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| Takelma | |
|---|---|
| Ta:kɛlmàʔn | |
| Native to | United States |
| Region | Oregon,Rogue Valley along the middle course of theRogue River |
| Ethnicity | Takelma,Latgawa, Cow Creek band of Upper Umpqua |
| Extinct | 1934, with the death ofFrances Johnson |
| Revival | Cow Creek band of Umpqua tribe has a small group of L2 speakers[1] |
| Dialects |
|
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | tkm |
| Glottolog | take1257 |
Takelma (south), with the Kalapuyan languages to the north | |
| This article containsIPA phonetic symbols. Without properrendering support, you may seequestion marks, boxes, or other symbols instead ofUnicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, seeHelp:IPA. | |
Takelma/təˈkɛlmə/ is the language that was spoken by theLatgawa andTakelma peoples and theCow Creek band of Upper Umpqua, inOregon, United States. The language was extensively described by the German-American linguistEdward Sapir in his graduate thesis,The Takelma Language of Southwestern Oregon (1912). Sapir's grammar together with hisTakelma Texts (1909) are the main sources of information on the language. Both are based on work carried out in 1906 with language consultantFrances Johnson (Takelma nameKʷìskʷasá:n),[2] who lived on to become the last surviving fluent speaker. In 1934, with her death at the age of 99, the language became extinct. An English-Takelma dictionary is currently being created on the basis of printed sources with the aim of reviving the language.[3]
The commonly used English name of the language is derived from Ta:-kɛlm-àʔn, theself-name of the Takelma people, which means "those dwelling along the Rogue River (Ta:-kɛlám)".[a]
There were at least four Takelma dialects:[4]
A few nouns are attested for all four dialects:[5]
| Lower | Upper | B | H | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| "dog" | ts’ìxi | ts’isi | tši:ki: | tši:hwi: |
| "wolf" | pá:xtis | maym | pa:xtiš | poktiš |
| "water" | xí | si | txi: | hwi: |
| "nose" | sini:x- | tsin- | šinik- | šiniš |
| "beaver" | spí:n | tspink | špin | spin |
| "(grizzly) bear" | mèna | menák | mena | mena |
Takelma is accepted as one of the manylanguage isolates of North America. Writing in 1909, Sapir stated that "the Takelma language represents one of the distinct linguistic stocks of North America".[6] He later revised his opinion, and assigned Takelma to the hypotheticalPenutian language family,[b] a grouping that at present is not generally considered established.[7] Over the years, several linguists have presented evidence which, in their view, linked Takelma to the other "Penutian" languages, in particular theKalapuyan languages. A reexamination of the evidence by Tarpent and Kendall (1998, unpublished) however showed that purported lexical and grammatical similarities between Takelma and other languages were erroneous, and they concluded that Takelma is indeed an isolate.[8]
Takelma has 22 phonemic consonants which occur in normal speech. In addition, there are two consonants of restricted use:[c]
| Labial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| plain | sibilant | plain | labialized | |||||
| Nasal | m | n | ||||||
| Plosive/ Affricate | plain | p | t | k | kʷ | ʔ | ||
| aspirated | pʰ | tʰ | kʰ | kʷʰ | ||||
| ejective | pʼ | tʼ | tsʼ | kʼ | kʼʷ | |||
| Fricative | (ɬ) | s | x | h | ||||
| Approximant | l | j | w | |||||
Two consonants do not occur in normal everyday speech:voiceless alveolar lateral fricative /ɬ/ andvoiceless alveopalatal fricative /ɕ/. In the narration of myths, /ɬ/ is the "grizzly-bear prefix" which can be prefixed to any word in the reported speech of thegrizzly bear, symbolizing the animal's coarseness; and /ɕ/ is the "coyote prefix", prefixed to words in the reported speech of thecoyote; thus /kʷìti/ "where?" (normal speech), /ɬkʷìti/ (grizzly bear speaking), /ɕkʷìti/ (coyote speaking).[9]
Consonants /s/ and /ts’/ have optionalalveopalatalallophones [ɕ] and [tɕ’], which occur mainly in word-initial position before a vowel, and intervocalically.[10]
Semivowels /w/ and /y/ are vocalized in syllable-final position, for example:[11]
Takelma has six vowel qualtities, with contrastive length: /a ɛ i o ʉ u/ and /a: ɛ: i: o: ʉ: u:/. The vowel /ɛ/ is open, /o/ is close.[12] Sapir also notes the existence of close /e:/, as in [la:le:tʰam] "you became", [kane:hiʔ] "and then", which he considers to be an (apparently unconditioned) allophone of /i:/.[13]
Stressed syllable are pronounced with apitch-accent, as described by Sapir:[14]
The rising pitch (2) is clearly a conditioned realization of the high pitch (1) that occurs with syllables containing a long vowel, or syllables which end in a resonant /m n l w y/.[14][15] High pitch can thus be said to be phonetically realized on the latter part of a long vowel, or on a syllable-final resonant:[d]
| /kʷá:n/ | [kʷaán] | "trail" |
| /mɛ́:x / | [mɛɛ́x] | "crane" |
| /pí:kʰʷ/ | [piíkʰʷ] | "skunk" |
| /nó:x/ | [noóx] | "rain" |
| /hú:lkʰ/ | [huúlkʰ] | "panther" |
| /kʰʉlʉ́:m/ | [kʰʉlʉʉ́m] | "fish (sp.)" |
| /tasmayám/ | [tasmayaḿ] | "he smiled" |
| /nánk/ | [nańk] | "he will say" |
| /kʷáltʰ/ | [kʷaĺtʰ] | "wind" |
| /kayáw/ | [kayaú] | "he ate it" |
| /ká:y/ | [ka:í] | "grow!" |
There is no pitch in words that are pronounced without stress. As Sapir comments, "it not infrequently happens that the major part of a clause will thus be strung along with-out decided stress-accent until some emphatic noun or verb-form is reached", as in the sentence:
kane:hiʔ
and then
tɛwɛnxa
tomorrow
la:le:
it became
honoʔ
again
pʰɛlɛ̀xaʔ
they went out to war
kane:hiʔ tɛwɛnxa la:le: honoʔ pʰɛlɛ̀xaʔ
{and then} tomorrow {it became} again {they went out to war}
"and then, the next day, they went out to war again"
"All that precedes the main verb form /pʰɛlɛ̀xaʔ/ 'they went out to war' is relatively un-important, and hence is hurried over without anywhere receiving marked stress [or pitch]".[16]
The transcription system used by Sapir (1909, 1912) is the then current version of theAmericanist phonetic notation, which has long since been superseded. Its use in the publications of Sapir and other linguists working in the late 19th and early 20th centuries now impedes accessibility to the modern linguist. Below is a table pairing Sapir's notations with theInternational Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). Note especially Sapir's idiosyncratic way of marking pitch.
| Sapir | IPA | Sapir | IPA | Sapir | IPA |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| m | /m/ | a | /a/ | o | /o/ |
| n | /n/ | a` | /á/ | o` | /ó/ |
| b, p | /p/ | a´, á | /à/ | o´, ó | /ò/ |
| d | /t/ | ā, āᵃ | /a:/ | ō, ōᵘ | /o:/ |
| g | /k/ | ã | /á:/ | õ | /ó:/ |
| gw | /kʷ/ | ā´ᵃ | /à:/ | ō´ᵘ | /ò:/ |
| p‛ | /pʰ/ | ||||
| t‛ | /tʰ/ | e | /ɛ/ | u | /u/ |
| k‛ | /kʰ/ | e` | /ɛ́/ | u` | /ú/ |
| k‛w, k‛ʷ | /kʰʷ/ | e´, é | /ɛ̀/ | u´, ú | /ù/ |
| p! | /p’/ | eᵉ, è | /ɛ:/ | ū, ūᵘ | /u:/ |
| t! | /t’/ | ẽ | /ɛ́:/ | ũ | /ú:/ |
| k! | /k’/ | e´ᵉ | /ɛ̀:/ | ū´ᵘ | /ù:/ |
| k!w | /k’ʷ/ | ||||
| ᵋ | /ʔ/ | i | /i/ | ü | /ʉ/ |
| s | /s/ | i` | /í/ | ü` | /ʉ́/ |
| s·, c | [ɕ] for /s/, /ɕ/* | i´, í | /ì/ | ü´ | /ʉ̀/ |
| x | /x/ | ī, īⁱ | /i:/ | üᵘ, ǖ | /ʉ:/ |
| h | /h/ | ĩ | /í:/ | ü̃ | /ʉ́:/ |
| ts! | /ts’/ | ī´ⁱ | /ì:/ | ü´ᵘ | /ʉ̀:/ |
| ts·!, tc! | [cɕ’] for /ts’/ | ||||
| ł, ʟ | /ɬ/* | Vũ | [Vú] for /V́u/ | ä | [æ]* |
| l | /l/ | Vĩ | [Ví] for /V́i/ | â | [ɔ:] for /a:/ |
| w | /w/ | Vl̃ | [Vĺ] for /V́l/ | ô | [ɔ] for /a/ |
| y | /j/ | Vm̃ | [Vḿ] for /V́m/ | û, ᴀ | [ʌ] for /a/ |
| dj | [dʒ]* | Vñ | [Vń] for /V́n/ | ᴇ | [ə]* |
| Vⁿ | [Ṽ] for /Vn/ | ē | [e:] for /i:/ (?) |
(Phones marked with * occur ininterjections and insound-symbolic forms, but not in normal speech; [ə] is alsoepenthetic.)
Takelma, like many Native American languages, ispolysynthetic meaning that one can link together many different morphemes to form a word. Therefore, one single word can often contain a lot of information that in English would be portrayed in a full sentence. This is mainly done by adding affixes to verbs.
Takelma has 6 different "tenses" listed below with the first (aorist) being the basic tense which is equivalent to the immediate future, present, and past.
In Takelma, possession is marked by a set of affixes. Most of them are suffixes but there is one prefix. Below is a table of the four declensional sets.
| I | II | III | IV | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1st person | singular | wi- | -t/tʰekʰ | ´-tʰkʰ | -té: |
| plural | -tam | -tam | -tam | -tam | |
| 2nd person | singular | `-ʔtʰ | -t/tʰeʔ | `-ʔtʰ | -taʔ |
| plural | -ʔtʰpan | -t/tʰapaʔn | `-ʔtʰpan | tapaʔn or `-ʔtʰpan | |
| 3rd person | singular/plural | -(x) | -t/tʰ | `-(tʰ) | `-ta |
| singular reflexive | -(x)akʷa | -t/tʰakʷa | `-tʰkʷa | `-tʰkʷa or `-takʷa | |
| plural | -(x)akʷan | -t/tʰakʷan | `-tʰkʷan | `-takʷan or `-tʰkʷan | |
Set I is only ever used with terms of kinship. For example:
wi-wá: wi-wá: ‘my younger brother’ | wà:-ʔtʰ wà:-ʔtʰ ‘your younger brother’ | wi:-xa wi:-xa ‘his younger brother’ |
Set II is used with bare stems or stems having the formant. For example:
-x:hè:l -x:hè:l ‘song’ | hè:l-tʰekʰ hè:l-tʰekʰ ‘my song’ | hè:l-tʰa hè:l-tʰa ‘his song’ |
tàkax-tekʰ tàkax-tekʰ ‘my head’ | tàkax-ta tàkax-ta ‘his head’ |
Alternations between –t and –tʰ in set II and set IV is regular and predictable.
Set III is used with stems having other formants. For example:
xá:n xá:n ‘urine’ | xa:lám-tʰkʰ xa:lám-tʰkʰ ‘my urine’ | xa:lám xa:lám ‘his urine’ |
tán tán ‘rock’ | taná-tʰkʰ taná-tʰkʰ ‘my rock’ | taná taná ‘his rock’ |
p’á:-n p’á:-n ‘liver’ | p’á:n-tʰkʰ p’á:n-tʰkʰ ‘my liver’ | p’á:n-tʰ p’á:n-tʰ ‘his liver’ |
Set IV is used in locative constructions. For example:
ha-wili-té ha-wili-té ‘in my house’ | versus | wili-tʰkʰ wili-tʰkʰ ‘my house’ |
xa:-kʷel-té xa:-kʷel-té ‘between my legs’ | versus | kʷé:lx-tekʰ kʷé:lx-tekʰ ‘my legs’ |
wa-té
wa-té
‘to me’
Takelma has a complex system of verbal pronominal suffixes and is also accompanied by the loss of case markers on nouns. This represents a complete shift to full head marking. In the 3rd person object marker in Takelma, the suffix –kʰwa which is realized on the verb. However the distribution of –kʰwa is very restricted.
| Singular | Plural | |
|---|---|---|
| 1st | -xi | -am |
| 2nd | -pi | -ampʰ |
| 3rd | ∅/ -kʰwa | ∅/ -kʰwa |
For the 1st and 2nd person objects overt marking is required with clear difference between singular and plural. For 3rd person there is no difference between singular and plural and there is also alternation between the suffix –kʰwa and zero suffix.
The zero variant occurs with animates as well as inanimate, covert pronouns, and overt nominals.
However –kʰwa occurs in three distinct environments. First, when the subject is also 3rd person. Second, it is always used when the object is higher in animacy than the subject. This means that the object refers to a human also a mythic animal that is thought of as a human being. The third situation is when the subject and object are of equal animacy but the object outranks the subject in topicality.[19]
These are listed by Sapir as follows:[20]
| 1 | mì:ʔskaʔ, mì(:)ʔs | "once" | mʉ:ʔxtán |
| 2 | kà:p’iní ~ kà:pʔiní, kà:ʔm | "twice" | kà:ʔman |
| 3 | xìpiní, xín | 3 x | xíntʰ |
| 4 | kamkàm | 4 x | kamkàman |
| 5 | tɛ́:hal | 5 x | tɛ́:haltan |
| 6 | haʔi:mì:ʔs | 6 x | haʔi:mìts’atán |
| 7 | haʔi:kà:ʔm | 7 x | haʔi:kà:ʔmatán |
| 8 | haʔi:xín | 8 x | haʔi:xíntán |
| 9 | haʔi:kó | 9 x | haʔi:kó:katán |
| 10 | ìxtì:l | 10 x | ìxti:ltán |
| 11 | ìxtì:l mì:ʔskaʔ katákʰ | ||
| 12 | ìxtì:l kà:ʔm katákʰ | ||
| 20 | jap’amìʔs | 20 x | jap’amìts’atan |
| 30 | xìn ixti:l | ||
| 40 | kamkàman ixtì:l | ||
| 50 | tɛ́:haltan ixtì:l | ||
| 60 | haʔi:mìts’atan ixtì:l | ||
| 70 | haʔi:kà:ʔmatan ixtì:l | ||
| 80 | haʔi:xìntan ixtì:l | ||
| 90 | haʔi:ko:katàn ixtì:l | ||
| 100 | t’ɛimìʔs | ||
| 200 | kà:ʔman t’ɛimìʔs | ||
| 300 | xín t’ɛimìʔs | ||
| 400 | kamkàman t’ɛimìʔs | ||
| 1000 | ìxti:ltan t’ɛimìʔs | ||
| 2000 | jap’amìts’atan t’ɛimìʔs | ||
| 5000 | tɛ́:haltan ìxti:ltán t’ɛimìʔs |