Suzhounese (Suzhounese: 蘇州閒話;sou¹ tseu¹ ghe² gho⁶), also known as theSuzhou dialect (alternativelySoochow dialect), is thevariety of Chinese traditionally spoken in the city ofSuzhou inJiangsu, China. Suzhounese is a variety ofWu Chinese, and was traditionally considered the Wu Chineseprestige dialect. Suzhounese has a large vowel inventory and it is relatively conservative in initials by preserving voiced consonants fromMiddle Chinese.^{[citation needed]}

Suzhou dialect is spoken within the city itself and the surrounding area, including migrants living in nearbyShanghai.

The Suzhou dialect is mutually intelligible with dialects spoken in its satellite cities such asKunshan,Changshu, andZhangjiagang, as well as those spoken in its former satellitesWuxi andShanghai. It is also partially intelligible with dialects spoken in other areas of the Wu cultural sphere such asHangzhou andNingbo. However, it isnot mutually intelligible withCantonese orStandard Chinese; but, as all public schools and most broadcast communication inSuzhou use Mandarin exclusively, nearly all speakers of the dialect are at least bilingual. Owing to migration within China, many residents of the city cannot speak the local dialect but can usually understand it after a few months or years in the area.^{[citation needed]}

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Source:^[1][2]

Second and third-person pronouns are suffixed with 笃[toʔ] for the plural. The first-person plural is a separate root, 伲[nʲi].^[3]

In the Suzhou dialect,geq8/ɡəʔ/[gə̯] is a very special demonstrative that is used alongside a separate set of proximal and distal demonstratives.geq8 can indicate referents appearing in a speech situation, which may be close to or far away from the deictic center, and under these conditions,geq8 is always used in combination with gestures. Hencegeq8 can serve both proximal and distal functions.^[4]

哀 with 该 and 弯 with 归 means exactly the same thing and only differ in pronunciation. The use of neutral demonstrative pronoun became clear once proximal and neutral demonstrative pronouns are used.

• 哀杯茶是吾葛，掰杯茶是僚葛，弯杯茶是俚葛。

When "搿" refers to time, there is no need to use the proximal and distal in opposition. The role of the neutral demonstrative is very obvious.

• 抗战是民国二十六年到民国三十四年，掰歇(弯歇)辰光日脚勿好过。

In this sentence, "掰歇(弯歇)" cannot be replaced by "哀歇" because the Anti-Japanese War happened more than fifty years ago, so only the neutral or distal demonstrative can be used, not proximal.

When not referring to time, the proximal "哀" and the neutral demonstrative "掰" can be interchanged. For example, the "掰" in "掰个人勿认得" can be replaced by "哀".

"哀", "该", "掰", "弯" and "归" cannot be used as subjects or objects alone, but must be combined with the following quantifiers, locative words, etc.

Example phrases:

• 哀歇啥辰光则？

现在什么时候了？What time is it now?

• 哀呛倷身体好啘？

现阵子你身体好吗？How are you now?

Some non-native speakers of Suzhou speak the Suzhou dialect in a "stylized variety" to tell tales.^[5]

The Suzhou dialect has series of voiced, voiceless, and aspiratedstops, and voiceless and voicedfricatives. Moreover,palatalized initials also occur.

Voiced obstruents/bdɡdʑvz/ are typologically partially voiced instead of fully voiced. These consonants are devoiced word/phrase-initially, but are fully voiced within a phrase. This is most apparent for the fricatives/vz/ becoming[fs]. Because of this devoicing, in single-syllable forms the distinction is actually the tone contour.

The glottal initials/ʔɦ/ disappear if they are not at the beginning of a word/phrase, resulting in a smooth vocalic transition from the previous syllable.^{[6]: 21–22} In this regard, it is possible to analyze both initials as a single phonological null onset/∅︀-/ when in this environment.

蛙/ʔo⁴⁴/ ≠ 华/ɦo²²³/, but 青蛙 = 清华[tsʰin‿o⁴⁰]

Syllabic continuants:/ɿ/[z̩]/ʮ/[z̩ʷ]/u/[β̩~v̩][m̩][ŋ̩][l̩]

Notes:

• The Suzhou dialect has a rare contrast between "fricative vowels"/i,y/ and ordinary vowels/ɪ,ʏ/.
  • phonetically,/ɪʏ/ are regular plain vowels [i y], while/i,y/ have further constriction
    • an acoustic study found/i,y/ to be phonetically syllabic voiced laminal post-alveolar fricatives[ʒ̻̍ʒ̻̍ʷ]^[7]: 179
• /j/ is pronounced[ɥ] before rounded vowels.
• /ɛ/ is a true mid vowel,[ɛ̝]. May also be transcribed with theSinological symbol /ᴇ/.
• In open syllables,/o/ is articulated close to a position for a close back vowel[o̝]
• Depending on the source, transcriptions differ:
  • /oʊ/ may also be transcribed as/əu/
  • /ɵ/ may also be transcribed as/ø/; also applies to on-glide final rhymes/jɵ/(/iø/)and/wɵ/(/uø/)
  • /øʏ/ may also be transcribed as/ʏ/
  • Close vowels/ɪʏ/ may be analyzed as diphthongs and transcribed as/iɪiʏ/

The Suzhou dialect allows a nasal coda but does not distinguish between them. As such, theMiddle Chinese nasal codas*-m*-n*-ŋ have largely either merged or been lost depending on the vowel it follows. Historical*-ŋrimes following certain vowels are distinguished as the nasalized vowels/ãɑ̃/, but otherwise merge into modern/-n/. Historical*-n and*-m rimes are entirely merged and also result in modern/-n/, or are lost after certain vowels becoming modern/ɪɛɵ/. Modern/ɛ/ also results from the monophthongization of the historical diphthong rime*-ɑi (-oj in Baxter's notation, corresponding to the 咍 final).

Middle Chinese*-p*-t*-k rimes have become glottal stops,[-ʔ]. Like other Northern Wu varieties, syllables with an underlying glottal stop coda/-ʔ/ usually manifest as ashortening of the vowel instead of an actual glottal stop[-ʔ], unless before a pause or at the end of an utterance.

Suzhou is considered to have seven tones. However, since the tone split dating from Middle Chinese still depends on the voicing of the initial consonant. Yang tones are only found with voiced initials, namely [b d ɡ z v dʑ ʑ m n nʲ ŋ l ɦ], while the yin tones are only found with voiceless initials. These constitute just three phonemic tones:ping,shang, andqu. (Ru syllables are phonemically toneless.)

In Suzhou, the Middle Chinese 阳上 tone and 阳去 tones have fully merged as (2)31. The original 阳去 313 tone possibly still occurs in tone sandhi patterns as the second element of a chain, following a 阴入 syllable^[8] (though it could be analyzed differently; see Tone Sandhi section below).

Therefore, 买 and 卖 has exactly the same pronunciation in literary and colloquial readings⁶ma/mɑ˨˧˩/, but can be distinguished in tone sandhi. 弗买[fəʔmɑ⁵⁵¹] ≠ 弗卖[fəʔmɑ⁵⁵²³].^[6]: 114

Tone in Suzhou dialect, like other Northern Wu varieties is generally grouped by phrasal tone pattern, also calledsandhi chains orsandhi domains.

An analysis by Wang (2011)^[6]: 28-29 describes Suzhou tone sandhi as rightward tone-spreading of the left-most (i.e. initial) syllable of a phrase. Such described "left-prominent" phrases with non-checked initial syllables of a given length have one of five possible contours, each equivalent to each of the five tones. While generally described as rightward tone-spreading of the initial syllable, it is also common for the phrasal tone pattern to not be the same as that of the initial tone. This is currently the system used on Wiktionary entries with Suzhou data.

To distinguish the individual tone from the pattern expected from its tone spreading, the patterns themselves are referred to with the format oftone number + X (1x, 2x, 3x, etc.).

A tone level of 0 in the above chart indicates a syllable with a neutral tone (轻声;輕聲;qīngshēng; 'light tone'), functionally comparable to that ofStandard Chinese. The surface realization at the end of an utterance is a low akin to downstep, but in flowing speech is a mid/neutral pitch or may appear to copy the previous tone target.

Additionally, Li (1998)^[9] describes the 5x chain such that the second syllable has a slight rise. Li also describes a higher mid/high-level for the second syllable of a 6x chain. Li's 1x chain describes the pitch declining after the second syllable.

In phrases with checked initial syllables, the first two tones determine the overall contour. The resulting contour can be summarized as retaining the tone class (平上去) of the second syllable, but not the voicing class (陰陽). Both Tone 1 陰平 /44/ and Tone 2 陽平 /223/ will result in a Tone 2 contour (/223/). Both Tone 5 陰去 /523/ and Tone 6 陽去 /231/ will result in a Tone 5 contour (/523/).

Ye 1988^[10] describes additional patterns where

• Tone 7 阴入 + Tone 1/3/5 retaining full tone, resulting in a /5ˀ 5/ pattern if Tone 7 阴入 is followed by Tone 1 阴平
• the original un-merged Yangshang 阳去 313 tone still occurs as the second element of a chain, following a 阴入 syllable (7.6 chain).
• The second syllable of an 8x chain having a low-falling /21/ regardless of original tone

However, Wang describes the same phrases differently, and so it is debatable whether these form distinct patterns:

As mentioned above, the tone pattern of a phrase frequently does not match the expected pattern based on the initial syllable's underlying tone.

Most frequently:

• a phrase beginning with a Tone 3 syllable takes on the tone pattern expected of a Tone 5 syllable (in other words, a 5x chain) or a Tone 1 syllable (a 1x chain)
  • i.e. expected3x >5x or1x
    • (5x) 短衫 :⁵toe₃-se₁[tɵ⁵²sɛ³]
    • (1x) 暑假 :¹syu₃-ka₅[sʮ⁴⁴kɑ⁰]
• a phrase beginning with a Tone 5 syllable frequently takes on the tone pattern expected of a Tone 1 syllable (a 1x chain)
  • i.e. expected5x >1x
    • (1x) 菜飯 :¹tshe₅-ve₆[tsʰɛ⁴⁴vɛ⁰]
• a phrase beginning with a Tone 6 syllable frequently takes on the tone pattern expected of a Tone 2 syllable (a 2x chain)
  • i.e. expected6x >2x
    • (2x) 大菜 :²da₆-tshe₅,²dou₆-tshe₅[dɑ²²tsʰɛ³³~dəu²²tsʰɛ³³]
• less frequently, the above shifts can happen in reverse
  • i.e. expected 5x > 3x
  • i.e. expected 2x > 6x
• syllables following Tone 7 can also shift chains^[11]
  • Tone 7 + Tone 5/6 > (Tone 7 + Tone 1/2) > 7.2
  • Tone 7 + Tone 6 > 7.3
• most non-checked syllables following Tone 8 collapse into a falling tone, equivalent to an 8.3 chain
  • Tone 8 + {Tone 1, 2, 3, 5, 6} > 8.3

Functionally, a Tone 3 pattern (3x chain) is the least common to occur and mostly surfaces when the initial syllable is a numeral phrase (几时;機時³ci-zyu₆[tɕi⁵²zʮ¹]) or reduplicated verb (写写;寫寫³sia-sia₃[siɑ⁵²siɑ¹]). Below is a chart with examples of the common tone patterns:

Wang (p. 50) additionally identifies a pattern where in certain constructions Tone 5 (/523/) followed by another syllable simplifies to [52] while the second syllable retains its full tone. This can be analyzed comparably to Shanghainese right-prominent sandhi that prioritizes the second syllable and reduces preceding syllables. This right-prominent sandhi pattern occurs commonly inVerb + Object compounds.

做人tsəu^523-52ɲin²²³

In addition to the above simplification of Tone 5 /523/ to [52], Li (p. 216) additionally describes Tone 2 /223/ and Tone 6 /231/ similarly simplifying to [23 ˨˧] in similarVerb + Object, as well asAdverb + Adjective structures

穷大 dʑioŋ^223-23 dou²³¹

是鬼 zɿ^231-23 tɕy⁵²

过桥 kou^523-52 dʑiæ²²³

Identified by Bu (2025)^[14] describingSuzhou pingtan (but also applicable to Suzhou dialect normally), such tonal reduction generally occurs particularly for Tone 2 and Tone 6 syllables even when not in sandhi chains, and can further reduce to a simple mid/low tone. Because it can occur outside ofVerb + Object orAdverb + Adjective syntactic conditions, Bu considers this tonal reduction to simply be a reduction of non-final syllables motivated by those tones (Tone 5 /523/, Tone 2 /223/, Tone 6 /231/) underlyingly being longer and having more tonal targets.

In contrast, Wang (p. 348) treats this pronoun + copula construction as a single 6x phrase.

There can be additional variation in how reduced the tones can become based on how casual the sentence is spoken by the speaker.

In the above sentence, the falling tone [˥˩] on 仔tsy and 再tse is reduced to a high-flat [˥] in casual speech, in addition to the Tone 6 /231 ˨˧˩/ (倷ne, 飯ve) and Tone 5 /523 ˥˩˧/ (再tse, 去chi) words already reducing to [23 ˨˧] and [52 ˥˩] even in slower speech.

In the case of casual speech spoken quickly, Wang does describe a pattern where the preceding syllable takes a neutral tone. If the word (often a pronoun, adverb, or quantifier) precedes another phrase, it can reduce to a simple /3/ tone. This reduced pattern can apply across polysyllabic words or even multiple words.^[6]: 91 This can be considered as describing the same phenomenon as above but with less phonetic detail.

交差 |kæ^44-3tsʰɑ⁴⁴

搿人有点弗大适意 |ɡəʔ^23-3ȵin²²³ʏ‿tɪ^231-33fəʔ‿dɑ^423-33səʔ‿i⁵⁵²³

The same phrase can take a different chain depending on which syllable or word is stressed.

看戏/kʰø523ɕi523/ 'to watch shows/movies"

[kʰø‿ɕi⁴⁰] (a 1x chain)

generally without emphasis, it would be treated as a single concept and be a single sandhi chain.

[kʰø^523-52ɕi⁵²³]or[kʰø^523-3ɕi⁵²³]

emphasizing what is being watched—the verb is treated separately and reduced to either /52/ or /3/

Ballad-narratives

A "ballad–narrative" (說唱詞話) known as "The story of Xue Rengui crossing the sea and Pacifying Liao" (薛仁貴跨海征遼故事), which is about theTang dynasty heroXue Rengui^[15] is believed to have been written in the Suzhou dialect.^[16]

Novels

Han Bangqing wroteThe Sing-song Girls of Shanghai, one of the earliest novels inWu dialect, in Suzhou dialect. Suzhou serves as an important drive for Han to write the novel. Suzhou dialect is used in innovative methods to demonstrate urban space and time, as well as the interrupted narrative aesthetics, making it an integral part of an effort, which is presented as a fundamental and self-conscious new thing.^[17] Han's novel also inspired other authors to write in Wu dialect.

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