137] or as a symbol of the Buddhist concept of thethree poisons (ignorance, greed, and hatred), which Suwa Myōjin, asan incarnation of the bodhisattvaSamantabhadra, his esoteric aspectVajrasattva and theWisdom KingTrailokyavijaya (interpreted as a manifestation of Vajrasattva), is said to destroy.[135]
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Folk belief has long held the god of Suwa Shrine to assume the form of a serpent or dragon. Consequently, the deity appears as such in a number of folktales and anecdotes.
In one such story, Suwa Myōjin once came toIzumo Province in the form of a dragon so gigantic that only his head can be seen; his tail was still at Suwa, caught in a tall pine tree by the shores of the lake. The other gods, upon seeing him, were so astounded and frightened at his enormous size that they exempted him from attending their yearly meetings.[138][139] Thus, the deity of Suwa is claimed to be one of the very fewkami in Japan who do not leave their shrines during the month ofKannazuki, when most gods are thought to gather at Izumo and thus are absent from most of the country. The supposed tree where the dragon's tail was caught (currently reduced to a stump) is locally known asOkakematsu (尾掛松).[140]
A variant of this story transposes the setting from Izumo to theImperial Palace inKyoto; in this version, the variouskami are said to travel to the ancient capital everyNew Year's Day to greet the emperor.[141]
Another popular story promulgated by wandering preachers associated with the shrines of Suwa during the medieval period claimed the Suwa deity to have originally beenKōga Saburō, a warrior who temporarily became a dragon or a snake after a journey into the underworld.[142][143][144][145]
Cracks and ridges that form on a frozenLake Suwa during cold winters have traditionally been interpreted as the trail left behind by Suwa Myōjin as he leaves theUpper Shrine and crosses the lake to meet his wife enshrined on the Lower Shrine on the opposite (northern) shore.[146] CalledOmiwatari (御神渡 'the god's crossing' or 'the god's pathway'), the cracks were considered to be a good omen for the coming year.[147] The priests of the Grand Shrine of Suwa traditionally used the crack's appearance to divine the quality of the year's harvest.[148] For the locals, the crack also served as a sign that the frozen lake was safe to walk upon.[149][150] Conversely, theomiwatari's failure to appear at all (明海ake no umi) or the cracks forming in an unusual way were held to be a sign of bad luck for the year.[148]
Since the late 20th century, theomiwatari has become a much rarer sight than it was in the past due to rising temperatures caused byglobal warming.[147][151][152]
Suwa Myōjin is also considered to be agod of war, one of a number of such deities in the Japanese pantheon. TheRyōjin Hishō compiled in 1179 (the lateHeian period) also attest to the worship of the god of Suwa in the capacity of god of warfare at the time of its compilation, naming the shrine of Suwa among famous shrines to martial deities in the eastern half of the country.
These gods of war liveeast of the barrier:[r]
Kashima,Katori, Suwa no Miya, andHira Myōjin;
alsoSu inAwa,Otaka Myōjin inTai no Kuchi,
Yatsurugi inAtsuta, andTado no Miya inIse.
During the medieval period, legends claiming Suwa Myōjin to have appeared and provided assistance to eminent figures such asEmpress Jingū[155] or the generalSakanoue no Tamuramaro[156][157][158] during their respective military campaigns circulated.
The god of Suwa was also credited with the attemptedMongol invasions of Japan underKublai Khan. TheTaiheiki recounts a story where a five-colored cloud resembling a serpent (a manifestation of the god) rose up fromLake Suwa and spread away westward to assist the Japanese army against the Mongols.[159][160]
On the seventh day, when the Imperial devotions were completed, from Lake Suwa there arose a cloud of many colours, in shape like a great serpent, which spread away towards the west. The doors of the Temple-treasury ofHachiman flew open, and the skies were filled with a sound of galloping horses and of ringing bits. Inthe twenty-one shrines of Yoshino the brocade-curtained mirrors moved, the swords of the Temple-treasury put on a sharp edge, and all the shoes offered to the god turned towards the west. AtSumiyoshi sweat poured from below the saddles of the four horses sacred to the deities, and the iron shields turned of themselves and faced the enemy in a line.[161][162]
Takeminakata's abrupt appearance in theKojiki's version of thekuni-yuzuri myth has long puzzled scholars, as the god is mentioned nowhere else in the work, including the genealogy of Ōkuninushi's progeny that precedes thekuni-yuzuri narrative proper.[163] Aside from the parallel account contained in theKuji Hongi (which was itself based on theKojiki[164]), he is altogether absent from theNihon Shoki's version of the myth.[165][166] Early documents from Izumo such as the province'sFudoki also fail to mention any god named '(Take)minakata', nor is there apparently any sign of Takeminakata worship in Izumo in antiquity.[164]
Pre-modern authors such asMotoori Norinaga tended to explain Takeminakata's absence outside of theKojiki and theKuji Hongi by conflating the god with certain obscure deities found in other sources thought to share certain similar characteristics (e.g.Isetsuhiko).[167] While a few modern scholars still suppose some kind of indirect connection between the deity and Izumo by postulating that Takeminakata's origins lie either in peoples that migrated from Izumo northwards to Suwa and theHokuriku region[168] or in Hokuriku itself (the ancientprovince of Koshi, a region apparently once under Izumo'ssphere of influence as can be inferred from the myth of Ōkuninushi's marriage to Nunakawahime),[169] others instead propose that the connection between Takeminakata and Izumo is an artificial construct by theKojiki's compilers.[164][8][170][171]
The contest between Takeminakata and Takemikazuchi - an element absent in other versions of thekuni-yuzuri myth cycle - is often explained as being either a new myth invented to serve the interests of the imperial court and theFujiwara clan, descendants of theNakatomi clan that had worshiped Takemikazuchi as apatron deity[171] (indeed, in other versions it is the godFutsunushi that takes center stage rather than Takemikazuchi, who is believed to have taken on Futsunushi's roles and attributes after the Nakatomi rose to power[172]), or an adaptation/reversal of a myth concerning a battle between an interloping god and a local deity preserved in the Suwa region (see below), with Takeminakata (the invading conqueror in Suwa myth) being recast into the role of the subjugated earthlykami.[173]
The myth of Takeminakata's (Suwa Myōjin's) arrival in Suwa and his defeat of the god Moriya has been interpreted as the mythicization of a historical event in which a local lineage of chieftains who ruled the Suwa area was subjugated by invading outsiders, who subsequently set themselves up as the new rulers of the region - all the while still retaining the subjugated clan in an important position as the wielder of spiritual and ritual authority. This theory explains the relation between the Suwa (Miwa/Jin) and Moriya priestly families of the Upper Shrine of Suwa as that of the Moriya clan being the regional power supplanted by the newly arrived Miwa (Suwa) clan.
While one theory places this event during the end of theJōmon period, thus portraying the new arrivals asagrarianYayoi tribes who came into conflict with indigenousJōmon hunter-gatherers,[174][175] others instead propose this conflict to have taken place during the lateKofun period (late 6th-early 7th century), when keyhole-shapedburial mounds containingequestrian gear as grave goods - up to this point found mainly in theShimoina region southwest of Suwa - begin to appear in the Lake Suwa area, replacing the kind of burial that had been common in the region since the early 5th century. This theory thus supposes these migrants to have been a clan allied with theYamato kingdom that specialized in horse breeding and horseback riding. Indeed, the Yamato polity showed strong interest to Shinano because of its suitability as a place for grazing and breeding horses and considered it a strategic base for conquering the eastern regions.[176][177][178][179] This clan, the Miwa (Suwa), is thought to be related to either the Kanasashi clan (金刺氏), an offshoot of a local magnate clan (kuni no miyatsuko) that later became the high priestly family of the Lower Shrine of Suwa,[180] or the Miwa (Ōmiwa) clan (三輪氏) originally based on the area aroundMount Miwa inYamato Province.[181] The theory suggests based on archaeological evidence that the Miwa (Suwa) came to the Suwa Basin from Shimoina, making their way northwards along theTenryū River.[182] In conjunction with this hypothesis, it is pointed out that in theNobushige Gejō (believed to be the earliest attestation of this myth), the Suwa deity is said to have descended from heaven bringing with him bells, amirror, asaddle and abridle.[183][184][185]
This theory that the legend of the Suwa deity's victory over Moriya reflects historical fact has recently come into question. Due to similarities between certain variants of this myth and medieval legends surroundingPrince Shōtoku's defeat ofMononobe no Moriya (e.g. Shōtoku's and Suwa Myōjin's opponents both being named 'Moriya', the deity's manifestation and the foundation of the Upper Shrine being dated to the year 587 - the same year as thebattle between theSoga and theMononobe clans - in some texts), some see the myth as being highly influenced by such stories about Shōtoku (so Ihara, 2008),[186] while others regard it as an outright invention modeled on these legends (Harada, 2018).[187] Aoki (2012) theorizes that the myth developed somewhere during the late Heian and earlyKamakura periods, when the deity of Suwa came to be venerated as a warrior god, and cautions against uncritical application of this story to known archaeological data.[188]
While theKojiki does not yet explicitly mention the worship of Takeminakata in Suwa, by the following century, we see the name applied to the god worshipped in what is now the Grand Shrine of Suwa: aside from theKuji Hongi's (807-936 CE) reference to Takeminakata being enshrined in 'Suwa Shrine in SuwaDistrict'[2][1] theShoku Nihon Kōki mentions the deity 'Minakatatomi-no-Kami of Suwa District, Shinano Province' (信濃国諏訪郡 ... 南方刀美神) being promoted from rankless (无位) to junior fifth rank, lower grade (従五位下) by the imperial court in the year 842 CE (Jōwa 9).[t][189][190][191][192]
During the 850-60s, Takeminakata and his shrine rose very rapidly in rank (Montoku Jitsuroku,Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku), being promoted to the rank of junior fifth, upper grade (従五位上) in 850 (Kashō 3),[u][193] to junior third (従三位) in 851 (Ninju 1),[v][194] to junior (従二位)[w] and then senior second (正二位)[x] in 859 (Jōgan 1),[195] and finally to junior first rank (従一位) in 867 (Jōgan 9).[y][196][191] The influence of the Kanasashi-no-toneri clan is thought to be behind the deity's sudden progress in rank.[192][197]
After a few decades, the 'Register of Deities' (神名帳Jinmyōchō) section of theEngishiki (927) speaks of the 'Minakatatomi Shrine(s)' (南方刀美神社) as enshrining two deities and being the twomajor ('eminent') shrines of Suwa district.[z][198] By 940 (Tengyō 3), the deity had been promoted to the highest rank of senior first (正一位).[192][199]
Suwa Myōjin's spouse is the goddessYasakatome-no-Kami (八坂刀売神), most often considered to be the deity of the Lower Shrine of Suwa or theShimosha.[200] Unlike the relatively well-documented SuwaKamisha, very little concrete information is available regarding the origins of theShimosha and its goddess.[201]
Yasakatome's first historical attestation is in theShoku Nihon Kōki, where the goddess is given the rank of junior fifth, lower grade (従五位下) by the imperial court in the tenth month ofJōwa 9 (842 CE), five months after the same rank was conferred on Takeminakata.[aa][189][202] As Takeminakata rose up in rank, so didYasakatome,[203][193][194][195] so that by 867 CE,Yasakatome had been promoted to senior second (正二位).[196] The goddess was finally promoted to senior first rank (正一位) in 1074 (Jōhō 1).[197]
Stories and claims about the goddess are diverse and contradictory. Regarding her parentage for instance, the lore of Kawaai Shrine (川会神社) inKitaazumi District identifiesYasakatome as the daughter ofWatatsumi, god of the sea,[204]which has been seen as hinting to a connection between the goddess and the seafaringAzumi clan (安曇氏).[205] Another claim originating from sources dating from theEdo period is thatYasakatome was the daughter of Ame-no-yasakahiko (天八坂彦命), a god recorded in theKuji Hongi as one of the companions ofNigihayahi-no-Mikoto when the latter came down from heaven.[206][207][205]
The ice cracks that appear on Lake Suwa during cold winters, theomiwatari (see above) are reputed in folklore to be caused by Suwa Myōjin's crossing the frozen lake to visitYasakatome.[146]
The Kōga Saburō legend identifies the goddess of the Shimosha with Saburō's wife, whose name is given in some variants of the story as 'Princess Kasuga' (春日姫Kasuga-hime).[208][209]
In Suwa, a number of local deities are popularly considered to be the children of Suwa Myōjin and his consort. Ōta (1926) lists the following gods:[210]
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TheSuwa clan who once occupied the position of head priest orōhōri of the SuwaKamisha traditionally considered themselves to be descendants of Suwa Myōjin/Takeminakata,[211][212][213] although historically they are probably descended from the Kanasashi-no-toneri clan appointed by the Yamato court to govern the Suwa area in the 6th century (see above).[214]
The Suwaōhōri was assistedby five priests, some of whom were also considered to be descendants of local deities related to Suwa Myōjin/Takeminakata.[212] One clan, the Koide (小出氏), the original occupants of the offices ofnegi-dayū (禰宜大夫) andgi-no-hōri (擬祝), claimed descent from the god Yakine.[215][216] A second clan, the Yajima (八島(嶋)氏 or 矢島氏), which served asgon-no-hōri (権祝), considered the god Ikeno'o to be their ancestor.[217][218][219][220]
As the gods of the Grand Shrine of Suwa, Suwa Myōjin/Takeminakata andYasakatome also serve as the deities of shrines belonging to the Suwa shrine network (諏訪神社Suwa-jinja) all over Japan.
TheNihon Shoki's record of Yamato emissaries worshipping the god of Suwa alongside the gods ofTatsuta Shrine - worshipped for their power to control and ward off wind-related disasters such asdroughts andtyphoons[221][222][223] - implies that the Yamato imperial court recognized the deity as a god ofwind andwater during the late 7th century.[224][225] One theory regarding the origin of the name '(Take)minakata' even supposes it to derive from a word denoting a body of water (水潟minakata;see above).[16][15][226]
Snake-shaped ironsickle blades callednagikama (薙鎌) were traditionally used in the Suwa region to ward off strong winds, typhoons and other natural disasters; it was once customary fornagikama to be attached to wooden staves and placed on one corner of the rooftop of the house during the autumn typhoon season.[227][228][229]Nagikama are also traditionally hammered onto the trees chosen to become theonbashira of the SuwaKamisha andShimosha some time before these are actually felled.[230] In addition to these and other uses, the blades are also distributed to function asshintai for branch shrines of theSuwa shrine network.[227][231]
Suwa Myōjin's association with thesnake or thedragon in many stories featuring the god such as the Kōga Saburō legend (see'Legends of Suwa Myōjin' above) might be related to his being considered as a deity presiding over wind and water, due to the association of dragons with winds and the rain in Japanese belief.[232][233] (See alsomizuchi.)
During the Middle Ages, under the then-prevalentsynthesis of Buddhism and Shinto, Suwa Myōjin wasidentified with thebodhisattvaSamantabhadra (Fugen),[234][235] with the goddess of theShimosha being associated with thethousand-armed form of the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara (Senju Kannon).[236] During the medieval period,Buddhist temples and other edifices were erected on the precincts of both shrines, including a stonepagoda called theTettō (鉄塔 "iron tower") - symbolizing the legendaryiron tower in India where, according toShingon tradition,Nagarjuna was said to have received esoteric teachings fromVajrasattva (who is sometimes identified with Samantabhadra) - and a sanctuary to Samantabhadra (普賢堂Fugendō), both of which served at the time as theKamisha'smain objects of worship.[237]
With the establishment ofState Shinto after theMeiji Restoration in 1868 and the subsequentseparation of Buddhism and Shinto, the shrine monks (shasō) attached to Buddhist temples in the Suwa shrine complex were laicized, with Buddhist symbols and structures being either removed or destroyed; Buddhist ceremonies performed in both theKamisha and theShimosha, such as the yearly offering of theLotus Sutra to Suwa Myōjin (involving the placing of a copy of the sutra inside theTettō), were discontinued.[238]
Suwa Myōjin is also worshipped as agod of hunting; not surprisingly, some of theKamisha's religious ceremonies traditionally involve(d) ritualhunting and/oranimal sacrifice.
For instance, the Frog Hunting Ritual (蛙狩神事kawazugari shinji) held every New Year's Day involves the shooting (or rather, piercing) of frogs captured from a sacred river or stream within theKamisha's precincts with miniature arrows.[239][240][241] This ritual - which has come under harsh criticism from local activists and animal rights groups for its perceived cruelty to the frogs involved[242][243] - was traditionally performed to secure peace and a bountiful harvest for the coming year.[239]
Another festival, theOntōsai (御頭祭) or theTori no matsuri (酉の祭, so called because it was formerly held on theDay ofthe Rooster) currently held every April 15, feature the offering of seventy-fivestuffed deer heads (a substitute for freshly cut heads of deer used in the past), as well as the consumption ofvenison and othergame such aswild boar orrabbit, various kinds of seafood and other foodstuffs by the priests and other participants in a ritual banquet.[244][245][246][247][248]
One of the SuwaKamisha's hunting festivals, the Misayama Festival (御射山祭), formerly held in a field - thekōya (神野 'the god's plain') - at the foot of theYatsugatake Mountains for five days (from the 26th to the 30th ofthe seventh month),[ab] was one of the grandest festivals in Suwa during theKamakura period, attracting many of thesamurai class from all across Japan who engaged in displays ofmounted archery, bouts ofsumo wrestling andfalconry as part of the festivities, as well as people from all walks of life.[250][251][252] TheShimosha also held its own Misayama Festival at the same time as theKamisha (albeit in a different location), in which various warrior clans also participated.[253][254]
Suwa Myōjin's association with the mountains and hunting is also evident from the description of theōhōri as sitting upon a deer hide (the deer being an animal thought to be sacred to Suwa Myōjin) during theOntōsai ritual as practiced during medieval times.[255][256]
At a time when slaughter of animals and consumption of meat was frowned upon due toMahayana Buddhism'sstrict views on vegetarianism andthe general Buddhist opposition against the taking of life, the cult of Suwa Myōjin was a unique feature in the Japanese religious landscape for its celebration of hunting and meat eating.[257]
A four-line verse attached to the Kōga Saburō legend popularly known as theSuwa no kanmon (諏訪の勘文) encapsulates the justification of meat eating within a Buddhist framework: by being eaten by humans and 'dwelling' inside their bodies, ignorant animals could achieveenlightenment together with their human consumers.[258][259]
業尽有情Gōjin ujō
雖放不生Suihō fushō
故宿人天Koshuku ninten
同証仏果Dōshō bukka[208][260]
Sentient beings who have exhausted theirkarma:
Even if onesets (them) free, (they) will not live (for long);
Therefore (have them) dwell within humans andgods
(That they may) as well achieveBuddhahood
TheKamisha produced special talismans (鹿食免kajiki-men "permit to eatvenison") andchopsticks (鹿食箸kajiki-bashi) that were held to allow the bearer to eat meat.[261][262][263][264] Since it was the only one of its kind in Japan, the talisman was popular among hunters and meat eaters.[212] These sacred licenses and chopsticks were distributed to the public both by the priests of theKamisha as well as wandering preachers associated with the shrine known asoshi (御師), who preached the tale of Suwa Myōjin as Kōga Saburō as well as other stories concerning the god and his benefits.[212][264]
Suwa Myōjin is also considered to be agod of war, one of a number of such deities in the Japanese pantheon. Besides the legend of the god's apparition toSakanoue no Tamuramaro (see above), theRyōjin Hishō compiled in 1179 (the lateHeian period) also attest to the worship of the god of Suwa in the capacity of god of warfare at the time of its compilation, naming the shrine of Suwa among famous shrines to martial deities in the eastern half of the country.
These gods of war liveeast of the barrier:[ac]
Kashima,Katori, Suwa no Miya, andHira Myōjin;
alsoSu inAwa,Otaka Myōjin inTai no Kuchi,
Yatsurugi inAtsuta, andTado no Miya inIse.
During the Kamakura period, the Suwa clan's association with theshogunate and theHōjō clan helped further cement Suwa Myōjin's reputation as a martial deity.[265] The shrines of Suwa and the priestly clans thereof flourished under the patronage of the Hōjō, which promoted devotion to the god as a sign of loyalty to the shogunate.[265] Suwa branch shrines became numerous all across Japan, especially in territories held by clans devoted to the god (for instance, theKantō region, traditional stronghold of theMinamoto (Seiwa Genji) clan).[266]
TheTakeda clan ofKai Province (modernYamanashi Prefecture) were devotees of Suwa Myōjin, its most famous member, the SengokudaimyōTakeda Shingen being no exception.[267][268] His devotion is visibly evident in some of his war banners, which bore the god's name and invocations such asNamu Suwa Nangū Hosshō Kamishimo Daimyōjin (南無諏方南宮法性上下大明神 'Namo Dharma-NatureDaimyōjin of the Suwa Upper and Lower Shrines').[21] The iconic hornedhelmet with the flowing white hair commonly associated with Shingen, popularly known as theSuwa-hosshō helmet (諏訪法性兜Suwa-hosshō-(no)-kabuto), came to be reputed in some popular culture retellings to have been blessed by the god, guaranteeing success in battle to its wearer.[269][270] Shingen also issued an order for the reinstitution of the religious rites of both theKamisha and theShimosha in 1565.[271][272]
{{cite book}}:|author= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)Thereupon Ta-oki-ho-ohi no Kami, ancestor of the Imbe of the Land of Kii, was appointed hatter, Hiko-sachi no Kami was made shield-maker ...[scan
]既以紀伊國忌部遠祖手置帆負神、定爲作笠者。狹知神、爲作盾者。
手置帆負命。讚岐國忌部祖也。產狹知命。紀伊國忌部祖也。
{{cite book}}:|author= has generic name (help){{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help){{cite book}}:|first2= has generic name (help){{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)(in Japanese)| Mythic texts |   | |
|---|---|---|
| Japanese creation myth | ||
| Takamagahara mythology | ||
| Izumo mythology | ||
| Hyūga mythology | ||
| Human age | ||
| Mythological locations | ||
| Mythological weapons | ||
| Major Buddhist figures | ||
| Seven Lucky Gods | ||
| Legendary creatures | ||
| Other | ||