Founded in 1889, the SAP is the country's oldest and currently largest party. From the mid-1930s to the 1980s, the Social Democratic Party won more than 40% of the vote. From 1932 to 1976, the SAP was continuously in government. From 1982 to 2022, the party was in government with the exception of the periods 1991–1994 and 2006–2014. Since 2022, the party has been out of government. It participates in elections as "The Workers' Party – The Social Democrats" (Swedish:Arbetarepartiet – Socialdemokraterna[ˈârːbeːtarɛpaˌʈiːɛtsʊsɪˈɑ̂ːldɛmʊˌkrɑːtɛɳa]ⓘ). The first female PM in Swedish history,Magdalena Andersson, is the current leader of the Social Democratic Party.
Founded in 1889 as a member of theSecond International, a split occurred in 1917 when the left socialists split from the Social Democrats to form the Swedish Social Democratic Left Party (later the Communist Party of Sweden and now theLeft Party). The words of honour as recorded by the 2001 party programme are "freedom, equality, andsolidarity". The party had influences fromMarxism in its early days, but these were gradually removed in the years leading up to the split in 1917.[7] Between 1923 and 1940, the party was a member of theLabour and Socialist International.[8]
Swedish social democracy rose due to the extension of suffrage to the working class and the organizing of trade unions and other civic associations.[9] Unlike in many other European countries, the Swedish socialist left was able to form a stable majority coalition during the early 20th century.[10] Early on, in large part due to the leadership ofHjalmar Branting, the Swedish socialists adopted a flexible and pragmatic understanding of Marxism.[10] They were also willing to form cross-class coalitions with liberals and farmers.[11][10] Political scientistSheri Berman also credits the Swedish Social Democratic success during the interwar years to the party's adoption ofKeynesianism during theGreat Depression (which she contrasts with theSocial Democratic Party of Germany's reluctance towards Keynesian policies during the same time and the German Social Democrats' subsequent decline).[10]
The party's first chapter in its statutes says "the intention of the Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party is the struggle towardsDemocratic Socialism", i.e. a society with a democratic economy based on the socialist principle "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need".[16] Since the party held power of office for a majority of terms after its founding in 1889 through 2003, theideology and policies of the SAP have had strong influence on Swedish politics.[17] The Swedish social democratic ideology is partially an outgrowth of the strong and well-organized 1880s and 1890s working class emancipation,temperance and religiousfolkrörelser (folk movements), by whichpeasant and workers' organizations penetrated state structures early on and paved the way for electoral politics. In this way, Swedish social democratic ideology is inflected by asocialist tradition foregrounding widespread and individual human development.[18]
In 1967, Gunnar Adler-Karlsson confidently likened the social democratic project to the successful social democratic effort to divest the king of all power but formal grandeur: "Without dangerous and disruptive internal fights. ... After a few decades they [the capitalists] will then remain, perhaps formally as kings, but in reality as naked symbols of a passed and inferior development state."[19]
The Social Democrats are strong supporters ofegalitarianism and maintain a strong opposition todiscrimination andracism. The party supportssocial welfare provision, paid for byprogressive taxation. The party also supports asocial corporatist economy involving the institutionalization of a social partnership system between capital and labour economic interest groups, with government oversight to resolve disputes between the two factions.[20] Concerning constitutional issues, the Social Democrats advocate theabolition of monarchy.[21]
Liberalism has also strongly infused social democratic ideology. Liberalism has oriented social democratic goals tosecurity.Tage Erlander, prime minister from 1946 to 1969, described security as "too big a problem for the individual to solve with only his own power".[22] Up to the 1980s, whenneoliberalism began to provide an alternative, aggressively pro-capitalist model for ensuring social quiescence, the SAP was able to secure capital's co-operation by convincing capital that it shared the goals of increasingeconomic growth and reducing social friction. For many Social Democrats,Marxism is loosely held to be valuable for its emphasis on changing the world for a more just, better future.[23] In 1889,Hjalmar Branting, leader of the SAP from its founding to his death in 1925, asserted: "I believe that one benefits the workers so much more by forcing through reforms which alleviate and strengthen their position, than by saying that only arevolution can help them".[24]
Some observers have argued that this liberal aspect has hardened into increasingly neoliberal ideology and policies, gradually maximizing the latitude of powerful market actors.[25] Certainly,neoclassical economists have been firmly nudging the Social Democratic Party into capitulating to most of capital's traditional preferences and prerogatives which they term "modernindustrial relations".[26] Both socialist and liberal aspects of the party were influenced by the dual sympathies of early leaderHjalmar Branting and manifest in the party's first actions, namely reducing the work day to eight hours and establishing the franchise for working-class people.
While some commentators have seen the party lose focus with the rise of SAP neoliberal study groups, the Swedish Social Democratic Party has for many years appealed to Swedes as innovative, capable and worthy of running the state.[27] TheSocial Democrats became one of the most successful political parties in the world, with some structural advantages in addition to their auspicious birth within vibrantfolkrörelser. At the close of the19th century,liberals andsocialists had to band together to augment establishmentdemocracy which was at that point embarrassingly behind in Sweden and they could point to formal democratic advances elsewhere to motivate political action.[28] In addition to being small, Sweden was asemi-peripheral country at the beginning of the 20th century, considered unimportant to competing global political factions, so it was permitted more independence while soon the existence ofcommunist andcapitalistsuperpowers allowed social democracy to flourish in the geo-political interstices.[29] The SAP has the resource of sharing ideas and experiences and working with its sister parties throughout theNordic countries. Sweden could also borrow and innovate upon ideas from English-language economists which was an advantage for the Social Democrats in theGreat Depression, but more advantageous for thebourgeois parties in the 1980s and afterward.
Among the social movement tactics of the Swedish Social Democratic Party in the 20th century was itsredefinition of "socialization" from "common ownership of themeans of production" to increasing "democratic influence over the economy".[30] Starting out in a socialist-liberal coalition fighting for the vote, the Swedish Social Democrats definedsocialism as the development of democracy—political and economic.[31] On that basis, they could form coalitions, innovate and govern where other European social democratic parties became crippled and crumbled underright-wing regimes. The Swedish Social Democrats could count themiddle class among their solidaristicworking class constituency by recognizing the middle class as "economically dependent", "working people", or among the "progressive citizens", rather than as sub-capitalists.[32] The Social Democratic congress of 1932 established that "[t]he party does not aim to support and help [one] working class at the expense of the others". In fact, with social democratic policies that refrained from supporting inefficient and low-profit businesses in favor of cultivating higher-quality working conditions as well as a strong commitment topublic education, the middle class in Sweden became so large that the capitalist class has remained concentrated.[33] Not only did the SAP fuse the growing middle class into their constituency, they also ingeniously forged periodic coalitions with small-scale farmers (as members of the "exploited classes") to great strategic effect.[34] The SAP version of socialist ideology allowed them to maintain a prescient view of the working class. The party's 1932 election manifesto asserted that "[the SAP] does not question whether those who have become capitalism's victims are industrial workers, farmers, agricultural laborers, forestry workers, store clerks,civil servants orintellectuals".[35]
While the SAP has worked more or less constructively with moreradicalleft-wing parties in Sweden, the Social Democrats have borrowed from socialists some of theirdiscourse and decreasingly the socialist understanding of the structurally compromised position oflabor under capitalism. Even more creatively, the Social Democrats commandeered selected, transcendental images from suchnationalists asRudolf Kjellen in 1912, very effectively undercuttingfascism's appeal in Sweden.[36] In this way,Per Albin Hansson declared that "there is no more patriotic party than the [SAP since] the most patriotic act is to create a land in which all feel at home", famously igniting Swedes' innermost longing for transcendence with the 1928 idea of the Folkhem, or the People's Home. The Social Democratic Party promotedFolkhemmet as a socialist home at a point in which the party turned its back onclass struggle and the policy tool ofnationalization.[37] Hansson soothed that "[t]he expansion of the party to a people's party does not mean and must not mean a watering down of socialist demands".[38] He further stated:
The basis of the home is community and togetherness. The good home does not recognize any privileged or neglected members, nor any favorite or stepchildren. In the good home there isequality, consideration, co-operation, and helpfulness. Applied to the great people's and citizens' home this would mean the breaking down of all the social and economic barriers that now separate citizens into the privileged and the neglected, into the rulers and the dependents, into the rich and the poor, the propertied and the impoverished, the plunderers and the plundered. Swedish society is not yet the people's home. There is a formal equality, equality of political rights, but from a social perspective, the class society remains, and from an economic perspective the dictatorship of the few prevails.[39]
The Social Democratic Party is generally recognized as the main architect of theprogressive taxation,fair trade, low-unemployment, active labor market policies (ALMP)-based Swedishwelfare state that was developed in the years afterWorld War II. Sweden emerged sound from theGreat Depression with a brief, successful "Keynesianism-beforeKeynes" economic program advocated byErnst Wigforss, a prominent Social Democrat who educated himself in economics by studying the work of the British radicalLiberal economists. The social democratic labor market policies, or ALMPs, were developed in the 1940s and 1950s by LO (Landsorganisationen i Sverige, the blue-collar union federation) economistsGösta Rehn andRudolf Meidner.[40] TheRehn-Meidner model featured the centralized system of wage bargaining that aimed to both set wages at a just level and promote business efficiency and productivity. With the pre-1983 cooperation of capital and labor federations that bargained independently of the state, the state determined that wages would be higher than the market would set in firms that were inefficient or uncompetitive and lower than the market would set in firms that were highly productive and competitive. Workers were compensated with state-sponsored retraining and relocating. At the same time, the state reformed wages to the goal of "equal pay for equal work", eliminated unemployment, also known as ("thereserve army of labor") as a disciplinary device and kept incomes consistently rising while taxing progressively and pooling social wealth to deliver services through local governments.[41] Social Democratic policy has traditionally emphasized a state spending structure, wherebypublic services are supplied via local government as opposed to emphasizingsocial insurance program transfers.[42]
These social democratic policies have had international influence. The early Swedishred–green coalition encouraged Nordic-networked socialists in the state ofMinnesota to dedicate efforts to building a similarly potent labor-farmer alliance that put the socialists in the governorship, running statewide model innovativeanti-racism programs in the early years of the 20th century and enabled federal forest managers in the state of Minnesota to practice a precocious ecological-socialism before U.S.Democratic Party reformers appropriated theMinnesota Farmer-Labor Party infrastructure to theliberal Democratic Party in 1944.[43]
Social Democratic leader and Prime MinisterOlof Palme in the 1970sLogo of the party between 1967 and 1987
Under the Social Democrats' administration, Sweden retainedneutrality as a foreign policy guideline during the wars of the 20th century, including theCold War. Neutrality preserved the Swedish economy and boosted Sweden's economic competitiveness in the first half of the 20th century as other European countries' economies were devastated by war.[44] UnderOlof Palme's Social Democratic leadership, Sweden further aggravated the hostility of United States’ politicalconservatives when Palme openly denounced the American aggression inVietnam. PresidentRichard Nixon suspended diplomatic ties with the social democratic country, because of its denouncement of the war.[45] In 2003, top-ranking Social Democratic Party politicianAnna Lindh—who criticized theAmerican-led invasion of Iraq as well as bothIsraeli andPalestinian atrocities and who was the lead figure in promoting theEuropean Union in Sweden—was publicly assassinated inStockholm. As Lindh was to succeedGöran Persson in the party leadership, her death was deeply disruptive to the party as well as to the campaign to promote the adoption of theEMU (euro) in Sweden. The neutrality policy has changed with the contemporary ascendance of thecentre-right coalition as Sweden had committed troops to support the United States and United Kingdom's previous interventions inAfghanistan.
Because theRehn–Meidner model allowed capitalists owning very productive and efficient firms to retain excess profits at the expense of the firms' workers, thus exacerbating inequality, workers in these companies began to ask for a share of the profits in the 1970s, just as women working in the state sector began to assert pressure for better wages. Meidner established a study committee that came up with a 1976 proposal that entailed transferring the excess profits into investment funds controlled by the workers in the firms, with the intention that the companies’ employment would increase and thus pay more workers higher wages, rather than increasing the wealth of the company owners and managers.[46] Capitalists immediately distinguished this proposal as socialism, and launched an unprecedented opposition—including calling off the class compromise established in the 1938Saltsjöbaden Agreement.[47]
The 1980s were a very turbulent time in Sweden that initiated the occasional decline of Social Democratic Party rule. In the 1980s, pillars of Swedish industry were massively restructured. Shipbuilding was discontinued, wood pulp was integrated into modernized paper production, the steel industry was concentrated and specialized and mechanical engineering was digitalized.[48] In 1986,Olof Palme, one of the Social Democratic Party's strongest champions ofdemocracy andegalitarianism, wasassassinated. Swedish capital was increasingly moving Swedish investment into other European countries as theEuropean Union coalesced and ahegemonic consensus was forming among the elite financial community whileprogressive taxation and pro-egalitarian redistribution became economic heresy.[49] A leading proponent of capital's cause at the time, Social Democrat Finance MinisterKjell-Olof Feldt reminisced in an interview: "The negative inheritance I received from my predecessorGunnar Sträng (Minister of Finance, 1955–1976) was a strongly progressive tax system with highmarginal taxes. This was supposed to bring about a just and equal society. But I eventually came to the opinion that it simply didn't work out that way. Progressive taxes created instead a society of wranglers, cheaters, peculiar manipulations, false ambitions and new injustices. It took me at least a decade to get a part of the party to see this".[50] With the capitalist confederation's defection from the 1938Saltsjöbaden Agreement and Swedish capital investing in other European countries rather than Sweden as well as the global rise ofneoliberal political-economichegemony, the Social Democratic Party backed away from the progressive Meidner reform.[51]
The economic crisis in the 1990s has been widely cited in the Anglo-American press as a social democratic failure, but it is important to note that not only did profit rates begin to fall worldwide after the 1960s,[52] this period also saw neoliberal ascendance in Social Democratic ideology and policies as well as the rise of bourgeois coalition rule in place of the Social Democrats. In the 1980s the Social Democratic party's neoliberal measures—such as depressing andderegulating the currency to prop up Swedish exports during the economic restructuring and transition, dropping of corporate taxation and taxation on high income-earners and switching from anti-unemployment policies to anti-inflationary policies—were exacerbated by the internationalrecession, uncheckedcurrency speculation and by aModerate Party government led byCarl Bildt (1991–1994), creating the fiscal crisis of the early 1990s.[53] According to Cerra and Saxena (2005) almost all of the fall in the substantial GDP per capita lead over the OECD average that Sweden enjoyed through the 1960-1990 period can be attributed to the Swedish financial crisis, and there is no evidence for a substantial negative growth impact from egalitarian policies as in the 'Eurosclerosis' hypothesis.[54] The financial crisis can in turn be explained by policy errors.[55] For example, in the late 1980s high inflation interacted with the tax code to produce negative real interest rates and an investment boom. However, in 1990-1991 the highly trade exposed Swedish economy was impacted by the global downturn, but the commitment to the fixed exchange rate now required a rapid shift to high real interest rates in order to defend the peg, collapsing asset markets and fixed investment. The household savings rate rose appreciably, exacerbated by fears of welfare state retrenchment, worsening the fall in aggregate demand. Unemployment rose rapidly, and the banking sector went into crisis as the nonperforming rate rose sharply, prompting a large bailout program. According to Cerra and Saxena, the deep recession had large and permanent negative effects on the Swedish GDP, which is consistent with other research suggesting that a financial crisis can have extremely persistent effects.[56][57][58][59][60][61][62][63][64]
Göran Persson, a prolific Social Democratic leader, holding the office of Prime Minister for ten years
When the Social Democrats returned to power in 1994, they responded to the fiscal crisis[65] by stabilizing the currency—and by curtailing thewelfare state andprivatizing the public sector and goods as governments did in many countries influenced by conservativeMilton Friedman, theChicago School of political and economic thought and the global neoliberal movement. Social Democratic Party leaders—includingGöran Persson,Mona Sahlin andAnna Lindh—promoted European Union (EU) membership and the Swedish referendum passed by 52–48% in favor of joining the EU on 14 August 1994. Liberal leaderLars Leijonborg at his 2007 retirement could recall the 1990s as a golden age of liberalism in which the Social Democrats were under the expanding influence of theLiberals and its partners in the centre-right political coalition. Leijonborg recounted neoliberal victories such as the growth of private schooling and the proliferation of private, for-profit radio and television.[66] It has been argued that the Swedish Social Democrats'Third Way pension reforms have been more successful than those enacted by theGerman Social Democrats.[67]
In the 21st century, many of the aspects of the social democraticwelfare state continued to function at a high level, due in no small part to the high rate of unionization in Sweden, the independence of unions in the wage-setting and the exemplary competency of the femalepublic sector workforce as well as widespread public support for welfare.[68] The Social Democrats initiated studies on the effects of the neoliberal changes and the picture that emerged from those findings allowed the party to reduce manytax expenditures, slightly increase taxes on high income-earners and significantly reduce taxes on food. The Social Democratic Finance Minister increased spending on child support and continued to pay down the acquired public debt.[69] By 1998, the Swedish macro-economy recovered from the 1980s industrial restructuring and the currency policy excesses.[48] At the turn of the 21st century, Sweden had a well-regarded, generally robust economy and the average quality of life after government transfers was very high,inequality was low and the (Gini coefficient was .28) andsocial mobility was high (compared to the affluent Anglo-American and Central European countries).[49]
The Social Democratic Party pursuesenvironmentalist andfeminist policies which promote healthful and humane conditions. Feminist policies formed and implemented by the Social Democratic Party along with theGreen Party and theLeft Party (which made an arrangement with the Social Democrats to support the government while not forming a coalition), include paid maternity and paternity leave, high employment for women in the public sector, combining flexible work with living wages and benefits, providing public support for women in their traditional responsibilities for care giving and policies to stimulate women's political participation and leadership. Reviewing policies and institutional practices for their impact on women had become common in social democratic governance.[70]
The Social Democratic Party was defeated in 2006 by thecentre-rightAlliance for Sweden coalition.Mona Sahlin succeededGöran Persson as party leader in 2007, becoming the party's first female party leader. Prior to the2010 Swedish general election, the Social Democratic Party formed a cooperation with the Green Party and the Left Party culminating in theRed–Green alliance. The cooperation was dissolved following another defeat in 2010, throwing the party in to its longest period in opposition since before 1936. Sahlin announced her resignation following the 2010 defeat and she was succeeded byHåkan Juholt in 2011. Initially, his leadership gave a rise in the opinion polls before being involved ina scandal surrounding benefits from parliament which after a period culminated in his resignation. Sahlin and Juholt become the first SPA party leaders sinceClaes Tholin, who was party leader 1896–1907, to not becomePrime Ministers of Sweden.
Stefan Löfven, elected by the party council, succeeded Juholt as party leader. Löfven led the Social Democratic Party into the2014 European Parliament election which resulted in the party's worst electoral results at national level sinceuniversal suffrage was introduced in 1921. He then led the party into the2014 Swedish general election which resulted in the party's second worst election result to theRiksdag since universal suffrage was introduced in 1921. With ahung parliament, Löfven formed aminoritycoalition government with the Green Party. On 2 October 2014, the Riksdag approved Löfven to become the country's prime minister, and he took office on 3 October 2014 alongside hisCabinet.[71] The Social Democratic Party and the Green Party voted in favour of Löfvén becoming Prime Minister while the Left Party, a close ally of the SAP, abstained. The oppositional Alliance-parties also abstained while theSweden Democrats voted against.
In the2018 Swedish general election, the Social Democrats' vote share fell to 28.3 percent, its lowest level of support since1911. Nevertheless, a Social Democrat and Green Partycoalition government wasformed in January 2019. Relying on support of the Centre Party and Liberals, it was one of the weakest governments in Swedish history.[72]
In August 2021, Prime Minister Stefan Löfven announced his resignation and finance ministerMagdalena Andersson was elected as the new head of Sweden's ruling Social Democrats in November 2021.[73] On 30 November 2021, Magdalena Andersson became Sweden's first female prime minister. She formed a minority government made up of only her Social Democrats. Her plan for forming a new coalition government with the Green Party was unsuccessful because her budget proposal failed to pass.[74][75]
On 18 October 2022, conservative leaderUlf Kristersson became the new prime minister to succeed Magdalena Andersson, meaning that the Social Democratic Party, although still Sweden's largest party, would be in the opposition.[76]
On 12 June 2025, the Social Democratic Party adopted a new party program that established it as having ananti-capitalist view of society.[77] The program also said that it was ademocratic socialist party.[78]
The SAP had its golden age during the mid-1930s to mid-1980s when in half of all general elections it received between 44.6% and 46.2% (averaging 45.3%) of the votes, making it one of the most successful parties in the history of theliberal-democratic world.[80]
In two of the general elections in1940 and1968, it got more than 50% of the votes, although both cases had special circumstances. In 1940, all established Swedish parties, except for theCommunist Party of Sweden (SKP), participated in a coalition government due to the pressures of theSecond World War, and it led to voters most likely wanting one party to be in majority to give a parliament that could not behung. In1944, the tides of the war had turned and theAllied nations looked to win, giving voters more confidence in voting by preference and explaining the more normal electoral result of 46.6%. The previously excluded SKP also achieved a result of 10.3% in this election. In 1968, the established Communists, most likely due to bad press about theSoviets overtaking ofCzechoslovakia (Prague Spring), got a historically bad result of 3% of the votes while the SAP enjoyed 50.1% and an absolute majority in parliament. Only in a fairly brief period between the elections of 1973 to 1979 did the SAP get below the normal interval of 44.6% to 46.2%, instead scoring an average of 43.2%, losing in 1976 (the first time in 44 years) and again just barely in 1979. However, the Social Democrats won back power in 1982 with a normal result of 45.6%.
The voter base consists of a diverse swathe of people throughout Swedish society, although it is particularly strong amongst organised blue-collar workers.[81]
In the2006 Swedish general election, the SAP received the smallest share of votes (34.99%) ever in aSwedish general election withuniversal suffrage, resulting in the loss of office to the opposition, thecentre-right coalitionAlliance for Sweden.[82] Among the support that the SAP lost was the vote of pensioners (down 10% from2002) and blue-collar trade unionists (down 5%). The combined SAP andLeft Party vote of citizens with non-Nordic foreign backgrounds sank from 73% in 2002 to 48% in 2006.Stockholm County typically votes for the centre-right parties and only 23% ofStockholm City residents voted for the SAP in 2006.[83]
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^Acker, Joan. Hobson, Barbara. Sainsbury, Diane. 1999. "Gender and the making of the Norwegian and Swedish welfare states." pp. 153–168 inComparing Social Welfare Systems in Nordic Europe and France. Nantes: Maison des Sciences de l'Homme Ange-Guepin. Älund, Aleksandra and Carl-Ulrik Schierup. 1991. Paradoxes of multiculturalism. Aldershot: Avebury.
^Göran Therborn, "A Unique Chapter in the History of Democracy: The Swedish Social Democrats", in. K. Misgeld et al (eds.),Creating Social Democracy, University Park Pa., Penn State University Press, 1996
Therborn, Göran (1984) "The Coming of Swedish Social Democracy", in E. Collotti (ed.)Il movimiento operaio tra le due guerre, Milano:Annali della Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli 1983/84, pp. 527–593.
Östberg, Kjell (2012).Swedish Social Democracy After the Cold War: Whatever Happened to the Movement?. Athabasca University Press. pp. 205–234.
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