| Sin | |
|---|---|
 Impression of thecylinder seal of Ḫašḫamer,ensi (governor) of Iškun-Sinc. 2100 BCE. The seated figure is probably kingUr-Nammu, bestowing the governorship on Ḫašḫamer, who is led before him byLamma (protective goddess). Sin himself is indicated in the form of a crescent. | |
| Other names | Nanna, Nanna-Suen, Dilimbabbar |
| Major cult center | Ur,Harran,Tutub |
| Planet | Moon |
| Animals | bull |
| Symbol | Crescent |
| Number | 30 |
| Mount | lunar barge |
| Temples | Ekišnugal,Eḫulḫul [de] |
| Genealogy | |
| Parents | Enlil andNinlil |
| Siblings | Nergal,Ninazu,Enbilulu |
| Spouse | Ningal |
| Children | Inanna/Ishtar,Utu/Shamash,Ningublaga,Numushda, Amarazu, Amaraḫea,Nuska |
| Equivalents | |
| Hurrian | Kušuḫ |
| Ugaritic | Yarikh |
| Hittite and Luwian | Arma |
| Hattian | Kašku |
| Mandaean | Sin |
Sin (/ˈsiːn/) orSuen (Akkadian:𒀭𒂗𒍪,dEN.ZU[1]) also known asNanna (Sumerian:𒀭𒋀𒆠DŠEŠ.KI,DNANNA[2]) is theMesopotamian god representing themoon. While these two names originate in two different languages, respectivelyAkkadian andSumerian, they were already used interchangeably to refer to one deity in theEarly Dynastic period. They were sometimes combined into the double nameNanna-Suen. A third well attested name isDilimbabbar (𒀭𒀸𒁽𒌓). Additionally, the name of the moon god could be represented by logograms reflecting his lunar character, such asd30 (𒀭𒌍), referring to days in thelunar month ordU4.SAKAR (𒀭𒌓𒊬), derived from a term referring to thecrescent. In addition to his astral role, Sin was also closely associated with cattle herding. Furthermore, there is some evidence that he could serve as a judge of the dead in theunderworld. A distinct tradition in which he was regarded either as a god of equal status as the usual heads of theMesopotamian pantheon,Enlil andAnu, or as aking of the gods in his own right, is also attested, though it only had limited recognition. InMesopotamian art, his symbol was the crescent. When depicted anthropomorphically, he typically either wore headwear decorated with it or held a staff topped with it, though onkudurru the crescent alone serves as a representation of him. He was also associated with boats.
The goddessNingal was regarded as Sin's wife. Their best attested children areInanna (Ishtar) andUtu (Shamash), though other deities, for exampleNingublaga orNumushda, could be regarded as members of their family too. Sin was also believed to have an attendant deity (sukkal),Alammuš, and various courtiers, such asNineigara,Ninurima andNimintabba. He was also associated with other lunar gods, such asHurrianKušuḫ orUgariticYarikh.
The main cult center of Sin wasUr. He was already associated with this city in theEarly Dynastic period, and was recognized as itstutelary deity and divine ruler. Histemple located there was known under the ceremonial name Ekišnugal, and through its history it was rebuilt by multiple Mesopotamian rulers. Ur was also the residence of theen priestesses of Nanna, the most famous of whom wasEnheduanna. Furthermore, from theOld Babylonian period onward he was also closely associated withHarran. The importance of this city as his cult center grew in the first millennium BCE, as reflected inNeo-Hittite,Neo-Assyrian andNeo-Babylonian sources. Sin's temple survived in later periods as well, underAchaemenid,Seleucid andRoman rule. Sin was also worshiped in many other cities in Mesopotamia. Temples dedicated to him existed for example inTutub, which early on was considered another of his major cult centers, as well as inUrum,Babylon,Uruk,Nippur andAssur. The extent to which beliefs pertaining to him influenced theSabians, a religious community who lived in Harran after theMuslim conquest of the Levant, is disputed.
While it is agreed that the two primary names of the Mesopotamianmoon god, Nanna and Sin (Suen), originated in two different languages, respectivelySumerian andAkkadian, it is not possible to differentiate between them as designations of separate deities, as they effectively fully merged at an early date.[3]Gebhard J. Selz [de] points out this phenomenon is already attested in sources fromLagash from theEarly Dynastic period, where the name Nanna does not appear, and Sin is the form used in both Sumerian and Akkadian context.[4] The process of conflation presumably started prior to the invention ofcuneiform.[5] Sometimes the double name Nanna-Suen was used,[6] as evidenced for example by a short theological text from theUr III period listing the main deities of the officialpantheon.[7] It is sometimes used to refer to this god in modernAssyriological publications too.[8][9][10]
The preciseetymology of the name Nanna is unknown,[3] though it is agreed that it is not agenitive construction.[11] It is first attested in theUruk period.[12] In earliest cuneiform texts fromUruk andUr it was written as(d)LAK-32.NA, with NA possibly serving as aphonetic complement.[3] The name of the city of Ur (Urim) was accordingly written as LAK-32.UNUGki (𒋀𒀕𒆠), "residence of Nanna", per analogy with toponyms such asZabalam,INANNA.UNUGki.[1] In later periods LAK-32 coalesced with ŠEŠ (the ideogram for "brother"), and Nanna's name came to be written asdŠEŠ+KI ordŠEŠ.KI, though phonetic spellings such asna-an-na are attested too, for example as glosses inlexical lists.[3]
In early Assyriological scholarship it was often assumed that the variant form Nannar was the standard form of the name, but further research demonstrated that it does not predate theOld Babylonian period.[11] The writingdna-an-na-ar is attested in Akkadian andElamite texts, and was the result of linguistic contamination between the theonym Nanna and the common Akkadian nounnannaru, "light".[3] As an epithet,nannaru could be used to address the moon god, but alsoIshtar andGirra.[13]
It is uncertain if the theonym Nanum attested in atheophoric name fromUmma is a derivative of Nanna, while Nanni worshiped inMari and in thekingdom of Khana was a female deity and might be related toNanaya rather than the moon god.[1]
In Akkadian the moon god was called Sin (Sîn) or Suen (Su’en).[1] The former is the standard reading of the name from the Old Babylonian period onward, while the latter was presumably the olderuncontracted pronunciation.[14] The etymology of this name remains uncertain.[15] One of the inscriptions ofGudea from the third millennium BCE refers to Sin as a god "whose name nobody can explain", which might be an indication that his name was already unclear and a subject of scribal speculation during his reign.[16]
The name Sin was typically written in cuneiform asdEN.ZU, as possibly already attested in a text from the Uruk period, though oldest certain examples, such as entries in the god lists fromFara andAbu Salabikh, only date back to the Early Dynastic period.[1] Most likely it initially developed as arebus meant to graphically resemble the names of gods whose names had Sumerian etymologies and contained the elementEN, for exampleEnlil.[15] Various phonetic spellings are also attested, for examplesú-en,sí-in,si-in andse-en.[17] The large variety of these variants might indicate that the firstsibilant was difficult to render in cuneiform.[14] In early Akkadian, the sound /s/ was an affricate [ts], which would explain its initial representation with Z-signs and later with S-signs.[18]
A variant form of Sin's name, Suinu, is also attested in texts fromEbla.[19] It has been pointed out that an Eblaite lexical list with the entrysú-i-nu is the oldest available attestation of a phonetic spelling of the name.[1] However, the logogramdEN.ZU was also used in this city.[20] Additionally, in a translation of an Akkadian text written in theUgaritic alphabetic script the name is rendered assn (KTU 1.70, line 4), while inAramaic the variantssn,syn andšn are attested.[15] In theMasoretic Text of theHebrew Bible Sin's name is rendered assan in the theophoric namesSennacherib (Sîn-aḫḫe-erība) andSanballat (Sîn-uballiṭ).[15] Alfonso Archi argues that thetheonymsyn attested in a number of inscriptions fromSouth Arabia should be interpreted as a variant of Sin's name too, and suggests vocalizing it similarly to the Eblaite form of the name.[19] However,Manfred Krebernik [de] concludes that no certain cognates of Sin's name have been identified in other Semitic languages, andsyn (orsn), who according to him is only known fromThamudic inscription fromHadhramaut, should instead be interpreted as Sayin, the localsun god.[15]
From the Old Babylonian period onward Sin's name could be represented by the logogramd30 (𒀭𒌍), derived from the cuneiform numeral 30, symbolically associated with him due to the number of days in the lunar month.[1] It was originally assumed that an even earlier example occurs in the writing of a personal name from the Ur III period, but subsequent research demonstrated that this was the result of erroneouscollation.[21] In the first millennium BCEd30 became the most common writing.[22] For example, in the text corpus fromNeo-BabylonianUruk only a single text, akudurru inscription of Ibni-Ishtar, usesdEN.ZU instead ofd30.[23] UncommonlydNANNA was used in Akkadian texts as asumerogram meant to be read as Sin.[1]
Next to Sin and Nanna, the best attested name of the moon god isdAŠ-im4-babbar (𒀭𒀸𒁽𒌓).[15] It was originally assumed that it should be read as Ašimbabbar, though it was subsequently proved that this depended on an erroneous collation.[24] By 2016 the consensus view that Dilimbabbar is the correct reading was established based on the discovery of multiple passages providing phonetic syllabic spellings.[25] The name can be translated as "the shining one who walks alone".[26] This meaning was originally established based on the now abandoned reading of the name, but it is still considered a valid translation.[25] An alternate proposal relying on homophony of the elementdilim and the logogramdilim2 (LIŠ) is to explain Dilimbabbar as "the shining bowl".[27] The termdilim2 was a loan from Akkadiantilimtu, "bowl".[28] Piotr Steinkeller notes that it is not impossible both proposals regarding the meaning of Dilimbabbar are correct, and that the scribes might have intentionally created puns depending on the well attested tradition of referring to the moon as a unique or solitary celestial body.[29]
Dilimbabbar is already attested in the Early Dynastic god list from Abu Salabikh.[15] TheZame Hymns from the same period link this title with the worship of the moon god in Urum (Tell Uqair).[30] It is not certain if at this point in time it was understood as a title of Sin or as the name of a distinct deity of analogous character.[31] Mark Glenn Hall notes that the absence of theophoric names invoking the moon god under this name from available sources might indicate that if Dilimbabbar was ever understood as a distinct deity this tradition disappeared very early on.[32] However, Manfred Krebernik and Jan Lisman point out that in theTemple Hymns (hymn 37) Dilimbabbar is addressed as a shepherd of Sin, which they argue might be a relic of an intermediate stage between the existence of two independent moon gods and their full conflation.[33]
For unknown reasons the name Dilimbabbar is absent from all the other known Early Dynastic sources, as well as these from the subsequentSargonic andUr III periods, with the next oldest attestation being identified in an inscription ofNur-Adad ofLarsa from Ur from theIsin-Larsa period, which might reflect a rediscovery of the name by scribes under hitherto unknown circumstances.[27] It remained in use through subsequent periods, down to the first millennium BCE.[34]
The Akkadian epithet Namraṣit was considered analogous to Dilimbabbar, as attested in the god listAn = Anum (tablet III, line 26).[35] It can be translated as "whose rise is luminous".[26] Steinkeller points out that it is not a direct translation of Dilimbabbar, as it effectively leaves out the elementdilim.[25] Bendt Alster assumed that the equivalence was the result of late reinterpretation.[36]
Sin was understood both as an anthropomorphic deity representing the moon, and as the astral body itself.[37] He was responsible for providing light during the night.[38] His luminous character could be highlighted with epithets such as "the luminary of the heavens and earth" (nannār šamê u erṣeti) or "the luminary of all creation" (nannār kullati binīti).[39] The growth of the moon over the course of the month was reflected in comparing Sin to the growth of fruit (Akkadianinbu, Sumeriangurun) as attested inNeo-Assyrian andNeo-Babylonian sources, especiallyhemerologies.[40] However, it was not applied consistently as a designation for a specific phase of the moon.[41]Lunar eclipses were believed to be the result of Sin being surrounded by seven evilutukku sent byAnu.[42]
Next to his astral aspect, Sin's other main role has been described as that of a pastoral deity.[43] He was associated with cattle and withdairy products.[44] This link is reflected in his secondary names Abkar, "shining cow", and Ablulu, "the one who makes the cows abundant".[45] He could be addressed as a herdsman in astral context, with stars being poetically described as his herd.[46] In addition to cows, he could also be associated with sheep and with wild animals inhabiting steppes, especially ibexes and gazelles.[47]
Sin was perceived as a benign deity who could be petitioned for help.[6] He was responsible for guaranteeing abundance and growth, especially inUr andHarran, which most likely reflects the well attested phenomenon of locally assigning such a role to tutelary deities of specific areas.[48] It was also believed that he could provide people with offspring, as evidenced by prayer in which he is asked for that by childless worshipers, both men and women.[49] He was also believed to aid pregnant women, both during the beginning of pregnancy and in labour.[50] This aspect of his character is highlighted in the incantationCow of Sîn, which states that he would send a pair oflamassu goddesses to help mothers with difficult births.[51] The common epithet of Sin, "father" (a-a),[52] underlined his ability to cause growth and bring abundance.[48] However, it also reflected his role as a senior member of his pantheon, as well as his authority over deities regarded as his children or servants.[53] It has also been suggested that it metaphorically referred to him as the divine representation of the full moon, with texts instead describing him as a youthful god instead reflecting his role as the new moon.[6] Another epithet commonly applied to him waslugal ("king").[52] Presumably it constituted an implicit reference to his status as the tutelary god of Ur.[54] In the first millennium BCE, as the god of Harran he could be called Bēl-Ḫarrān (dEN.KASKAL), "lord of Harran".[55] This title appears particularly commonly intheophoric names.[56]
Sin could also function as a divine judge in theunderworld,[57] as attested for example in the so-calledFirst Elegy of thePushkin Museum, in which a man named Ludingira hopes that he will proclaim a good verdict for his deceased father.[58] This role might have originally developed as a way to explain why the moon is not visible for a part of each month.[57] The composition in mention states that his judgment took place on the day of the disappearance of the moon (Sumerianu4-ná, Akkadianūm bubbuli).[59] However, Dina Katz argues that in contrast with the frequent assignment of a similar role toShamash, Sin was usually not associated with judgment of either the living or the dead.[60] References to both of them acting as judges are nonetheless known fromOld Babylonian inscriptions.[61]
In Mesopotamian medicineskin diseases, especiallyleprosy (saḫaršubbû), as well asepileptic symptoms, could be interpreted as a manifestation of Sin'swrath.[62] The former are also mentioned in curse formulas as a punishment he could inflict upon oath breakers.[63]
A number of sources attest the existence of a tradition in which Sin was regarded as the sole head of theMesopotamian pantheon or a deity equal in rank to the traditionalkings of the gods,Anu andEnlil.[64] According toWilfred G. Lambert, most of the evidence for this view postdates the reign ofMeli-Shipak II, and indicates it might have been particularly popular inHarran.[65] AnOld Babylonian literary composition written in Sumerian describes Sin as the head of the divine assembly (Ubšu’ukkin),with Anu, Enlil,Inanna, Utu,Enki andNinhursag serving as his advisers.[66] Two of his titles known from the god listAn = Anum,dUkkin ("the assembly") and Ukkin-uru ("mighty assembly"), might reflect this portrayal.[52] Some Old Babyloniantheophoric names might also be connected to the view that Sin was the head of the pantheon, namely Sîn-bēl-ili ("Sin is the lord of the gods"), Sîn-šar-ili ("Sin is the king of the gods") or Sîn-il-ili ("Sin is god of the gods").[67] Lambert notes that while similar names invoking other gods, for exampleShamash andAdad, are also known, Sîn-bēl-ili is ultimately the most common.[65]
Examples of texts elevating Sin's rank are known fromUr from the period of theNeo-Assyrian governorSîn-balāssu-iqbi's reign.[68] The moon god was in this case seemingly reinterpreted as a "local Enlil”, acting as the king of the gods in Ur.[69] It has been argued that the view that Sin was the supreme god was later particularly enthusiastically supported by the lastNeo-Babylonian ruler,Nabonidus.[65] In one of his inscriptions from Harran Sin is described as the "lord of the gods" who possessed "Enlilship", "Anuship" and "Eaship".[70] However, Melanie Groß stresses that Nabonidus' devotion should for the most part not be treated as an unusual phenomenon, save for the fact that Harran was not the center of his empire.[71] She notes that the elevation of city deities significant for specific rulers to the top of the pantheon of the respective states is well documented for example in the case ofMarduk andAshur.[72] Aino Hätinen points out that in Harran similar formulas were used to refer to Sin byAshurbanipal, and are thus not unique to Nabonidus and do not necessarily indicate elevation of this god during his reign.[73] She suggests both Nabonidus and Ashurbanipal relied on so-called "Theology of the Moon", a concept well attested in explanatory texts from the first millennium BCE according to which Sin possessed divine powers (Sumerianĝarza, Akkadianparṣū) equal to these of Anu, Enlil andEa during the first half of the lunar month.[74]
Despite Sin's popularity documented in textual sources, depictions of him are not common inMesopotamian art.[75] His most common attribute was thecrescent.[3][76] In accordance with the appearance of the new moon in thelatitude of Mesopotamia, it was consistently represented as recumbent.[77] It was frequently compared to bull horns[3] and to a barge.[44] On seals, Sin could be depicted with the crescent either placed on his tiara[75] or atop a standard he held.[78] It was also used to represent him onkudurru, decorated boundary stones.[79] It consistently occurs in the upper section of such objects, next to symbols ofShamash andIshtar, though their exact arrangement can vary.[80] A survey of 110 stones or their fragments indicated that this trio of deities is depicted on all knownkudurru.[79]Aniconic portrayals of Sin as the lunar crescent also predominate in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian art.[81] Furthermore, the logogramdU4.SAKAR (𒀭𒌓𒊬) which could be used to write his name was derived from a term referring to the crescent.[3]
Like other Mesopotamian gods Sin was depicted as a mature, bearded man[82] dressed in a flounced robe.[83] In some cases he holds a mace or a stick, with the latter occurring particularly often, though these attributes were not exclusively associated with him and cannot be used to identify depictions of him.[78] A further object associated with him in art was a tripod, possibly a candelabrum, sometimes with a lunar crescent on top and with an unidentified sandal-like object hanging from it.[84]
In some cases, Sin could be portrayed rising from between two mountains, similarly to Shamash, and Dominique Collon has suggests that in some cases reassessment of works of art often presumed to represent the latter in this situation might be necessary due to this similarity.[83] Depictions of Sin in a barge are known too, and presumably reflect the belief that he traversed the night sky in this vehicle, as documented in textual sources.[83] Based on Old Babylonian sources is presumed that the lunar barge was considered a representation of a phase of the moon, specifically thegibbous moon.[85] It could be metaphorically compared to a type bowl (Sumeriandilim2, Akkadiantilimtu), apparently also regarded as an attribute of the moon god.[86] Piotr Steinkeller suggests that the latter might have been considered a representation of thehalf moon.[87]
Ningal, the wife of Sin, could be depicted alongside him for example in banquet scenes.[88] On the stele ofUr-Nammu she sits in his lap.[89] This type of depictions was meant to display the intimate nature of a connection between the deities and highlight their ability to act in unison, and is also attested forBau andNingirsu.[90]
Enlil andNinlil were usually regarded as Sin's parents.[91] It has been argued that an Early Dynastic text from Abu Salabikh already refers to Enlil and Ninlil as his parents, though an alternate view is that he oldest certain evidence only goes back to the reign ofUr-Nammu of theThird Dynasty of Ur.[92] It has been argued that in this period he might have started to be viewed as a son of Enlil for political reasons.[93] The compilers of the god listAn = Anum apparently did not acknowledge this tradition directly, as in contrast withNinurta Sin does not appear in the section focused on Enlil and his family.[92] However, his status as his son is seemingly reflected in the epithets Dumununna, "son of the prince", and Dumugi, "noble son".[94] Sin is also kept separate from Enlil in theOld Babylonian forerunner of this text, which has been argued to be a reflection of an earlier tradition in which they were not viewed as son and father.[95] While references toAnu being the father of Sin are also known, they are most likely metaphorical, and do not represent a distinct genealogical tradition.[91]
In the mythEnlil and Ninlil Sin's brothers areNergal,Ninazu andEnbilulu, though the latter two gods were commonly regarded as sons of different parents instead.[91] Enbilulu in particular is not attested as a son of Enlil and Ninlil in any other sources.[96] Based on their shared status as sons of Enlil Sin and Nergal were sometimes referred to as the "big twins", and in this context were identified withLugal-irra and Meslamta-ea.[97] The connection between Lugal-Irra and Sin seemingly depended on the latter's occasional role as a judge in theunderworld.[98] Anastronomical text equates the pair Sin and Nergal withLatarak andLulal, but this attestation is unparalleled in other sources.[99]
Sin's wife wasNingal.[9] They are already attested as a couple in Early Dynastic sources,[100] and they were consistently paired with each other in all regions of Mesopotamia.[101] Derivatives of Ningal were associated with local moon gods in theUgaritic,Hurrian andHittite pantheons.[9] However, the old proposal that Hurrians, and by extension Hittites and inhabitants of Ugarit, received her fromHarran is regarded as unproven, as she does not appear in association with this city in any sources from the second millennium BCE.[102] She is also absent fromLuwian sources pertaining to the worship of Sin of Harran in the first millennium BCE.[103]
The best attested children of Sin wereUtu (Shamash) andInanna (Ishtar).[9] The connection between these three deities depended on their shared astral character, with Sin representing the moon and his children, who could be identified as twins - thesun andVenus.[104] Numerous instances of Inanna being directly referred to as his oldest daughter are known.[105] While alternate traditions about her parentage are attested, it is agreed they were less significant[106] and ultimately she was most commonly recognized as a daughter of Sin and Ningal.[107] It has been pointed out that apparent references to Anu being her father instead might only designate him as an ancestor.[105] Similarly to how Sin was referred as the "great boat of heaven" (dmá-gul-la-an-na),[92] his son was the "small boat of heaven" (dmá-bàn-da-an-na), which reflected his subordinate status.[108] These titles additionally reflected the Mesopotamian belief that the moon was larger than the sun.[109] As an extension of her marriage to the sun god, thedawn goddessAya was regarded as a daughter-in-law of Sin, as reflected by her common epithetkallatum.[110]
Further attested children of Sin include the goddesses Amarazu and Amaraḫea, known from the god listAn = Anum,Ningublaga (the city god of Kiabrig) andNumushda (the city god ofKazallu).[9] Ningublaga's connection with the moon god is well attested in god lists (An = Anum, theWeidner god list, theNippur god list) and other sources, one example being the formula "servant of Sin and Ningublaga," known from an Old Babyloniancylinder seal.[111] While he was not always explicitly identified as his son, with such references lacking for example fromAn = Anum, direct statements confirming the existence of such a tradition have been identified in an inscription ofAbisare ofLarsa and in a hymn dedicated to Ningublaga's temple in Kiabrig.[9] Designating Numushda as a son of Sin was likely meant to be a way to assimilate him into the pantheon oflower Mesopotamia, and might be based on perceived similarity to Ningublaga.[112] The tradition according to which he was a son of the moon god is absent from sources from the third millennium BCE.[113] Additionally, a single literary text calls Numushda a son ofEnki, rather than Sin and Ningal.[114] Amarazu and Amaraḫea are overall sparsely attested, and despite their status as Sin's daughters in god lists and the incantation seriesUdug Hul there is no evidence they were worshiped alongside him in Ur.[115] The reason behind the association between these two goddesses and the moon god is unknown.[116]
While references toNinegal as a daughter of Sin are known, in this context the name is treated as anepithet of Inanna, and there is no evidence Ninegal understood as a distinct goddess was associated with him in any way.[117] Another deity associated with Ishtar who was sometimes described as daughter of Sin was the love goddessNanaya.[118] However, this tradition seems to stem from the close connection between Nanaya and Inanna, as for example theHymn to the City ofArbela in a passage focused onIshtar of Arbela refers to Nanaya as a daughter of Sin, but also syncretises her with the goddess being praised.[119] Sources where Nanaya's father is instead either Anu orUrash (the male tutelary god ofDilbat, rather than theearth goddess of the same name) are known too.[120] Only inAssyria in theNeo-Assyrian period she was regarded as a daughter of Sin.[121] A god list fromNineveh might indicate that she was viewed as a daughter of the moon god specifically when she was counted among deities belonging to the entourage of Enlil.[122] A further goddess related to Inanna,Annunitum, could similarly be addressed as a daughter of Sin, though this tradition is only preserved in inscriptions ofNabonidus documenting the repair of her temple inSippar.[123] Due to identification with Inanna, the Hurrian and Elamite goddessPinikir is referred to as a daughter of Sin and Ningal in a text written inAkkadian but found in a corpus of Hurro-Hittite rituals.[124]
In a singleMaqlû incantation,Manzat, the goddess of the rainbow, appears as the sister of Shamash, and by extension as daughter of his parents, Sin and Ningal.[125]
A tradition according to which Ninazu was a son of Sin is also known.[91] Frans Wiggermann proposes that the occasional association between these two gods might have reflected the dependence ofEnegi, Ninazu's cult center, on nearby Ur.[126]
In the first millennium BCE a tradition according to whichNuska was a son of Sin developed in Harran.[127]Manfred Krebernik [de] suggests that it might have reflectedAramaic influence and that it resulted from a connection between Sin, Nuska and hitherto unknown deities worshiped by this group.[9]
While assertions thatIshkur was regarded as a further son of Sin can be found in older literature, no primary sources confirm the existence of such a tradition.[128]
Sin'ssukkal (attendant deity) wasAlammuš.[9] He andNingublaga were often associated with each other and could be even referred to as twin brothers.[129] Manfred Krebernik notes that this might indicate that he was also viewed as a son of the moon god.[9] However, no direct evidence supporting this notion has been identified, and therefore whether he was ever regarded as a child of Sin remains impossible to ascertain.[130] Alammuš also possessed his own attendant, Urugal.[131]
In the Old Babylonian forerunner ofAn = Anum,Nindara is listed among the deities belonging to the entourage of Sin.[42] This god was originally worshiped as the husband ofNanshe in the state ofLagash in theEarly Dynastic period.[132] InAn = Anum itself he and Sin are directly identified with each other (tablet III, line 65), and the lines following this statement list Nanshe and their children.[42] However, there is no evidence that this equation was responsible for the lack of references to Nindara in theSealand archives, as Nanshe was not worshiped in association with Sin in this context.[133]Nin-MAR.KI, who was traditionally regarded as Nanshe's daughter, is also placed in the section ofAn = Anum dedicated to Sin, though according toWalther Sallaberger her presence there might reflect her well attested association with cattle, which she shared with the moon god.[134] Further members of his entourage include deities such asNineigara, referred to his "lady of the treasury" (nin-èrim, Akkadianbēlet išitti) and "obedient housekeeper"(munus-agrig šu-dim4-ma, Akkadianabarakkatu saniqtu),[135]Nimintabba,[136] andNinurima.[137] In medical texts, the demon Bennu, responsible for causingepilepsy, is described as his "deputy" (šanê) as well.[138]
InAn = AnumSuzianna andNinimma, both usually regarded as courtiers of Enlil, are also identified as Sin's nurses.[91]
TheHurrian moon god, variously known asKušuḫ, Umbu or Ušu,[91] was identified with Sin and his name was sometimes written logographically asdEN.ZU ord30.[139] It is possible that his character was influenced by exposure to Mesopotamian culture and the image of the moon god in it in particular.[140]
Equivalence between Sin andYarikh is documented in anAkkadian-Amoritebilinguallexical list[141] presumed to originate inlower Mesopotamia and dated to theOld Babylonian period.[142] The two of them are also equated in anUgaritic god list.[143] The name of Yarikh (Yariḫ) and its variants are cognate with terms referring both to the moon and to month as a measure of time in multipleSemitic languages, including both Amorite and Ugaritic.[91] While neither the names Nanna nor Sin share such a linguistic affinity, the respective Sumerian (itud) and Akkadian (warḫum) words for moon and month are likewise the same.[3] As noted by Nick Wyatt,Nikkal, the counterpart ofNingal regarded as the wife of Yarikh inUgarit, likely reached the coastal city via aHurrian intermediary, and it is possible that the myth describing their marriage was based on a Mesopotamian or Hurrian original, focused on either Sin or Kušuḫ.[144] However, Steve A. Wiggins states that despite the connection between Sin and Yarikh the latter shows a number of traits distinct from his counterpart, for example literary texts at times compare him to a dog, an animal not associated with the Mesopotamian moon god.[145]
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InHittite andLuwian sources the logographic writingsd30 anddEN.ZU were used to render the name of the Anatolian moon godArma.[146] As noted byPiotr Taracha [de], whiled30 was also used to represent the name of theHattian moon godKašku in the corresponding version of the mythThe Moon that Fell from Heaven, it is improbable that it designates him in cultic texts, as he was a deity of little relevance in Hattian andHittite religion.[147]
InEmar,d30 might have been used as a logogram to represent the name of the local godSaggar, who in addition to fulfilling a lunar role was also the divine personification of theSinjar Mountains.[148] Both he and Sin (Suinu) were worshiped inEbla in the third millennium BCE, possibly with each representing a differentlunar phase.[20] It has been suggested that the logogramdEN.ZU designated Saggar in this city, but according to Alfonso Archi this is unlikely.[149] Lunar character is sometimes also proposed for a further Eblaite deity,Hadabal (dNI-da-KUL), though Archi similarly disagrees with this view.[150] However, he does accept the possibility that the theophoric name of a king of Ibubu mentioned in an Eblaite text,Li-im-dEN.ZU, a different deity than Sin was meant.[149]
The logogramd30 was also used to render the name of theElamite moon deity, possibly to be identified withNapir, thoughManfred Krebernik [de] notes that in one case the name Nannar appears to be attested in Elamite contex,[91] specifically in an inscription ofShilhak-Inshushinak.[3]
A bilingual Akkadian-Kassite lexical list indicates that theKassite deity regarded as the counterpart of Sin was Ši-ḪU (reading of the second sign uncertain), well attested as an element oftheophoric names, though he was more commonly equated withMarduk in similar sources.[91]
Sin was recognized as a major deity all across ancient Mesopotamia.[151] His status was already high in the earliest periods to which the history of theMesopotamian pantheon can be traced.[152] It is presumed that Sin was actively worshiped in most of the major cities of the region, with remains of multipletemples dedicated to him identified during excavations both inBabylonia and inAssyria.[153]
Ur was already well established as the cult center of the moon god, initially under his Sumerian name Nanna, inEarly Dynastic times, as attested in theZame Hymns fromAbu Salabikh.[30] His primarytemple this city was Ekišnugal,[154] "house of the great light".[155] Sanctuaries bearing this name also existed in other cities, which is presumed to reflect Ur's central importance in the sphere of religion.[156] The first certain attestation of this ceremonial name has been dated to the reign ofUtu-hegal, though it is possible it was already used in the times ofEannatum.[30] Through history, it was rebuilt or patronized by multiple rulers, includingNaram-Sin of Akkad,Ur-Nammu of Ur, various rulers from theIsin-Larsa period,Kurigalzu I of theKassite dynasty ofBabylon,Marduk-nadin-ahhe andAdad-apla-iddina of theSecond Dynasty of Isin, andNebuchadnezzar II of theNeo-Babylonian Empire.[157] Other houses of worship dedicated to Sin existed in Ur too.[30] For example, liturgical texts mention the ceremonial name Edimanna, "house, bond of heaven".[158] Enamnunna, "house of princeliness", rebuilt bySin-Iddinam, might have been located in Ur too.[159] Aziggurat dedicated to Sin was constructed during the reign of Ur-Nammu.[160] It bore the name Elugalgalgasisa, "house of the king who lets counsel flourish".[161]
Kings from theThird Dynasty of Ur believed themselves to be appointed to their position by Sin.[162] His cult flourished during their reigns, as evidenced both by structures uncensored during excavations and by the numerous dedicatory inscriptions.[160] An inscription from this period refers to him as one of the major members of the pantheon, next toEnlil,Ninlil,Inanna,Enki,Nergal,Ninurta,Nuska,Ninshubur and the deified heroGilgamesh, included in the enumeration due to his importance for the ruling house.[163]Ibbi-Sin at one point dedicated the image of a "red dog ofMeluhha" to Sin.[164] According to the document describing this offering, the animal bore the evocative name "He bites!"[164]
An important aspect of the lunar cult in Ur was the institution of theen priestess.[165] InAkkadian its holders were referred to asentum.[166] Their residence was known as Gipar, and while initially separate in the Old Babylonian period it was combined into a single complex with the temple of the moon god's wife, Ningal.[167] Not much is known about the duties of theen in the sphere of cult, though they apparently played a role in building and renovation activities.[168] They are chiefly documented in sources from between the Sargonic and early Old Babylonian periods.[166] They were typically daughters of kings.[165]
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Enheduanna, the daughter ofSargon of Akkad, was a particularly famousen priestess.[151][169] She is also the earliest attested holder of this office, with available evidence including the so-called "disc of Enheduanna", seals of her servants, and literary compositions copied in later periods traditionally attributed to her.[170] It is it not certain if the office ofen was only established at this point in time as an innovation, or if it developed from an earlier Early Dynastic title tied to the cult of the moon god.[171] Lateren priestesses includeEnmenanna [pl], daughter of Sargon's grandsonNaram-Sin of Akkad (named as "zirru priestess of the god Nanna, spouse of the god N[anna], entu priestess of the god Sin at Ur");[172] Enannepada, daughter ofUr-Baba ofLagash and the only holder of this office from theSecond Dynasty of Lagash;[173]Ennirgalana [pl], daughter ofUr-Nammu of Ur;[174]Ennirzianna [hu], a contemporary and possibly daughter ofShulgi;[173] her successors Enuburzianna and Enmahgalana, the former also selected during the reign of Shulgi and the latter shortly after byAmar-Sin;[175]Enannatumma [pl], daughter ofIshme-Dagan ofIsin[176] who retained her position after his death and conquest of the city of Ur byLarsa; Enšakiag-Nanna, daughter ofSumuel of Larsa;[177] and her successorEnanedu [pl], daughter ofKudur-Mabuk of Larsa and sister ofWarad-Sin andRim-Sîn I.[178] She was the last known holder of this office before its revival of in the Neo-Babylonian period.[179]
As attested for the first time during the reign of Amar-Sin, separate office ofen of Nanna existed in nearby Karzida.[168] Only two of its holders are known, both of them active contemporarily with this king: Enagazianna and En-Nanna-Amar-Suen-kiagra.[180] Sparsely attested Enmegalanna, known only from a single reference to funerary offerings meant for her from the early Old Babylonian period, might have been a furtheren from Karzida, though it is ultimately unknown whether she resided there or in Ur.[181]
It is presumed that while prominent in the third and early second millennia BCE, the institution ofen gradually declined and finally disappeared.[182]
Sources dealing with the worship of Sin in Ur after theOld Babylonian period are less common than these from early periods.[183]
While Ur is not directly referenced in any of the texts agreed to come from the archives of theFirst Sealand dynasty, it is nonetheless possible that both the city and Sin had a particular importance to rulers belonging to it.[184] He is one of the best attested deities in the Sealand text corpus next toNanshe,Ishtar,Ninurta andShamash.[185] He is the single most common deity intheophoric names from it, which reflects his popularity in the onomasticon attested from Old Babylonian toMiddle Babylonian period.[186] At the same time, other evidence points to his cult only having a modest scope, which might indicate its center was a temple only loosely tied to the royal administration.[187] Three texts indicate he could receive offerings in the beginning of a lunar month, during thenew moon.[188] He is also invoked alongsideEnlil,Ea and the respective spouses of all three of these gods (Ningal,Ninlil andDamkina) in a seal inscription ofAkurduana.[186] In addition to the worship of Sin himself, offerings to a distinct manifestation of Inanna known under theepithet "daughter of Sin",d(INANNA.)DUMU(.MÍ)-(d)30(‐NA)/dEN.ZU are also documented in the Sealand texts.[106]
With the exception ofKurigalzu I, rulers of theKassite dynasty showed little interest in Ur.[189] During his reign the Edublamaḫ, "house, exalted door socket", originally a court of law dedicated to Sin build byShu-Ilishu to commemorate the return of a statue of this god fromAnshan, was rebuilt as a temple.[8]
Little is known about the worship of Sin in Ur during the reign of theSecond Dynasty of Isin and beyond, as no late temple archive has been discovered, and the information is limited to scarce archeological evidence for building activity and a small number of commemorative inscriptions.[190] The oldest of them come from the middle of the seventh century BCE, when the city was under the control of a local dynasty of governors loyal to theNeo-Assyrian Empire.[191] It is uncertain to what degree the Neo-Assyrian rulers themselves were involved in the religious traditions of Ur.[192] One of the governors,Sîn-balāssu-iqbi, son of Ningal-iddin and contemporary ofAshurbanipal, apparently capitalized on a local economic boom to renovate Ekišnugal.[193] He also rebuilt Elugalgalgasisa.[161]
After the period of Sîn-balāssu-iqbi's activity sources pertaining to the worship of Sin in Ur only reappear during the reign ofNebuchadnezzar II, who similarly renovated Ekišnugal.[194] He might have been motivated by the importance he attributed to the moon god as responsible for determining destiny through lunar omens.[195] His successorNabonidus carried out further construction work pertaining to the cult of Sin in Ur.[196] He commissioned multiple large building projects, including the reconstruction of houses of worship connected to Sin and his wife Ningal.[197] Elugalgalgasisa was among them, and in an inscription commemorating this event the king asserted work on the same structure had earlier been made byUr-Nammu andShulgi.[161] He also showed interest in earlier traditions of Ur and revived the institution of theen priestess, placing his daughter in this role and bestowing the new nameEnnigaldi-Nanna ("priestess requested by Nanna") upon her.[198] Her birth name is unknown.[199] In an inscription Nabonidus claimed that he relied on a document authored byEnanedu [pl] while restoring the office.[200]Paul-Alain Beaulieu notes that his investigation of the nature of the office ofen priestess in the previous periods of Mesopotamian history can be compared to a degree to the work of a modernarcheologist.[201]
Inupper Mesopotamia, the most widely recognized cult center of Sin wasHarran.[30] Melanie Groß states that Sin might have been introduced to Harran fromUr during the reign of theThird Dynasty of Ur, when the city served primarily as a trading center.[202] Similar view has been advanced by Steven Holloway.[162] However, Harran is first linked with Sin in texts from theOld Babylonian period.[30] The city itself is already attested inEblaite sources from the twenty fourth century BCE.[203] They indicate it was among the settlements which officially recognized the hegemony ofEbla over northernSyria.[204] While Sin (Suinu) was worshiped in this area, offerings to him are not mentioned frequently in the Eblaite archive,[205] and the city regarded as his cult center was apparently NI-rar.[76] Alfonso Archi argues that he was not introduced there fromlower Mesopotamia, and points out he was locally associated with theBalikh River.[150] A single source mentions an individual who served as a priest of both Suinu andBaliḫa, a duo of deities representing this watercourse.[76]
The oldest evidence for the worship of Sin in Harran might be an inscription ofNaram-Suen of Eshnunna dated to the late nineteenth century BCE, though its reading remains uncertain, and it is generally assumed the earliest unambiguous references to "Sin of Harran" (dEN.ZUša ḫa-ar-ra-nimki) occur in texts fromMari from the reign ofZimri-Lim (1782-1759 BCE), such as a letter mentioning atemple dedicated to him.[202] It states that the local ruler, Asdi-Takim, signed a treaty with the kings ofZalmaqqum and the elders of DUMU-iamina in this house of worship.[206] It was known asEḫulḫul [de] (𒂍𒄾𒄾), "house which gives joy",[207] though this ceremonial name is not attested before theNeo-Assyrian period.[30] Due to continuous occupation of Harran no buildings predatinglate antiquity have been identified during excavations, and as of 2023 the exact location of the temple of Sin is unknown.[208]
The worship of Sin in Harran is not well documented through the rest of the second millennium BCE, though he does appear among the divine witnesses in a treaty betweenŠuppiluliuma I of theHittite Empire andŠattiwaza of theMitanni Empire as one of the deities of the latter of these two states.[202] Alfonso Archi points out that he andKušuḫ, theHurrian moon god, are listed separately in this source.[209] There is no evidence that Sin of Harran was worshiped by Hittites.[210] However, he was incorporated intoLuwian religion, as indicated by references to his introduction toTarḫuntašša from the second millennium BCE.[146]Manfred Hutter states that his cult spread there fromKizzuwatna, where he and Kušuḫ were the moon deities favored byLuwians, in contrast withArma's popularity among western Luwian communities.[211]
The popularity of Sin of Harran grew in theIron Age.[212] He became an important deity in the local pantheon ofTabal.[213] Even though Arma continued to be worshiped by the Luwian communities residing inPamphylia,Cilicia,Caria andLycia, among eastern Luwians he was entirely displaced by Sin of Harran as the moon god.[214] The latter is mentioned alongside deities such asTarḫunz andKubaba in an inscription ofHimayata [de] on a stela fromTil Barsip.[215] He also appears alongside Kubaba in curse formulas in multiple inscriptions from Tabal.[213]
While no references to Sin of Harran occur inAssyrian sources from theMiddle Assyrian period,[202] even though it is possible his cult center was incorporated into the Middle Assyrian administrative system as early as during the reign ofTukulti-Ninurta I,[216] evidence for royal patronage of his temple is available from the subsequentNeo-Assyrian period.[217] Steven W. Holloway suggests the Neo-Assyrian Empire strived to adopt the cult of Sin, popular among the local population, for the sake of royal propaganda.[206] It attained a particular importance in Assyria from the reign ofSargon II onward.[218]Esarhaddon received astronomical reports from thegalamāḫu ("chief lamentation priest") of Sin of Harran.[219]Ashurbanipal renovated the Eḫulḫul and most likely took part in anakitu celebration in this city, possibly while returning from his campaign againstEgypt.[220]
Royal cult of Sin in Harran ceased after the fall of Assyria,[221] and after the defeat ofAššur-uballiṭ II his temple was looted byNabopolassar and hisMedian allies (Ummanmanda).[222] However, royal interest in it was revived later on in theNeo-Babylonian period byNabonidus.[221] His motherAdad-guppi most likely hailed from this city, and she was either a priestess of Sin or an upper class laywoman particularly devoted to this god.[199] It has been suggested that her personal devotion to the tutelary god of Harran influenced the religious outlook of her son.[223] The rebuilding of Eḫulḫul started during the reign of Nabonidus, but it is not known if the project was complete by the time he was deposed byCyrus the Great in 539 BCE.[224]
Harran retained importance as a religious site after the fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire through thePersian,Hellenistic andRoman periods,[225] though references to it are less common than in earlier sources.[226] Presumably the temple of Sin retained its form from the reign of Nabonidus under the Achaemenids, but it was most likely rebuilt under Greek rule.[227] Coins from the mint established in Harran in the late fourth century BCE under the rule ofAntigonus I Monophthalmus are marked with a crescent, which is presumed to be an indication of continuation of the worship of Sin.[228] Lunar symbols continued to appear on locally minted coins in the Roman period, with examples available from the reigns ofRoman emperors such asLucius Verus,Septimius Severus andElagabalus.[229]
Sin is already mentioned in anEarly Dynastic inscription ofLugalzagesi fromNippur, with the name Nanna only appearing in sources from this city later on.[230] A temple dedicated to Sin known under the ceremonial name Ekišnugal existed in Bīt-Suenna,[157] which was seemingly asuburb of this city.[231] The so-calledNippur Compendium mentions a nameless temple dedicated to him located in Nippur itself, and states that he was worshiped there alongsideNingal,Ishtar,Shamash,Shuzianna andKalkal.[232] He was also venerated in one of the four chapels in the temple ofNinlil, with the other three dedicated toNinhursag,Nintinugga andNisaba.[233] Intheophoric names fromKassite Nippur, Sin is the single most common deity, appearing 129 times in available sources in this context.[234]
InBabylon, Sin is first attested in theOld Babylonian period during the reign ofSumu-abum, who constructed a temple dedicated to him, though it is not certain to which of the sanctuaries documented in later sources it corresponded.[235] One of them shared the name Ekišnugal with the temple from Ur, as attested in inscriptions ofHammurabi,Samsu-iluna andNebuchadnezzar II.[157] A second house of worship dedicated to him, Enitendu, "house of (pleasant) rest", existed in the east of the same city, as indicated by inscriptions ofAmmi-Ditana andAmmi-Saduqa.[236] Sin was also worshiped in the temple ofBēlet-Bābili, a local hypostasis of Ishtar, presumably due to his well documented role as the father of this goddess.[237] In theSeleucid period,Antiochos I on one occasion made offerings to Sin in Babylon.[238] However, it is presumed that his religious policy with regards to veneration of local deities was unique and should not be regarded as the standard for Seleucid rulers, as it finds no direct parallel in sources pertaining to other members of this dynasty.[239]
Sin was also worshiped in the immediate proximity of Babylon in Damru, as evidenced by his epithetbēl Damru, "lord of Damru".[240] A temple dedicated to him bearing the ceremonial name Egissubiduga, "house whose shade is pleasant", existed in this settlement.[241]
Evidence for the worship of Sin in nearbyBorsippa is available from the Neo-Babylonian period and late sources, though he was likely present in this city earlier already.[242] In the Ezida temple complex, which was dedicated toNabu (earlierMarduk, initiallyTutu),[243] there existed a sanctuary dedicated to him known as Edimanna, "house, bond of heaven", as attested in an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II commemorating its rebuilding and in a Neo-Babylonian administrative text.[158] It is possible his presence in the local pantheon reflected a connection between him andNanaya.[244]
InUruk the worship of Sin is first documented in the Old Babylonian period, with an offering list using his Sumerian name and an administrative text the Akkadian one.[245] His temple in this city was known under the ceremonial name Edumununna, "house of the son of the prince".[246] In the Neo-Babylonian period he was most likely worshiped in this city in a small chapel, so-calledekurrātu.[247] Three manifestations of him received offerings, with Sin "of the courtyard" (ša kisalli) and "of heaven" (ša šamê) attested in addition to the standard form of this god.[23] However, the significance of these two more specific manifestations was minor.[248] In three cases, Sin and "Sin of heaven" appear in the same texts as two distinct deities.[249]
A reference to a sanctuary of Sin occurs in a text from the reign ofDarius the Great as well.[250] He also continued to be venerated in Uruk in the Seleucid period, as indicated by references to him in both ritual and legal texts, as well as attested theophoric names invoking him.[251] He might have been one of the deities worshiped in the Bīt Rēš,[252] "head temple," a new temple complex dedicated toAnu andAntu which was built in this period.[253] According to Julia Krul, it can be assumed that his presence in the local pantheon of Uruk was also the reason behind the introduction ofNingal andNingublaga to the city documented in late sources.[254]
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While Sin was seemingly not actively worshiped inEarly DynasticLagash, he appears among the deities invoked in an oath formula on theStele of the Vultures, as well as in both Sumerian and Akkadian theophoric names identified in sources from this area, such as Amar-Suen and Puzur-Suen.[4] Later onNaram-Sin might have built a temple dedicated to him in nearbyGirsu.[255]
InUrum Sin was worshiped in a temple known under the ceremonial name Eablua, "house of teeming cattle".[256] According toAndrew R. George the Edublamaḫ, "house, exalted door socket", which was built in this city by Nāqimum of theMananā Dynasty nearKish was also dedicated to him.[8]
Akshak was seemingly also regarded as a cult center of Sin, as evidenced by references to asanga priest of this god residing there, as well as by the theophoric namedEN.ZU-LUGAL-Akšakki, "Sin in the king of Akshak".[30]
InSippar Sin is well documented in sources from the Old Babylonian period, appearing there for the first time on a seal from the reign of the local kingImmerum [de], a contemporary ofSumu-la-El of Babylon.[257] He had a temple in this city, Eidimanna, "house, bond of heaven".[258] However, no references to his cult occur in documents from later periods, and he is only attested again in this city during the reign ofNabonidus.[257] It is not certain if this ruler reintroduced him to the city, or if he only promoted the status of a minor cult which existed there all along but was not referenced directly in available sources.[259] Sin continued to be worshiped in Sippar underPersian rule as well.[260]
InLarsa Sin was worshiped in a temple shared withNingal in the Old Babylonian period, but no references to him occur in sources from this city from later times.[261]
Sin and Ningal at some point replacedInanna andDumuzi as the tutelary deities of Kissig.[262]
Sin played an important role in theDiyala basin, for example in an inscription ofDadusha ofEshnunna enumerating the major deities of his kingdom he is listed directly afterAnu andEnlil, which is a position where usuallyEnki (Ea) would be expected to appear.[263] It is possible that he had a temple in the city of Eshnunna itself, which might be mentioned in a year name ofIbal-pi-el II.[264]Tutub was recognized as his cult center in this area, and excavations indicate that the temple dedicated to him existed in theJemdat Nasr period already.[30] Anen priestess dedicated to him resided in this city, similarly as in Ur.[151] However, the city eventually lost its importance as a cult center of Sin.[265] A further house of worship dedicated to him has been identified during excavations inTell Ishchali,[266] most likely the site of ancient Nērebtum.[267]
Sin is also the most commonly occurring god in personal names known from tablets from theChogha Gavaneh site in westernIran, which in the early second millennium BCE was an Akkadian settlement most likely connected to the kingdom of Eshnunna.[268]
While in Babylonia sanctuaries dedicated to Sin were typically located in cities associated with deities regarded as his relatives, for example his father Enlil in the case of Nippur and his daughter Ishtar in Uruk and Babylon, inAssyria they occur mostly in settlements which served as this region's capitals at various points in time.[269] A double temple dedicated jointly to him andShamash, the Eḫulḫuldirdirra, "house of surpassing joys", existed inAssur.[270] It is not clear if this rarely used ceremonial name was influenced by the better attestedEḫulḫul [de], referring to the temple inHarran.[271] It was rebuilt byAshur-nirari I,Tukulti-Ninurta I andAshurnasirpal II.[272] A similar joint temple existed inNineveh, as indicated in documents from the reign ofEsarhaddon, though its name is presently unknown.[273] Since yet another comparable double sanctuary was located inDur-Sharrukin, it is possible that the topography of temples of Assur was used as a model for other cities which served as capitals at different points in the history of Assyria.[274]
In theOld Assyrian period Sin was among theMesopotamian deities most frequently worshiped by the inhabitants of theOld Assyrian trading colony (karum) inKanesh.[275]
Despite his religious importance, Sin only uncommonly appears in myths, especially when compared with his childrenIshtar andShamash.[104]
The compositionNanna-Suen’s journey to Nibru describes the moon god's journey to visitEnlil in his city,Nippur.[276] It is presumed that this composition reflected a festival well attested in literary texts during which a statue of the moon god was transported by boat fromUr to Nippur.[30] After a hymnic prologue praising Nippur, the narrative relays how Sin dispatches his servants to provide him with wood from various areas, includingEbla andTummal, so that he can have a ship constructed to that end.[277] Once it is finished, he prepares various gifts for Enlil, including cattle, sheep, birds, fish and other animals.[278] He then embarks on his journey.[279] He makes five stops along the way, in each case being welcomed by a local goddess:[280]Ningirida inEnegi,Šerida inLarsa,Inanna inUruk,Nin-unug inShuruppak andNinlil in Tummal, but despite their urging he does not share the cargo meant to be received by Enlil with any of them.[281] After reaching Nippur, he is welcomed by the divine doorkeeperKalkal, and finally meets Enlil.[282] He requests a blessing for his city, Ur, which he receives in the closing lines of the composition.[283]
Sin plays a prominent role in theLabbu myth.[263] This composition is known only from a single poorly preserved copy from thelibrary of Ashurbanipal.[284] Due to the prominence of Sin and the presence ofTishpak it is possible that it originated in the kingdom ofEshnunna.[285]Wilfred G. Lambert estimated that it was originally composed at some point between 1800 BCE and 800 BCE.[263] Frans Wiggermann favors dating its composition to earlier than 1755 BCE.[286] It deals with the conflict between gods and the eponymous monster.[287] At the sight of Labbu Sin obscures his face with a cloak,[288] which is presumed to reflect alunar eclipse.[284] Later he advises Tishpak, who has apparently been selected to battle the monster.[289] He is thus responsible for coordinating the slaying of Labbu.[263]
InInanna's DescentNinshubur, thesukkal (attendant deity) of the eponymous goddess, is tasked with petitioning Nanna, as well asEnlil andEnki,[290] in order to prevent her mistress from dying in the underworld.[291] Ninshubur later enters the Ekišnugal to plead with him as instructed, but Nanna refuses to help her.[292] It is presumed that his presence in this myth reflects his well attested role as Inanna's father.[293]
Dina Katz argues that a direct parallel to this passage can be found in the mythGilgamesh,Enkidu and the Netherworld and on this basis suggests an intertextual relation between these two compositions.[294] She assumesInanna's Descent was older and influencedGilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld, with the opposite possibility being less likely.[295] However, Alhena Gadotti disagrees with Katz's proposal and argues that evidence for a connection between the two texts is lacking, and the passages are not directly parallel asGilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld notably does not feature Nanna.[293] However, she does point out a similar sequence is present in the composition preserved on tablet XII of theEpic of Gilgamesh.[296]
In the "Standard Babylonian" edition of theEpic of Gilgamesh some of the grave goods meant to deceased Enkidu are said to be dedicated to Sin,[297] in this passage referred to as Namraṣit.[298] According toAndrew R. George this might reflect the belief that he accompanied the dead when not visible in the sky.[299] A poorly preserved passage in the subsequent section of the epic, which deals with Gilgamesh wandering in the wilderness and mourning Enkidu,[300] might describe the hero killing two lions and dedicating them to Sin in a temple dedicated to him, perhaps after being reassured by the moon god in a dream.[301]
Sin is also mentioned on Tablet XII of the standard edition of the epic,[296] an Akkadian adaptation ofGilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld, which forms a separate narrative.[302] When Enkidu is imprisoned in the underworld, Gilgamesh begs Sin, Enlil and Ea to help him recover his companion, but the first two of these gods refuse.[303]
An unusual variant of theEpic of Gilgamesh replaces the names of the eponymous protagonist and Enkidu with logograms usually used to represent Sin and Ea,d30 andd40.[304] Additionally,Ur is referenced in place ofUruk.[305] The reasons behind this are uncertain, as it is difficult to find similarities between the characters of Sin and Ea and the heroes of theEpic of Gilgamesh.[306] The only known tablet was copied at some point between the end of theOld Babylonian period and the beginning of theMiddle Babylonian period, possibly in the kingdom ofSealand.[307] The surviving passages correspond to the section of the epic dealing with the "civilizing of Enkidu".[308]
TheLament for Sumer and Ur, which was inspired by the fall of theThird Dynasty of Ur, describes the impact of a cataclysm which befalls Sin's cult center on him.[309] He asksEnlil to reverse the judgment of the divine assembly which resulted in it, but his request is initially denied.[310] He therefore leaves the city alongsideNingal.[311] He eventually approaches Enlil to request help again, this time receiving a guarantee Ur will be rebuilt.[312] Eventually he and Ningal return to the city.[313]
In theEnūma Eliš the moon god, referred to with the name Nannar,[314] is appointed to his position byMarduk after the defeat ofTiamat.[315] However, in a fragmentaryuadi song, his status is described as bestowed upon him byNinlil.[316] In another tradition, preserved in a text from the reign ofGungunum, his luminosity was bestowed upon him by the so-called "Enki-Ninki deities",[317] a class of ancestral beings from various Mesopotamian theogonies.[318] Another fragmentary composition, dated to the Old Babylonian period, describes the marriage of Sin and Ningal, with Enlil presiding over their wedding.[42] The moon god also appears in a fragmentary text seemingly describing visits of the fire godGibil in various major temples.[319] Additionally, as noted by Nathan Wasserman, various literary fragments which portray Sin as a god who "enjoys river-side fishing" are known.[320]
Sources postdating the reign ofAntigonus I Monophthalmus do not contain much information about the fate of the cult of Sin inHarran, and it remains uncertain how it developed in the last centuries BCE and first two centuries CE, though the official visit ofCaracalla in 217 confirms that the city retained a degree of importance.[228]Herodian asserts that this emperor aimed to visit a temple ofSelene.[208] However, according to Tamara Green today it is agreed that both this account andAmmianus Marcellinus' reference toLuna as the deity worshiped in Harran, as well as a number of otherGreek,Latin and laterArabic sources asserting that a moon goddess being the central deity of this city, are incorrect.[321] The anonymous author ofHistoria Augusta is a notable exception, correctly referring to the deity of Harran as a male figure, "Lunus".[322]
In Arabic sources the inhabitants of Harran were described as pagan "Sabians"[323] but there are too few reliable accounts of their beliefs to determine to what degree they were a continuation of the cult of Sin known from earlier periods.[324] It has been pointed out that many rituals and deities from late accounts of Harranian religion do not appear to have clear forerunners in earlier sources.[325] Michael Blömer has suggested that the reports of the survival of "pagan" traditions in Harran might have been exaggerated to disparage the city and contrast it with its political rival,Edessa.[326] Medieval sources assert that the fortress located in Harran was originally a Sabian temple, but it is not known if this claim is rooted in historical truth, and furthermore it cannot be ascertained if this hypothetical house of worship was identical with the ancient temple of Sin.[208] The latter was most likely demolished shortly after the visit ofEgeria in the city,[326] dated to 383.[327] Local religious traditions of Harran survived theMuslim conquest of the city in 640 and continued to flourish in the subsequent centuries, until it was destroyed byMongols in 1260.[10] However, while it is agreed that a part of the local population was neitherChristian nor Muslim, according to Blömer it should be called into question if their practice reflected the ancient worship of Sin in any meaningful capacity.[328] He notes that unreliable testimonies might have been prioritized in their evaluation due to"the allure of portraying the enigmatic Sabians of medieval Ḫarrān as worshippers of Sîn and the last pagans".[329] He points out inscriptions from theByzantine period indicate that churches of multiple Christian denominations existed in the city,[330] and suggests already by the time of the Muslim conquest most of its inhabitants were Christians, much like in Edessa orAmida.[329]
References to Sin are also known fromMandaic literature.[151] InMandaean cosmology, the name for the moon isSin (ࡎࡉࡍ), which is derived from the name of the corresponding Mesopotamian deity, much like the Mandean names of many other celestial bodies.[331]
