TheSpanish conquest of Yucatán was the campaign undertaken by theSpanishconquistadores against theLate PostclassicMaya states and polities in theYucatán Peninsula, a vastlimestone plain covering south-easternMexico, northernGuatemala, and all ofBelize. TheSpanish conquest of the Yucatán Peninsula was hindered by its politically fragmented state. The Spanish engaged in a strategy of concentrating native populations in newly founded colonial towns. Native resistance to the new nucleated settlements took the form of the flight into inaccessible regions such as the forest or joining neighbouringMaya groups that had not yet submitted to the Spanish. Among the Maya, ambush was a favoured tactic. Spanish weaponry includedbroadswords,rapiers,lances,pikes,halberds,crossbows,matchlocks, and lightartillery.Maya warriors fought with flint-tipped spears, bows and arrows and stones, and wore padded cotton armour to protect themselves. The Spanish introduced a number ofOld World diseases previously unknown in theAmericas, initiating devastating plagues that swept through the native populations.
The first encounter with theYucatec Maya may have occurred in 1502, when the fourth voyage ofChristopher Columbus came across a large trading canoe offHonduras. In 1511, Spanish survivors of the shipwreckedcaravel calledSanta María de la Barca sought refuge among native groups along the eastern coast of the peninsula.Hernán Cortés made contact with two survivors,Gerónimo de Aguilar andGonzalo Guerrero, eight years later. In 1517,Francisco Hernández de Córdoba made landfall on the tip of the peninsula. His expedition continued along the coast and suffered heavy losses in a pitched battle atChampotón, forcing a retreat toCuba.Juan de Grijalva explored the coast in 1518, and heard tales of the wealthyAztec Empire further west. As a result of these rumours,Hernán Cortés set sail with another fleet. FromCozumel he continued around the peninsula toTabasco where he fought a battle atPotonchán; from there Cortés continued onward to conquer theAztec Empire. In 1524, Cortés led a sizeable expedition toHonduras, cutting across southernCampeche, and throughPetén in what is now northern Guatemala. In 1527Francisco de Montejo set sail fromSpain with a small fleet. He left garrisons on the east coast, and subjugated the northeast of the peninsula. Montejo then returned to the east to find his garrisons had almost been eliminated; he used a supply ship to explore southwards before looping back around the entire peninsula to centralMexico. Montejo pacifiedTabasco with the aid of his son, also namedFrancisco de Montejo.
In 1531 the Spanish moved their base of operations toCampeche, where they repulsed a significant Maya attack. After this battle, the Spanish founded a town atChichen Itza in the north. Montejo carved up the province amongst his soldiers. In mid-1533 the local Maya rebelled and laid siege to the small Spanish garrison, which was forced to flee. Towards the end of 1534, or the beginning of 1535, the Spanish retreated from Campeche toVeracruz. In 1535, peaceful attempts by theFranciscan Order to incorporate Yucatán into theSpanish Empire failed after a renewed Spanish military presence atChampotón forced the friars out. Champotón was by now the last Spanish outpost in Yucatán, isolated among a hostile population. In 1541–42 the first permanent Spanish town councils in the entire peninsula were founded at Campeche andMérida. When the powerful lord ofTutul-Xiu Maya inManí converted to theRoman Catholic religion, his submission to Spain and conversion to Christianity encouraged the lords of the western provinces to accept Spanish rule. In late 1546 an alliance of eastern provinces launched an unsuccessful uprising against the Spanish. The eastern Maya were defeated in a single battle, which marked the final conquest of the northern portion of the Yucatán Peninsula.
The polities ofPetén in the south remained independent and received many refugees fleeing from Spanish jurisdiction. In 1618 and in 1619 two unsuccessfulFranciscan missions attempted the peaceful conversion of the still paganItza. In 1622 the Itza slaughtered two Spanish parties trying to reach their capitalNojpetén. These events ended all Spanish attempts to contact the Itza until 1695. Over the course of 1695 and 1696 a number of Spanish expeditions attempted to reach Nojpetén from the mutually independent Spanish colonies in Yucatán and Guatemala. In early 1695 the Spanish began to build a road from Campeche south towards Petén and activity intensified, sometimes with significant losses on the part of the Spanish.Martín de Urzúa y Arizmendi, governor of Yucatán, launched an assault upon Nojpetén in March 1697; the city fell after a brief battle. With the defeat of the Itza, the last independent and unconquered native kingdom in theAmericas fell to the Spanish.
TheYucatán Peninsula is bordered by theCaribbean Sea to the east and by theGulf of Mexico to the north and west. It can be delimited by a line running from theLaguna de Términos on the Gulf coast through to theGulf of Honduras on the Caribbean coast. It incorporates the modernMexican states ofYucatán,Quintana Roo andCampeche, the eastern portion of thestate of Tabasco, most of theGuatemalan department ofPetén, and all ofBelize.[1] Most of the peninsula is formed by a vast plain with few hills or mountains and a generally low coastline. A 15-kilometre (9.3 mi) stretch of high, rocky coast runs south from the city ofCampeche on the Gulf Coast. A number of bays are situated along the east coast of the peninsula, from north to south they are Ascensión Bay, Espíritu Santo Bay,Chetumal Bay andAmatique Bay.[2] The north coast features a wide, sandylittoral zone.[2] The extreme north of the peninsula, roughly corresponding toYucatán State, has underlying bedrock consisting of flatCenozoic limestone. To the south of this the limestone rises to form the low chain ofPuuc Hills, with a steep initial scarp running 160 kilometres (99 mi) east from the Gulf coast nearChampotón, terminating some 50 kilometres (31 mi) from the Caribbean coast near the border of Quintana Roo.[3] The hills reach a maximum altitude of 170 metres (560 ft).[2]
The northwestern and northern portions of the Yucatán Peninsula experience lower rainfall than the rest of the peninsula; these regions feature highly porous limestone bedrock resulting in less surface water.[4] This limestone geology results in most rainwater filtering directly through the bedrock to thephreatic zone, from whence it slowly flows to the coasts to form large submarine springs. Various freshwater springs rise along the coast to form watering holes. The filtering of rainwater through the limestone has caused the formation of extensive cave systems. These cave roofs are subject to collapse forming deepsinkholes; if the bottom of the cave is deeper than thegroundwater level then acenote is formed.[5]
In contrast, the northeastern portion of the peninsula is characterised by forested swamplands.[4] The northern portion of the peninsula lacks rivers, except for theChampotón River – all other rivers are located in the south.[2] TheSibun River flows from west to east from south centralQuintana Roo toLake Bacalar on the Caribbean Coast; theRío Hondo flows northwards fromBelize to empty into the same lake.[6] Bacalar Lake empties intoChetumal Bay. TheRío Nuevo flows from Lamanai Lake in Belize northwards to Chetumal Bay. TheMopan River and theMacal River flow through Belize and join to form theBelize River, which empties into theCaribbean Sea. In the southwest of the peninsula, theSan Pedro, Candelaría, and Mamantel Rivers, which all form a part of theGulf of Mexico drainage.[5]
ThePetén region consists of densely forested low-lying limestone plain featuringkarstic topography.[7] The area is crossed by low east–west oriented ridges of Cenozoic limestone and is characterised by a variety of forest and soil types; water sources include generally small rivers and low-lying seasonal swamps known asbajos.[8] A chain of fourteen lakes runs across the centraldrainage basin of Petén; during therainy season some of these lakes become interconnected. Thisdrainage area measures approximately 100 kilometres (62 mi) east–west by 30 kilometres (19 mi) north–south.[9] The largest lake isLake Petén Itza, near the centre of the drainage basin; it measures 32 by 5 kilometres (19.9 by 3.1 mi). A broadsavannah extends south of the central lakes. To the north of the lakes regionbajos become more frequent, interspersed with forest. In the far north of Petén theMirador Basin forms another interior drainage region.[10] To the south the plain gradually rises towards theGuatemalan Highlands.[11] The canopy height of the forest gradually decreases from Petén northwards, averaging from 25 to 35 metres (82 to 115 ft).[12] This dense forest covers northern Petén andBelize, most ofQuintana Roo, southernCampeche and a portion of the south ofYucatán State. Further north, the vegetation turns to lower forest consisting of dense scrub.[13]
The climate becomes progressively drier towards the north of the peninsula.[13] In the north, the annual mean temperature is 27 °C (81 °F) inMérida. Average temperature in the peninsula varies from 24 °C (75 °F) in January to 29 °C (84 °F) in July. The lowest temperature on record is 6 °C (43 °F). For the peninsula as a whole, the mean annual precipitation is 1,100 millimetres (43 in). The rainy season lasts from June to September, while the dry season runs from October to May. During the dry season, rainfall averages 300 millimetres (12 in); in the wet season this increases to an average 800 to 900 millimetres (31 to 35 in). The prevailing winds are easterly and have created an east–west precipitation gradient with average rainfall in the east exceeding 1,400 millimetres (55 in) and the north and northwestern portions of the peninsula receiving a maximum of 800 millimetres (31 in). The southeastern portion of the peninsula has a tropical rainy climate with a short dry season in winter.[14]
Petén has a hot climate and receives the highest rainfall in allMesoamerica.[12] The climate is divided intowet anddry seasons, with the rainy season lasting from June to December,[15] although these seasons are not clearly defined in the south;[16] with rain occurring through most of the year.[12] The climate of Petén varies fromtropical in the south tosemitropical in the north; temperature varies between 12 and 40 °C (54 and 104 °F), although it does not usually drop beneath 18 °C (64 °F).[15] Mean temperature varies from 24.3 °C (75.7 °F) in the southeast to 26.9 °C (80.4 °F) in the northeast. Highest temperatures are reached from April to June, while January is the coldest month; all Petén experiences a hot dry period in late August. Annual precipitation is high, varying from a mean of 1,198 millimetres (47.2 in) in the northeast to 2,007 millimetres (79.0 in) in central Petén.[16]
The first largeMaya cities developed in thePetén Basin in the far south of theYucatán Peninsula as far back as the Middle Preclassic (c. 600–350 BC),[17] and Petén formed the heartland of the ancient Maya civilization during theClassic period (c. AD 250–900).[18] The 16th century Maya provinces of northern Yucatán are likely to have evolved out of polities of theMaya Classic period. From the mid-13th century AD through to the mid-15th century, theLeague of Mayapán united several of the northern provinces; for a time they shared a joint form of government.[19] The great cities that dominated Petén had fallen into ruin by the beginning of the 10th century AD with the onset of theClassic Maya collapse.[20] A significant Maya presence remained in Petén into thePostclassic period after the abandonment of the major Classic period cities; the population was particularly concentrated near permanent water sources.[21]
In the early 16th century, when the Spanish discovered theYucatán Peninsula, the region was still dominated by theMaya civilization. It was divided into a number of independent provinces referred to askuchkabal (pluralkuchkabaloob) in theYucatec Maya language. The various provinces shared a common culture but the internal sociopolitical organisation varied from one province to the next, as did access to important resources. These differences in political and economic makeup often led to hostilities between the provinces. The politically fragmented state of the Yucatán Peninsula at the time of conquest hindered the Spanish invasion, since there was no central political authority to be overthrown. However, the Spanish were also able to exploit this fragmentation by taking advantage of pre-existing rivalries between polities. Estimates of the number ofkuchkabal in the northern Yucatán vary from sixteen to twenty-four.[19] The boundaries between polities were not stable, being subject to the effects of alliances and wars; thosekuchkabaloob with more centralised forms of government were likely to have had more stable boundaries than those of loose confederations of provinces.[22] When the Spanish discovered Yucatán, the provinces ofManí andSotuta were two of the most important polities in the region. They were mutually hostile; theXiu Maya of Maní allied themselves with the Spanish, while theCocom Maya of Sotuta became the implacable enemies of the European colonisers.[23]
At the time of conquest, polities in the north includedManí,Chakan, andCehpech.[19] Chakan was largely landlocked with a small stretch of coast on the north of the peninsula. Cehpech was a coastal province to its east; further east along the north coast wereAh Kin Chel,Cupul, andChikinchel.[24] The modern city ofValladolid is situated upon the site of the former capital of Cupul.[25] Cupul and Chinkinchel are known to have been mutually hostile, and to have engaged in wars to control the salt beds of the north coast.[26]Tazes was a small landlocked province south of Chikinchel.Ecab was a large province in the east.Uaymil was in the southeast, andChetumal was to the south of it; all three bordered on theCaribbean Sea.Cochuah was also in the eastern half of the peninsula; it was southwest of Ecab and northwest of Uaymil. Its borders are poorly understood and it may have been landlocked, or have extended to occupy a portion of the Caribbean coast between the latter twokuchkabaloob. The capital of Cochuah wasTihosuco.Hocabá andSotuta were landlocked provinces north of Maní and southwest of Ah Kin Chel and Cupul.Ah Canul was the northernmost province on theGulf of Mexico coast of the peninsula.Canpech (modernCampeche) was to the south of it, followed byChanputun (modernChampotón). South of Chanputun, and extending west along the Gulf coast wasAcalan.[24] ThisChontal Maya-speaking province extended east of theUsumacinta River inTabasco,[27] as far as what is now the southern portion ofCampeche state, where their capital was located.[28] In the southern portion of the peninsula, a number of polities occupied thePetén Basin.[17] TheKejache occupied a territory to the north of theItza and east of Acalan, between the Petén lakes and what is now Campeche,[28] and to the west ofChetumal.[24] TheCholan Maya-speakingLakandon (not to be confused with the modern inhabitants ofChiapas by that name) controlled territory along the tributaries of the Usumacinta River spanning southwestern Petén inGuatemala and eastern Chiapas.[28] The Lakandon had a fierce reputation amongst the Spanish.[29]
Although there is insufficient data to accurately estimate population sizes at the time of contact with the Spanish, early Spanish reports suggest that sizeableMaya populations existed inPetén, particularly around the central lakes and along the rivers.[30] Before their defeat in 1697 theItza controlled or influenced much of Petén and parts ofBelize. The Itza were warlike, and their martial prowess impressed both neighbouring Maya kingdoms and their Spanish enemies. Their capital wasNojpetén, an island city uponLake Petén Itzá; it has developed into the modern town ofFlores, which is the capital of thePetén department ofGuatemala.[28] The Itza spoke a variety ofYucatecan Maya.[31] TheKowoj were the second in importance; they were hostile towards their Itza neighbours. The Kowoj were located to the east of the Itza, around the eastern Petén lakes: Lake Salpetén, Lake Macanché,Lake Yaxhá and Lake Sacnab.[32] TheYalain appear to have been one of the three dominant polities inPostclassic central Petén, alongside the Itza and the Kowoj. The Yalain territory had its maximum extension from the east shore of Lake Petén Itzá eastwards toTipuj in Belize.[33] In the 17th century the Yalain capital was located at the site of that name on the north shore of Lake Macanché.[34] At the time of Spanish contact the Yalain were allied with the Itza, an alliance cemented by intermarriage between the elites of both groups.[33] In the late 17th century, Spanish colonial records document hostilities between Maya groups in the lakes region, with the incursion of the Kowoj into former Yalain sites includingZacpeten on Lake Macanché andIxlu on Lake Salpetén.[35] Other groups in Petén are less well known, and their precise territorial extent and political makeup remains obscure; among them were theChinamita, the Icaiche, theKejache, theLakandon Chʼol, theManche Chʼol, and theMopan.[36]
A soldier arriving inMexico in 1520 was carryingsmallpox and caused the plagues that swept through the native populations of theAmericas.[37] The European diseases that ravaged the indigenous inhabitants of the Americas also severely affected the variousMaya groups of the entireYucatán Peninsula. Modern estimates of native population decline vary from 75% to 90% mortality. The terrible plagues that swept the peninsula were recorded inYucatec Maya written histories, which combined with those of neighbouring Maya peoples in theGuatemalan Highlands, suggest that smallpox was rapidly transmitted throughout the Maya area the same year that it arrived in central Mexico with the forces under the command ofPánfilo Narváez.Old World diseases are often mentioned only briefly in indigenous accounts, making it difficult to identify the culprit. Among the most deadly were smallpox, influenza, measles and a number of pulmonary diseases, including tuberculosis; the latter disease was attributed to the arrival of the Spanish by the Maya inhabitants of Yucatán.[38]
These diseases swept through Yucatán in the 1520s and 1530s, with periodic recurrences throughout the 16th century. By the late 16th century, the reports of high fevers suggest the arrival ofmalaria in the region andyellow fever was first reported in the mid-17th century, with a terse mention in theChilam Balam of Chumayel for 1648. That particular outbreak was traced back to the island ofGuadeloupe in theCaribbean, from whence it was introduced to the port city ofCampeche, and from there was transmitted toMérida. Mortality was high, with approximately 50% of the population of someYucatec Maya settlements being wiped out. SixteenFranciscan friars are reported to have died in Mérida, probably the majority of the Franciscans based there and who had probably numbered not much more than twenty before the outbreak.[38] Those areas of the peninsula that experience damper conditions, particularly those possessing swamplands, became rapidly depopulated after the conquest with the introduction of malaria and other waterborne parasites. An example was the one-time well-populated province of Ecab occupying the northeastern portion of the peninsula. In 1528, whenFrancisco de Montejo occupied the town of Conil for two months, the Spanish recorded approximately 5,000 houses in the town; the adult male population at the time has been conservatively estimated as 3,000. By 1549, Spanish records show that only 80 tributaries were registered to be taxed, indicating a population drop in Conil of more than 90% in 21 years.[4] The native population of the northeastern portion of the peninsula was almost eliminated within fifty years of the conquest.[39]
In the south, conditions conducive to the spread of malaria existed throughoutPetén andBelize.[39] At the time of the fall ofNojpetén in 1697, there are estimated to have been 60,000Maya living aroundLake Petén Itzá, including a large number of refugees from other areas. It is estimated that 88% of them died during the first ten years of colonial rule owing to a combination of disease and war.[40] InTabasco the population of approximately 30,000 was reduced by an estimated 90%, with measles, smallpox, catarrhs, dysentery and fevers being the main culprits.[39]
TheSpanish engaged in a strategy of concentrating native populations in new colonial towns, orreducciones (also known ascongregaciones).[41] Native resistance to the new nucleated settlements took the form of the flight of the indigenous inhabitants into inaccessible regions such as the forest or joining neighbouringMaya groups that had not yet submitted to the Spanish.[42] Those that remained behind in thereducciones often fell victim to contagious diseases.[43] An example of the effect on populations of this strategy is the province ofAcalan, which occupied an area spanning southernCampeche and easternTabasco. WhenHernán Cortés passed through Acalan in 1525 he estimated the population size as at least 10,000. In 1553 the population was recorded at around 4,000. In 1557 the population was forcibly moved to Tixchel on theGulf of Mexico coast, so as to be more easily accessible to the Spanish authorities. In 1561 the Spanish recorded only 250 tribute-paying inhabitants of Tixchel, which probably had a total population of about 1,100. This indicates a 90% drop in population over a 36-year span. Some of the inhabitants had fled Tixchel for the forest, while others had succumbed to disease, malnutrition and inadequate housing in the Spanishreducción. Coastalreducciones, while convenient for Spanish administration, were vulnerable to pirate attacks; in the case of Tixchel, pirate attacks and contagious European diseases led to the eradication of thereducción town and the extinction of theChontal Maya of Campeche.[39] Among the Maya, ambush was a favoured tactic.[44]
The 16th-century Spanish conquistadors were armed with broadswords, rapiers, crossbows, matchlocks and light artillery. Mounted conquistadors were armed with a 3.7-metre (12 ft) lance, that also served as a pike for infantrymen. A variety of halberds andbills were also employed. As well as the one-handed broadsword, a 1.7-metre (5.5 ft) long two-handed version was also used. Crossbows had 0.61-metre (2 ft) arms stiffened with hardwoods, horn, bone and cane, and supplied with a stirrup to facilitate drawing the string with a crank and pulley. Crossbows were easier to maintain than matchlocks, especially in the humid tropical climate of theCaribbean region that included much of theYucatán Peninsula.[45]
Maya warriors entered battle against theSpanish with flint-tipped spears, bows and arrows and stones. They worepadded cotton armour to protect themselves.[44] Members of the Maya aristocracy wore quilted cotton armour, and some warriors of lesser rank wore twisted rolls of cotton wrapped around their bodies. Warriors bore wooden or animal hide shields decorated with feathers and animal skins.[46]
On 30 July 1502, duringhis fourth voyage,Christopher Columbus arrived atGuanaja, one of theBay Islands off the coast ofHonduras. He sent his brotherBartholomew to scout the island. As Bartholomew explored the island with two boats, a large canoe approached from the west, apparently en route to the island. The canoe was carved from one large tree trunk and was powered by twenty-five naked rowers.[47] Curious as to the visitors, Bartholomew Columbus seized and boarded it. He found it was aMaya trading canoe fromYucatán, carrying well-dressed Maya and a rich cargo that includedceramics,cotton textiles, yellow stone axes, flint-studded war clubs,copper axes and bells, andcacao.[48] Also among the cargo were a small number of women and children, probably destined to be sold as slaves, as were a number of the rowers. The Europeans looted whatever took their interest from amongst the cargo and seized the elderly Maya captain to serve as an interpreter; the canoe was then allowed to continue on its way.[49] This was the first recorded contact between Europeans and the Maya.[50] It is likely that news of the piratical strangers in theCaribbean passed along theMaya trade routes – the first prophecies of bearded invaders sent byKukulkan, the northern Mayafeathered serpent god, were probably recorded around this time, and in due course passed into the books ofChilam Balam.[51]
In 1511, the Spanish caravelSanta María de la Barca set sail along theCentral American coast under the command of Pedro de Valdivia.[52] The ship was sailing toSanto Domingo fromDarién to inform the colonial authorities there of ongoing conflict between conquistadorsDiego de Nicuesa andVasco Nuñez de Balboa in Darién.[53] The ship foundered upon a reef known as Las Víboras ("The Vipers") or, alternatively, Los Alacranes ("The Scorpions"), somewhere offJamaica.[52] There were just twenty survivors from the wreck, including Captain Valdivia,Gerónimo de Aguilar andGonzalo Guerrero.[54] They set themselves adrift in one of the ship's boats, with bad oars and no sail; after thirteen days during which half of the survivors died, they made landfall upon the coast ofYucatán.[52] There they were seized byHalach Uinik, aMaya lord. Captain Valdivia wassacrificed with four of his companions, and their flesh was served at a feast. Aguilar and Guerrero were held prisoner andfattened for killing, together with five or six of their shipmates. Aguilar and Guerrero managed to escape their captors and fled to a neighbouring lord who was an enemy of Halach Uinik; he took them prisoner and kept them as slaves. After a time, Gonzalo Guerrero was passed as a slave to the lord Nachan Can ofChetumal. Guerrero became completely Mayanised and served his new lord with such loyalty that he was married to one of Nachan Chan's daughters, Zazil Ha, by whom he had three children. By 1514, Guerrero had achieved the rank ofnacom, a war leader who served against Nachan Chan's enemies.[55]
In 1517,Francisco Hernández de Córdoba set sail fromCuba with a small fleet,[56] consisting of twocaravels and abrigantine,[57] with the dual intention of exploration and of rounding up slaves.[56] The experiencedAntón de Alaminos served as pilot; he had previously served as pilot underChristopher Columbus on his final voyage. Also among the approximately 100-strong expedition members wasBernal Díaz del Castillo.[58] The expedition sailed west from Cuba for three weeks, and weathered a two-day storm a week before sighting the coast of the northeastern tip of theYucatán Peninsula. The ships could not put in close to the shore due to the shallowness of the coastal waters. However, they could see aMaya city some twoleagues inland, upon a low hill. The Spanish called it Gran Cairo (literally "Great Cairo") due to its size and itspyramids.[57] Although the location is not now known with certainty, it is believed that this first sighting of Yucatán was atIsla Mujeres.[59]
The following morning, the Spanish sent the two ships with a shallowerdraught to find a safe approach through the shallows.[57] The caravels anchored about one league from the shore.[44] Ten large canoes powered by both sails and oars rowed out to meet the Spanish ships. Over thirty Maya boarded the vessels and mixed freely with the Spaniards. The Maya visitors accepted gifts of beads, and the leader indicated with signs that they would return to take the Spanish ashore the following day.[57]
The Maya leader returned the following day with twelve canoes, as promised. The Spanish could see from afar that the shore was packed with natives. The conquistadors put ashore in the brigantine and the ships' boats; a few of the more daring Spaniards boarded the native canoes. The Spanish named the headlandCape Catoche, after some words spoken by the Maya leader, which sounded to the Spanish likecones catoche. Once ashore, the Spaniards clustered loosely together and advanced towards the city along a path among low, scrub-covered hillocks. At this point the Maya leader gave a shout and the Spanish party was ambushed by Maya warriors armed with spears, bows and arrows, and stones. Thirteen Spaniards were injured by arrows in the first assault, but the conquistadors regrouped and repulsed the Maya attack. They advanced to a small plaza bordered by temples upon the outskirts of the city.[44] When the Spaniards ransacked the temples they found a number of low-grade gold items, which filled them with enthusiasm. The expedition captured two Mayas to be used as interpreters and retreated to the ships. Over the following days the Spanish discovered that although the Maya arrows had struck with little force, the flint arrowheads tended to shatter on impact, causing infected wounds and a slow death; two of the wounded Spaniards died from the arrow-wounds inflicted in the ambush.[60]
Over the next fifteen days the fleet slowly followed the coastline west, and then south.[60] The casks brought fromCuba were leaking and the expedition was now running dangerously low on fresh water; the hunt for more became an overriding priority as the expedition advanced, and shore parties searching for water were left dangerously exposed because the ships could not pull close to the shore due to the shallows.[61] On 23 February 1517,[59] the day of Saint Lazarus, another city was spotted and named San Lázaro by the Spanish – it is now known by its original Maya name,Campeche. A large contingent put ashore in the brigantine and the ships' boats to fill their water casks in a freshwater pool. They were approached by about fifty finely dressed and unarmed Indians while the water was being loaded into the boats; they questioned the Spaniards as to their purpose by means of signs. The Spanish party then accepted an invitation to enter the city.[62] They were led amongst large buildings until they stood before a blood-caked altar, where many of the city's inhabitants crowded around. The Indians piled reeds before the visitors; this act was followed by a procession of armed Maya warriors in full war paint, followed by ten Maya priests. The Maya set fire to the reeds and indicated that the Spanish would be killed if they were not gone by the time the reeds had been consumed. The Spanish party withdrew in defensive formation to the shore and rapidly boarded their boats to retreat to the safety of the ships.[63]
The small fleet continued for six more days in fine weather, followed by four stormy days.[64] By this time water was once again dangerously short.[65] The ships spotted an inlet close to another city,[66]Champotón,[59] and a landing party discovered fresh water. Armed Maya warriors approached from the city while the water casks were being filled. Communication was once again attempted with signs. Night fell by the time the water casks had been filled and the attempts at communication concluded. In the darkness the Spaniards could hear the movements of large numbers of Maya warriors. They decided that a night-time retreat would be too risky; instead, they posted guards and waited for dawn. At sunrise, the Spanish saw that they had been surrounded by a sizeable army. The massed Maya warriors launched an assault with missiles, including arrows, darts and stones; they then charged into hand-to-hand combat with spears and clubs. Eighty of the defenders were wounded in the initial barrage of missiles, and two Spaniards were captured in the frantic mêlée that followed. All of the Spanish party received wounds, includingHernández de Córdoba. The Spanish regrouped in a defensive formation and forced passage to the shore, where their discipline collapsed and a frantic scramble for the boats ensued, leaving the Spanish vulnerable to the pursuing Maya warriors who waded into the sea behind them.[66] Most of the precious water casks were abandoned on the beach.[67] When the surviving Spanish reached the safety of the ships, they realised that they had lost over fifty men, more than half their number.[66] Five men died from their wounds in the following days.[68] The battle had lasted only an hour,[67] and the Spanish named the locale as the Coast of the Disastrous Battle. They were now far from help and low on supplies; too many men had been lost and injured to sail all three ships back toCuba. They decided to abandon their smallest ship, the brigantine, although it was purchased on credit fromGovernor Velásquez of Cuba.[67]
The few men who had not been wounded because they were manning the ships during the battle were reinforced with three men who had suffered relatively minor wounds; they put ashore at a remote beach to dig for water. They found some and brought it back to the ships, although it sickened those who drank it.[69] The two ships sailed through a storm for two days and nights; Alaminos, the pilot, then steered a course forFlorida, where they found good drinking water, although they lost one man to the local Indians and another drank so much water that he died. The ships finally made port inCuba, whereHernández de Cordóba wrote a report to GovernorVelázquez describing the voyage, the cities, the plantations, and, most importantly, the discovery of gold. Hernández died soon after from his wounds.[70] The two capturedMaya survived the voyage to Cuba and were interrogated; they swore that there was abundant gold inYucatán.[71]
Based upon Hernández de Córdoba's report and the testimony of the interrogated Indian prisoners, Governor Velázquez wrote to theCouncil of the Indies notifying it of "his" discovery.[71]
Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar, the governor ofCuba, was enthused byHernández de Córdoba's report of gold inYucatán.[59] He organised a new expedition consisting of four ships and 240 men.[71] He placed his nephewJuan de Grijalva in command.Francisco de Montejo, who would eventually conquer much of the peninsula, was captain of one of the ships;[72]Pedro de Alvarado and Alonso d'Avila captained the other ships.[73]Bernal Díaz del Castillo served on the crew; he was able to secure a place on the expedition as a favour from the governor, who was his kinsman.[74]Antón de Alaminos once again served as pilot.[75] Governor Velázquez provided all four ships, in an attempt to protect his claim over the peninsula.[71] The small fleet was stocked with crossbows, muskets, barter goods, salted pork andcassava bread.[76] Grijalva also took one of the captured Indians from the Hernández expedition.[74]
The fleet left Cuba in April 1518,[75] and made its first landfall upon the island ofCozumel,[74] off the east coast of Yucatán.[75] TheMaya inhabitants of Cozumel fled the Spanish and would not respond to Grijalva's friendly overtures. The fleet sailed south from Cozumel, along the east coast of the peninsula.[77] The Spanish spotted three large Maya cities along the coast, one of which was probablyTulum. OnAscension Thursday the fleet discovered a large bay, which the Spanish named Bahía de la Ascensión.[75] Grijalva did not land at any of these cities and turned back north from Ascensión Bay. He looped around the north of theYucatán Peninsula to sail down the west coast.[77] AtCampeche the Spanish tried to barter for water but the Maya refused, so Grijalva opened fire against the city with small cannon; the inhabitants fled, allowing the Spanish to take the abandoned city. Messages were sent with a few Maya who had been too slow to escape but the Maya remained hidden in the forest. The Spanish boarded their ships and continued along the coast.[74]
AtChampotón, where the inhabitants had routed Hernández and his men, the fleet was approached by a small number of large war canoes, but the ships' cannon soon put them to flight.[74] At the mouth of theTabasco River the Spanish sighted massed warriors and canoes but the natives did not approach.[78] By means of interpreters, Grijalva indicated that he wished to trade and bartered wine and beads in exchange for food and other supplies. From the natives they received a few gold trinkets and news of the riches of theAztec Empire to the west. The expedition continued far enough to confirm the reality of the gold-rich empire,[79] sailing as far north asPánuco River. As the fleet returned toCuba, the Spanish attacked Champotón to avenge the previous year's defeat of the Spanish expedition led by Hernández. One Spaniard was killed and fifty were wounded in the ensuing battle, including Grijalva. Grijalva put into the port ofHavana five months after he had left.[75]
Juan de Grijalva's return aroused great interest inCuba, andYucatán was believed to be a land of riches waiting to be plundered. A new expedition was organised, with a fleet of eleven ships carrying 500 men and some horses.Hernán Cortés was placed in command, and his crew included officers that would become famous conquistadors, includingPedro de Alvarado,Cristóbal de Olid,Gonzalo de Sandoval andDiego de Ordaz. Also aboard wereFrancisco de Montejo andBernal Díaz del Castillo, veterans of the Grijalva expedition.[75]
The fleet made its first landfall atCozumel, and Cortés remained there for several days.Maya temples were cast down and a Christian cross was put up on one of them.[75] At Cozumel, Cortés heard rumours of bearded men on the Yucatán mainland, who he presumed were Europeans.[80] Cortés sent out messengers to them and was able to rescue the shipwreckedGerónimo de Aguilar, who had been enslaved by a Maya lord. Aguilar had learnt theYucatec Maya language and became Cortés' interpreter.[81]
From Cozumel, the fleet looped around the north of the Yucatán Peninsula and followed the coast to theTabasco River, which Cortés renamed as the Grijalva River in honour of the Spanish captain who had discovered it.[82] In Tabasco, Cortés anchored his ships atPotonchán,[83] aChontal Maya town.[84] The Maya prepared forbattle but the Spanish horses and firearms quickly decided the outcome.[83] The defeated Chontal Maya lords offered gold, food, clothing and a group of young women in tribute to the victors.[83] Among these women was a young Maya noblewoman calledMalintzin,[83] who was given the Spanish name Marina. She spokeMaya andNahuatl and became the means by which Cortés was able to communicate with theAztecs.[82] Marina became Cortés' consort and eventually bore him a son.[83] FromTabasco, Cortés continued toCempoala inVeracruz, a subject city of theAztec Empire,[83] and from there on to conquer the Aztecs.[85]
In 1519, Cortés sent the veteranFrancisco de Montejo back toSpain with treasure for the king. While he was in Spain, Montejo pleaded Cortés' cause against the supporters ofDiego de Velásquez. Montejo remained in Spain for seven years, and eventually succeeded in acquiring the hereditary military title ofadelantado.[86]
In 1524,[82] after theSpanish conquest of the Aztec Empire,Hernán Cortés led an expedition toHonduras over land, cutting acrossAcalan in southernCampeche and theItza kingdom in what is now the northernPetén Department ofGuatemala.[87] His aim was to subdue the rebelliousCristóbal de Olid, whom he had sent to conquer Honduras; Olid had, however, set himself up independently on his arrival in that territory.[82] Cortés leftTenochtitlan on 12 October 1524 with 140 Spanish soldiers, 93 of them mounted, 3,000 Mexican warriors, 150 horses, a herd of pigs, artillery, munitions and other supplies. He also had with him the captured Aztec emperorCuauhtemoc, andCohuanacox andTetlepanquetzal, the captive Aztec lords ofTexcoco andTlacopan. Cortés marched intoMaya territory inTabasco; the army crossed theUsumacinta River nearTenosique and crossed into theChontal Maya province of Acalan, where he recruited 600Chontal Maya carriers. In Acalan, Cortés believed that the captive Aztec lords were plotting against him and he ordered Cuauhtemoc and Tetlepanquetzal to be hanged. Cortés and his army left Acalan on 5 March 1525.[27]
The expedition passed onwards throughKejache territory and reported that the Kejache towns were situated in easily defensible locations and were often fortified.[88] One of these was built on a rocky outcrop near a lake and a river that fed into it. The town was fortified with a wooden palisade and was surrounded by a moat. Cortés reported that the town of Tiac was even larger and was fortified with walls, watchtowers and earthworks; the town itself was divided into three individually fortified districts. Tiac was said to have been at war with the unnamed smaller town.[89] The Kejache claimed that their towns were fortified against the attacks of their aggressiveItza neighbours.[90]
They arrived at the north shore ofLake Petén Itzá on 13 March 1525.[27] TheRoman Catholic priests accompanying the expedition celebrated mass in the presence ofAj Kan Ekʼ, the king of theItza, who was said to be so impressed that he pledged to worship the cross and to destroy his idols.[91] Cortés accepted an invitation from Kan Ekʼ to visitNojpetén (also known as Tayasal), and crossed to theMaya city with 20 Spanish soldiers while the rest of his army continued around the lake to meet him on the south shore.[92] On his departure from Nojpetén, Cortés left behind a cross and a lame horse that the Itza treated as a deity, attempting to feed it poultry, meat and flowers, but the animal soon died.[93] The Spanish did not officially contact the Itza again until the arrival ofFranciscan priests in 1618, when Cortés' cross was said to still be standing at Nojpetén.[87]
From the lake, Cortés continued south along the western slopes of theMaya Mountains, a particularly arduous journey that took 12 days to cover 32 kilometres (20 mi), during which he lost more than two-thirds of his horses. When he came to a river swollen with the constant torrential rains that had been falling during the expedition, Cortés turned upstream to theGracias a Dios rapids, which took two days to cross and cost him more horses.[91]
On 15 April 1525 the expedition arrived at the Maya village of Tenciz. With local guides they headed into the hills north ofLake Izabal, where their guides abandoned them to their fate. The expedition became lost in the hills and came close to starvation before they captured a Maya boy who led them to safety.[91]Cortés found a village on the shore ofLake Izabal, perhaps Xocolo. He crossed theDulce River to the settlement of Nito, somewhere on theAmatique Bay,[94] with about a dozen companions, and waited there for the rest of his army to regroup over the next week.[91] By this time the remnants of the expedition had been reduced to a few hundred; Cortés succeeded in contacting the Spaniards he was searching for, only to find thatCristóbal de Olid's own officers had already put down his rebellion. Cortés then returned toMexico by sea.[95]
The richer lands ofMexico engaged the main attention of the conquistadors for some years, then in 1526Francisco de Montejo (a veteran of theGrijalva andCortés expeditions)[86] successfully petitioned the King of Spain for the right to conquerYucatán. On 8 December of that year he was issued with the hereditary military title ofadelantado and permission to colonise the Yucatán Peninsula.[96] In 1527, he left Spain with 400 men in four ships, with horses, small arms, cannon and provisions.[97] He set sail forSanto Domingo, where more supplies and horses were collected,[98] allowing Montejo to increase his cavalry to fifty.[99] One of the ships was left at Santo Domingo as a supply ship to provide later support; the other ships set sail and reachedCozumel in the second half of September 1527. Montejo was received in peace by the lord of Cozumel, Aj Naum Pat, but the ships only stopped briefly before making for the Yucatán coast. The expedition made landfall somewhere nearXelha in theMaya province ofEkab,[98] in what is now Mexico'sQuintana Roo state.[100]
Montejo garrisoned Xelha with 40 soldiers under his second-in-command, Alonso d'Avila, and posted 20 more at nearby Pole.[98] Xelha was renamedSalamanca de Xelha and became the first Spanish settlement on the peninsula. The provisions were soon exhausted and additional food was seized from the local Maya villagers; this too was soon consumed. Many local Maya fled into the forest and Spanish raiding parties scoured the surrounding area for food, finding little.[101] With discontent growing among his men, Montejo took the drastic step of burning his ships; this strengthened the resolve of his troops, who gradually acclimatised to the harsh conditions of Yucatán.[102] Montejo was able to get more food from the still-friendly Aj Nuam Pat, when the latter made a visit to the mainland.[101] Montejo took 125 men and set out on an expedition to explore the north-eastern portion of the Yucatán peninsula. His expedition passed through the towns of Xamanha, Mochis and Belma, none of which survives today.[nb 1] At Belma, Montejo gathered the leaders of the nearby Maya towns and ordered them to swear loyalty to the Spanish Crown. After this, Montejo led his men to Conil, a town inEkab that was described as having 5,000 houses, where the Spanish party halted for two months.[98]
In the spring of 1528, Montejo left Conil for the city of Chauaca, which was abandoned by itsMaya inhabitants under cover of darkness. The following morning, the inhabitants attacked the Spanish party but were defeated. The Spanish then continued toAke, some 16 kilometres (9.9 mi) north ofTizimín, where they engaged in a major battle against the Maya, killing more than 1,200 of them. After this Spanish victory, the neighbouring Maya leaders all surrendered. Montejo's party then continued to Sisia and Loche before heading back toXelha.[98] Montejo arrived at Xelha with only 60 of his party, and found that only 12 of his 40-man garrison survived, while the garrison at Pole had been entirely wiped out.[104]
The support ship eventually arrived fromSanto Domingo, and Montejo used it to sail south along the coast, while he sent Ávila over land. Montejo discovered the thriving port city of Chaktumal (capital of theChetumal Province).[105] At Chaktumal, Montejo learnt that shipwrecked Spanish sailorGonzalo Guerrero was in the region, and Montejo sent messages to him, inviting him to return to join his compatriots, but the Mayanised Guerrero declined.[106]
The Maya at Chaktumal fed false information to the Spanish, and Montejo was unable to find Ávila and link up with him. Ávila returned overland toXelha, and transferred the fledgling Spanish colony to nearby Xamanha,[106] modernPlaya del Carmen, which Montejo considered to be a better port.[107] After waiting for Ávila without result, Montejo sailed south as far as theUlúa River inHonduras before turning around and heading back up the coast to finally meet up with his lieutenant at Xamanha. Late in 1528, Montejo left Ávila to oversee Xamanha and sailed north to loop around theYucatán Peninsula and head for the Spanish colony ofNew Spain in centralMexico.[106]
Montejo was appointedalcalde mayor (a local colonial governor) ofTabasco in 1529, and pacified that province with the aid of his son, also namedFrancisco de Montejo. Alonso d' Ávila was sent from easternYucatán to conquerAcalan, which extended southeast of theLaguna de Terminos.[106] Montejo the Younger founded Salamanca de Xicalango as a base of operations. In 1530 Ávila established Salamanca de Acalan as a base from which to launch new attempts to conquer Yucatán.[107] Salamanca de Acalan proved a disappointment, with no gold for the taking and with lower levels of population than had been hoped. Ávila soon abandoned the new settlement and set off across the lands of theKejache toChampotón, arriving there towards the end of 1530.[108] During a colonial power struggle in Tabasco, the elder Montejo was imprisoned for a time. Upon his release, he met up with his son in Xicalango, Tabasco, and they then both rejoined Ávila at Champotón.[106]
In 1531, Montejo moved his base of operations toCampeche.[109] Alonso d' Ávila was sent overland to Chauaca in the east of the peninsula, passing throughManí, where he was well received by theXiu Maya. Ávila continued southeast toChetumal where he founded the Spanish town of Villa Real ("Royal Town"). The localMaya fiercely resisted the placement of the new Spanish colony and Ávila and his men were forced to abandon Villa Real and make forHonduras in canoes.[106]
AtCampeche, the Maya amassed a strong force and attacked the city; the Spanish were able to fight them off, a battle in which the elder Montejo was almost killed.[110] Aj Canul, the lord of the attacking Maya, surrendered to the Spanish. After this battle, the younger Francisco de Montejo was despatched to the northernCupul province, where the lord Naabon Cupul reluctantly allowed him to found the Spanish town of Ciudad Real atChichén Itzá. Montejo carved up the province amongst his soldiers and gave each of his men two to three thousand Maya inencomienda. After six months of Spanish rule, Cupul dissatisfaction could no longer be contained and Naabon Cupul was killed during a failed attempt to kill Montejo the Younger. The death of their lord only served to inflame Cupul anger and, in mid 1533, they laid siege to the small Spanish garrison at Chichén Itzá. Montejo the Younger abandoned Ciudad Real by night after arranging a distraction for their attackers, and he and his men fled west, where theChel,Pech and Xiu provinces remained obedient to Spanish rule. Montejo the Younger was received in friendship by Namux Chel, the lord of the Chel province, at Dzilam. In the spring of 1534 he rejoined his father in theChakan province at Dzikabal, near Tʼho (the modern city ofMérida).[111]
While his son had been attempting to consolidate the Spanish control ofCupul,Francisco de Montejo the Elder had met the Xiu ruler atManí. The Xiu Maya maintained their friendship with the Spanish throughout the conquest and Spanish authority was eventually established overYucatán in large part due to Xiu support. The Montejos, after reuniting at Dzikabal, founded a new Spanish town at Dzilam, although the Spanish suffered hardships there.[111] Montejo the Elder returned toCampeche, where he was received with friendship by the local Maya. He was accompanied by the friendlyChel lord Namux Chel, who travelled on horseback, and two of the lord's cousins, who were taken in chains.[112]Francisco de Montejo the Younger remained behind in Dzilam to continue his attempts at conquest of the region but, finding the situation too difficult, he soon retreated to Campeche to rejoin his father and Alonso d' Ávila, who had returned to Campeche shortly before Montejo the Younger. Around this time, the news began to arrive ofFrancisco Pizarro's conquests inPeru and the rich plunder that his soldiers were taking there, undermining the morale of Montejo's already disenchanted band of followers. Montejo's soldiers began to abandon him to seek their fortune elsewhere; in seven years of attempted conquest in the northern provinces of the Yucatán Peninsula, very little gold had been found. Towards the end of 1534 or the beginning of the next year, Montejo the Elder and his son retreated fromCampeche toVeracruz, taking their remaining soldiers with them.[113]
Montejo the Elder became embroiled in colonial infighting over the right to ruleHonduras, a claim that put him in conflict withPedro de Alvarado, captain general ofGuatemala, who also claimed Honduras as part of his jurisdiction. Alvarado's claim ultimately turned out successful. In Montejo the Elder's absence, first in centralMexico, and then in Honduras, Montejo the Younger acted as lieutenant governor and captain general inTabasco.[113]
The FranciscanfriarJacobo de Testera arrived inChampotón in 1535 to attempt the peaceful incorporation ofYucatán into theSpanish Empire. Testera had been assured by the Spanish authorities that no military activity would be undertaken in Yucatán, while he was attempting its conversion to the Roman Catholic faith, and that no soldiers would be permitted to enter the peninsula. His initial efforts were proving successful when Captain Lorenzo de Godoy arrived in Champotón at the command of soldiers despatched there byMontejo the Younger. Godoy and Testera were soon in conflict and the friar was forced to abandon Champotón and return to central Mexico.[113]
Godoy's attempt to subdue theMaya aroundChampotón was unsuccessful and the localKowoj Maya resisted his attempts to assert Spanish dominance of the region.[114] This resistance was sufficiently tenacious that Montejo the Younger sent his cousin fromTabasco to Champotón to take command. His diplomatic overtures to the Champotón Kowoj were successful and they submitted to Spanish rule. Champotón was the last Spanish outpost in theYucatán Peninsula; it was increasingly isolated and the situation there became difficult.[115]
In 1540,Francisco de Montejo the Elder, who was now in his late 60s, turned his royal rights to coloniseYucatán over to his son,Francisco de Montejo the Younger. In early 1541, Montejo the Younger joined his cousin inChampoton; he did not remain there long, and quickly moved his forces toCampeche. Once there, Montejo the Younger, commanding between 300 and 400 Spanish soldiers, established the first permanent Spanish town council in the Yucatán Peninsula. Shortly after establishing the Spanish presence in Campeche, Montejo the Younger summoned the localMaya lords and commanded them to submit to the Spanish Crown. A number of lords submitted peacefully, including the ruler of the Xiu Maya. The lord of theCanul Maya refused to submit and Montejo the Younger sent his cousin against them; Montejo himself remained in Campeche awaiting reinforcements.[115]
Montejo the Younger's cousin met the Canul Maya atChakan, not far from Tʼho. On 6 January 1542, he founded the second permanent town council, calling the new colonial townMérida. On 23 January,Tutul-Xiu, the lord ofManí, approached the Spanish encampment at Mérida in peace, bearing sorely needed food supplies. He expressed interest in the Spanish religion and witnessed a Roman Catholic mass celebrated for his benefit. Tutul-Xiu was greatly impressed and converted to the new religion; he was baptised as Melchor and stayed with the Spanish at Mérida for two months, receiving instruction in the Catholic faith. Tutul-Xiu was the ruler of the most powerful province of northern Yucatán and his submission to Spain and conversion to Christianity had repercussions throughout the peninsula, and encouraged the lords of the western provinces of the peninsula to accept Spanish rule.[115] The eastern provinces continued to resist Spanish overtures.[116]
Montejo the Younger next sent his cousin to Chauaca where most of the eastern lords greeted him in peace. TheCochua Maya resisted fiercely but were soon defeated by the Spanish. TheCupul Maya also rose up against the newly imposed Spanish domination, and also their opposition was quickly put down. Montejo continued to the easternEkab province, reaching the east coast at Pole. Stormy weather prevented the Spanish from crossing toCozumel, and nine Spaniards drowned in the attempted crossing. Another Spanish conquistador was killed by hostile Maya. Rumours of this setback grew in the telling and both the Cupul and Cochua provinces once again rose up against their would-be European overlords. The Spanish hold on the eastern portion of the peninsula remained tenuous and a number of Maya polities remained independent, includingChetumal,Cochua,Cupul,Sotuta and the Tazes.[116]
On 8 November 1546, an alliance of eastern provinces launched a coordinated uprising against the Spanish.[116] The provinces ofCupul,Cochua,Sotuta,Tazes,Uaymil,Chetumal andChikinchel united in a concerted effort to drive the invaders from the peninsula; the uprising lasted four months.[117] Eighteen Spaniards were surprised in the eastern towns, and weresacrificed. A contemporary account described the slaughter of over 400 allied Maya, as well as livestock.Mérida andCampeche were forewarned of the impending attack; Montejo the Younger and his cousin were in Campeche. Montejo the Elder arrived in Mérida fromChiapas in December 1546, with reinforcements gathered fromChampotón and Campeche. The rebellious eastern Maya were finally defeated in a single battle, in which twenty Spaniards and several hundred allied Maya were killed. This battle marked the final conquest of the northern portion of theYucatán Peninsula.[116] As a result of the uprising and the Spanish response, many of the Maya inhabitants of the eastern and southern territories fled to the still unconqueredPetén Basin, in the extreme south of the peninsula. The Spanish only achieved dominance in the north and the polities of Petén remained independent and continued to receive many refugees from the north.[118]
ThePetén Basin covers an area that is now part ofGuatemala; in colonial times it originally fell under the jurisdiction of the Governor ofYucatán, before being transferred to the jurisdiction of theAudiencia Real of Guatemala in 1703.[119] TheItza kingdom centred uponLake Petén Itzá had been visited byHernán Cortés on his march toHonduras in 1525.[87]
FollowingCortés' visit, no Spanish attempted to visit the warlikeItza inhabitants ofNojpetén for almost a hundred years. In 1618 twoFranciscan friars set out fromMérida on a mission to attempt the peaceful conversion of the still-pagan Itza in centralPetén. Bartolomé de Fuensalida and Juan de Orbita were accompanied by some Christianised Maya.[120] After an arduous six-month journey the travellers were well received at Nojpetén by the currentKan Ekʼ. They stayed for some days in an attempt to evangelise the Itza, but the Aj Kan Ekʼ refused to renounce hisMaya religion, although he showed interest in the masses held by the Catholic missionaries. Attempts to convert the Itza failed, and the friars left Nojpetén on friendly terms with Kan Ekʼ.[120] The friars returned in October 1619, and again Kan Ekʼ welcomed them in a friendly manner, but this time theMaya priesthood were hostile and the missionaries were expelled without food or water, but survived the journey back to Mérida.[121]
In March 1622, the governor of Yucatán, Diego de Cárdenas, ordered Captain Francisco de Mirones y Lezcano to launch an assault upon theItza; he set out fromYucatán with 20 Spanish soldiers and 80 Mayas from Yucatán.[122] His expedition was later joined by Franciscan friar Diego Delgado.[121] In May the expedition advanced toSakalum, southwest ofBacalar, where there was a lengthy delay while they waited for reinforcements.[123] En route toNojpetén, Delgado believed that the soldiers' treatment of the Maya was excessively cruel, and he left the expedition to make his own way to Nojpetén with eighty Christianised Maya fromTipuj inBelize.[121] In the meantime the Itza had learnt of the approaching military expedition and had become hardened against further Spanish missionary attempts.[124] When Mirones learnt of Delgado's departure, he sent 13 soldiers to persuade him to return or continue as his escort should he refuse. The soldiers caught up with him just before Tipuj, but he was determined to reach Nojpetén.[125] From Tipuj, Delgado sent a messenger to Kan Ekʼ, asking permission to travel to Nojpetén; the Itza king replied with a promise of safe passage for the missionary and his companions. The party was initially received in peace at the Itza capital,[126] but as soon as the Spanish soldiers let their guard down, the Itza seized and bound the new arrivals.[127] The soldiers weresacrificed to theMaya gods.[128] After their sacrifice, the Itza took Delgado, cut his heart out and dismembered him; they displayed his head on a stake with the others.[129] The fortune of the leader of Delgado's Maya companions was no better. With no word from Delgado's escort, Mirones sent two Spanish soldiers with a Maya scout to learn their fate. When they arrived upon the shore ofLake Petén Itzá, the Itza took them across to their island capital and imprisoned them. Bernardino Ek, the scout, escaped and returned to Mirones with the news.[127] Soon afterwards, on 27 January 1624, an Itza war party led by AjKʼin Pʼol caught Mirones and his soldiers off guard and unarmed in the church at Sakalum,[130] and killed them all.[121] Spanish reinforcements arrived too late. A number of local Maya men and women were killed by Spanish attackers, who also burned the town.[131]
Following these killings, Spanish garrisons were stationed in several towns in southern Yucatán, and rewards were offered for the whereabouts of AjKʼin Pʼol. The Maya governor ofOxkutzcab, Fernando Kamal, set out with 150 Maya archers to track the warleader down; they succeeded in capturing theItza captain and his followers, together with silverware from the lootedSakalum church and items belonging to Mirones. The prisoners were taken back to the Spanish Captain Antonio Méndez de Canzo, interrogated under torture, tried, and condemned to behanged, drawn and quartered. They were decapitated, and the heads were displayed in the plazas of towns throughout the colonialPartido de la Sierra in what is now Mexico'sYucatán state.[132] These events ended all Spanish attempts to contact the Itza until 1695.[121] In the 1640s internal strife in Spain distracted the government from attempts to conquer unknown lands; the Spanish Crown lacked the time, money or interest in such colonial adventures for the next four decades.[133]
In 1692Basque noblemanMartín de Ursúa y Arizmendi proposed to the Spanish king the construction of a road fromMérida southwards to link with theGuatemalan colony, in the process "reducing" any independent native populations into colonialcongregaciones; this was part of a greater plan to subjugate theLakandon Chʼol andManche Chʼol of southernPetén and the upper reaches of theUsumacinta River. The original plan was for the province ofYucatán to build the northern section and for Guatemala to build the southern portion, with both meeting somewhere inChʼol territory; the plan was later modified to pass further east, through thekingdom of the Itza.[134]
As governor of Yucatán (1695-1696) now,Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi, began to build the road fromCampeche south towardsPetén.[121] At the beginning of March 1695, Captain Alonso García de Paredes led a group of 50 Spanish soldiers, accompanied by native guides, muleteers and labourers.[135] The expedition advanced south intoKejache territory, which began at Chunpich, about 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) north of the modern border betweenMexico andGuatemala.[136] He rounded up some natives to be moved into colonial settlements, but met with armed Kejache resistance. García de Paredes decided to retreat around the middle of April.[137]
In March 1695, Captain Juan Díaz de Velasco set out fromCahabón inAlta Verapaz,Guatemala, with 70 Spanish soldiers, accompanied by a large number of Maya archers fromVerapaz, native muleteers, and fourDominican friars.[138] The Spanish pressed ahead toLake Petén Itzá and engaged in a series of fierce skirmishes withItza hunting parties.[139] At the lakeshore, within sight ofNojpetén, the Spanish encountered such a large force of Itzas that they retreated south, back to their main camp.[140] Interrogation of an Itza prisoner revealed that theItza kingdom was in a state of high alert to repel the Spanish;[141] the expedition almost immediately withdrew back toCahabón.[142]
In mid-May 1695 García de Paredes again marched southwards fromCampeche,[142] with 115 Spanish soldiers and 150 Maya musketeers, plus Maya labourers and muleteers; the final tally was more than 400 people, which was regarded as a considerable army in the impoverished Yucatán province.[143] Ursúa also ordered two companies of Maya musketeers fromTekʼax andOxkʼutzkabʼ to join the expedition at Bʼolonchʼen Kawich, some 60 kilometres (37 mi) southeast of the city of Campeche.[144] At the end of May three friars were assigned to join the Spanish force, accompanied by a lay brother. A second group ofFranciscans would continue onwards independently toNojpetén to make contact with theItzas; it was led by friar Andrés de Avendaño, who was accompanied by anotherfriar and alay brother.[145] García de Paredes ordered the construction of a fort at Chuntuki, some 25 leagues (approximately 65 miles or 105 km) north ofLake Petén Itzá, which would serve as the main military base for theCamino Real ("Royal Road") project.[146]
A company of native musketeers from the town of Sajkabʼchen (or Sahcabchén) inCampeche, pushed ahead with the road builders from Tzuktzokʼ to the firstKejache town at Chunpich, which the Kejache had fled. The company's officers sent for reinforcements from García de Paredes at Tzuktokʼ but before any could arrive some 25 Kejache returned to Chunpich with baskets to collect their abandoned food. The nervous Sajkabʼchen sentries feared that the residents were returning en masse and discharged their muskets at them, with both groups then retreating. The musketeer company then arrived to reinforce their sentries and charged into battle against approaching Kejache archers. Several musketeers were injured in the ensuing skirmish and the Kejache retreated along a forest path without injury. The Sajkabʼchen company followed the path and found two more deserted settlements with large amounts of abandoned food. They seized the food and retreated back along the path.[147]
Around 3 August García de Paredes moved his entire army forward to Chunpich,[148] and by October Spanish soldiers had established themselves near the source of theSan Pedro River.[149] By November Tzuktokʼ was garrisoned with 86 soldiers and more at Chuntuki. In December 1695 the main force was reinforced with 250 soldiers, of which 150 were Spanish and pardo (descendants ofSouthern Europeans,Amerindians, andWest Africans) and 100 were Maya, together with labourers and muleteers.[150]
In May 1695, friar Antonio de Silva, the provincial superior of theFranciscan Order in Yucatán, had appointed two groups ofFranciscans to head forPetén; the first group was to join up with García de Parede's military expedition. The second group was to head forLake Petén Itza independently. This second group was headed by friar Andrés de Avendaño. Avendaño was accompanied by another friar, a lay brother, and six Christian Maya.[151] This latter group leftMérida on 2 June 1695.[152] Avendaño continued south along the course of the new road, finding increasing evidence of Spanish military activity. The Franciscans overtook García de Paredes at Bʼukʼte, about 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) before Tzuktokʼ.[153] On 3 August García de Paredes advanced to Chunpich but tried to persuade Avendaño to stay behind to minister to the prisoners from Bʼukʼte. Avendaño instead split his group and left in secret with just four Christian Maya companions,[154] seeking the ChunpichKejache that had attacked one of García de Parede's advance companies and had now retreated into the forest.[155] He was unable to find the Kejache but did manage to get information regarding a path that led southwards to theItza kingdom. Avendaño returned to Tzuktokʼ and reconsidered his plans; theFranciscans were short of supplies, and the forcefully congregated Maya that they were charged with converting were disappearing back into the forest daily.[156] Antonio de Silva ordered Avendaño to return to Mérida, and he arrived there on 17 September 1695.[157] Meanwhile, the other group of Franciscans, led by Juan de San Buenaventura Chávez, continued following the roadbuilders into Kejache territory, through IxBʼam, Bʼatkabʼ and Chuntuki (modern Chuntunqui nearCarmelita, Petén).[158]
Juan de San Buenaventura's small group ofFranciscans arrived in Chuntuki on 30 August 1695, and found that the army had opened the road southwards for another seventeen leagues (approximately 44.2 miles or 71.1 km), almost half way toLake Petén Itzá, but returned to Chuntuki due to the seasonal rains.[159] San Buenaventura was accompanied by two friars and a lay brother.[160] With Avendaño's return toMérida, provincial superior Antonio de Silva despatched two additional friars to join San Buenaventura's group. One of these was to convert theKejache in Tzuktokʼ, and the other was to do the same at Chuntuki.[161] On 24 October San Buenaventura wrote to the provincial superior reporting that the warlike Kejache were now pacified and that they had told him that the Itza were ready to receive the Spanish in friendship.[162] On that day 62 Kejache men had voluntarily come to Chuntuki from Pakʼekʼem, where another 300 Kejache resided.[163] In early November 1695, friar Tomás de Alcoser and brother Lucas de San Francisco were sent to establish a mission at Pakʼekʼem, where they were well received by thecacique (native chief) and his pagan priest. Pakʼekʼem was sufficiently far from the new Spanish road that it was free from military interference, and the friars oversaw the building of a church in what was the largest mission town in Kejache territory. A second church was built at Bʼatkabʼ to attend to over 100 Kejache refugees who had been gathered there under the stewardship of a Spanish friar;[164] a further church was established at Tzuktokʼ, overseen by another friar.[165]
Franciscan friar Andrés de Avendaño leftMérida on 13 December 1695, and arrived inNojpetén around 14 January 1696, accompanied by four companions.[166] From Chuntuki they followed an Indian trail that led them past the source of theSan Pedro River and across steep karst hills to a watering hole by some ruins.[167] From there they followed the small Acté River to a Chakʼan Itza town called Saklemakal.[168] They arrived at the western end ofLake Petén Itzá to an enthusiastic welcome by the localItza.[169] The following day, the currentAj Kan Ekʼ travelled across the lake with 80 canoes to greet the visitors at the Chakʼan Itza (a subgroup of theItza) port town ofChʼichʼ, on the west shore of Lake Petén Itza.[170] The Franciscans returned to Nojpetén with Kan Ekʼ and baptised over 300 Itza children over the following four days. Avendaño tried to convince Kan Ekʼ to convert to Christianity and surrender to the Spanish Crown, without success.[169] The king of the Itza, cited Itza prophecy and said the time was not yet right.[169]
On 19 January AjKowoj, the king of theKowoj, arrived atNojpetén and spoke with Avendaño,[171] arguing against the acceptance of Christianity and Spanish rule.[172] The discussions between Avendaño, Kan Ekʼ and AjKowoj exposed deep divisions among the Itza.[173] Kan Ekʼ learnt of a plot by the Kowoj and their allies to ambush and kill the Franciscans, and the Itza king advised them to return toMérida viaTipuj.[174] The Spanish friars became lost and suffered great hardships, including the death of one of Avendaño's companions,[175] but after a month wandering in the forest found their way back to Chuntuki, and from there returned to Mérida.[176]
By mid-January, Captain García de Paredes had arrived at the advance portion of theCamino Real at Chuntuki.[177] By now he only had 90 soldiers plus labourers and porters.[178] CaptainPedro de Zubiaur, García's senior officer, arrived atLake Petén Itza with 60 musketeers, twoFranciscans, and alliedYucatec Maya warriors.[179] They were also accompanied by about 40Maya porters.[180] They were approached by about 300 canoes carrying approximately 2,000Itza warriors.[181] The warriors began to mingle freely with the Spanish party and a scuffle then broke out; a dozen of the Spanish party were forced into canoes, and three of them were killed. At this point the Spanish soldiers opened fire with their muskets, and the Itza retreated across the lake with their prisoners, who included the two Franciscans.[182] The Spanish party retreated from the lake shore and regrouped on open ground where they were surrounded by thousands of Itza warriors. Zubiaur ordered his men to fire a volley that killed between 30 and 40 Itzas. Realising that they were hopelessly outnumbered, the Spanish retreated towards Chuntuki, abandoning their captured companions to their fate.[183]
Martín de Ursúa was now convinced thatKan Ekʼ would not surrender peacefully, and he began to organise an all-out assault onNojpetén.[184] Work on the road was redoubled and about a month after the battle atChʼichʼ the Spanish arrived at the lakeshore, now supported by artillery. Again a large number of canoes gathered, and the nervous Spanish soldiers opened fire with cannons and muskets; no casualties were reported among theItza, who retreated and raised a white flag from a safe distance.[183]
Oidor Bartolomé de Amésqueta led the next Guatemalan expedition against theItza. He marched his men fromCahabón toMopán, arriving on 25 February 1696.[185] On 7 March, Captain Díaz de Velasco led a party ahead to the lake; he was accompanied by twoDominican friars and by AjKʼixaw, an Itza nobleman who had been taken prisoner on Díaz's previous expedition.[186] When they drew close to the shore ofLake Petén Itzá, AjKʼixaw was sent ahead as an emissary toNojpetén.[187] Díaz's party was lured into an Itza trap and the expedition members were killed to a man. The two friars were captured and sacrificed. The Itza killed a total of 87 expedition members, including 50 soldiers, two Dominicans and about 35 Maya helpers.[188]
Amésqueta left Mopán three days after Díaz and followed Díaz's trail to the lakeshore. He arrived at the lake over a week later with 36 men. As they scouted along the south shore near Nojpetén they were shadowed by about 30 Itza canoes and more Itzas approached by land but kept a safe distance.[189] Amésqueta was extremely suspicious of the small canoes being offered by the Itza to transport his party across to Nojpetén; as nightfall approached Amésqueta retreated from the lakeshore and his men took up positions on a small hill nearby.[190] In the early hours of the morning he ordered a retreat by moonlight.[191] At San Pedro Mártir he received news of an Itza embassy toMérida in December 1695, and an apparent formal surrender of the Itza to Spanish authority.[192] Unable to reconcile the news with the loss of his men, and with appalling conditions in San Pedro Mártir, Amésqueta abandoned his unfinished fort and retreated toGuatemala.[193]
TheItzas' continued resistance had become a major embarrassment for the Spanish colonial authorities, and soldiers were despatched fromCampeche to takeNojpetén once and for all.[194]Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi arrived on the western shore ofLake Petén Itzá with his soldiers on 26 February 1697, and once there built the heavily armedgaleota attack boat.[195] Thegaleota carried 114 men and at least five artillery pieces.[196] Thepiragua longboat used to cross theSan Pedro River was also transported to the lake to be used in the attack on the Itza capital.[197]
On 10 March a number ofItza andYalain emissaries arrived atChʼichʼ to negotiate with Ursúa.[198]Kan Ekʼ then sent a canoe with a white flag raised bearing emissaries, who offered peaceful surrender. Ursúa received the embassy in peace and invited Kan Ekʼ to visit his encampment three days later. On the appointed day Kan Ekʼ failed to arrive; instead Maya warriors amassed both along the shore and in canoes upon the lake.[199]
A waterbourne assault was launched upon Kan Ek's capital on the morning of 13 March.[200] Ursúa boarded thegaleota with 108 soldiers, two secular priests, five personal servants, the baptised Itza emissary AjChan and his brother-in-law and an Itza prisoner fromNojpetén. The attack boat was rowed east towards the Itza capital; half way across the lake it encountered a large fleet of canoes spread in an arc across the approach to Nojpetén – Ursúa simply gave the order to row through them. A large number of defenders had gathered along the shore of Nojpetén and on the roofs of the city.[201] Itza archers began to shoot at the invaders from the canoes. Ursúa ordered his men not to return fire but arrows wounded a number of his soldiers; one of the wounded soldiers discharged his musket and at that point the officers lost control of their men. The defending Itza soon fled from the withering Spanish gunfire.[202]
The city fell after a brief but bloody battle in which many Itza warriors died; the Spanish suffered only minor casualties. The Spanish bombardment caused heavy loss of life on the island;[203] the surviving Itza abandoned their capital and swam across to the mainland with many dying in the water.[204] After the battle the surviving defenders melted away into the forests, leaving the Spanish to occupy an abandoned Maya town.[194] Martín de Ursúa planted his standard upon the highest point of the island and renamed Nojpetén asNuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo, Laguna del Itza ("Our Lady of Remedy and Saint Paul, Lake of the Itza").[205] The Itza nobility fled, dispersing to Maya settlements throughoutPetén; in response the Spanish scoured the region with search parties.[206]Kan Ekʼ was soon captured with help from theYalain Maya ruler Chamach Xulu;[207] TheKowoj king (Aj Kowoj) was also soon captured, together with other Maya nobles and their families.[203] With the defeat of theItza, the last independent and unconquered native kingdom in the Americas fell to the European colonisers.[208]
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