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Social Democrats, USA | |
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 | |
| Abbreviation | SDUSA |
| Founded | December 30, 1972 (52 years ago) (1972-12-30) |
| Preceded by | Socialist Party of America |
| Newspaper | New America (1972–1985) Socialist Currents (after 2011) |
| Youth wing | Young Social Democrats |
| Ideology | Social democracy[1] Democratic socialism Anti-communism |
| Political position | Center-left |
| International affiliation | Socialist International (1973–2005)[2] |
| Colors | Red |
| Members in elected offices | 1 |
| Website | |
| socialistcurrents.org | |
Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA) is asocial democratic organization in the United States. SDUSA formed in 1972 as the successor to theSocialist Party of America (SPA), which splintered into three: SDUSA; theDemocratic Socialist Organizing Committee; and theSocialist Party USA.
SDUSA describes itself as committed to the broaderdemocratic socialist tradition,[3] but is firmlyanti-communist and used "social democrat" rather than "socialist" to disassociate the group from theSoviet Union.[4]
SDUSA supports apolitical realignment strategy which aims to shift theDemocratic Party toward social democracy by building a coalition oftrade unions, particularly theAFL–CIO, civil rights organizations, and otherworking-class constituencies.[5]
Notable SDUDSA members includeBayard Rustin,Norman Hill,Tom Kahn,Paul andSandra Feldman,Robert J. Alexander,Carl Gershman,Albert Glotzer,Sidney Hook,Penn Kemble,A. Philip Randolph,August Tyler,Charles S. Zimmerman and Rachelle Horowitz of theAmerican Federation of Teachers.
In 1973, SDUSA reported having 1,800 members.[6] In 1992, SDUSA had about 500 members.[7]
Membership dues were paid annually and included a subscription to SDUSA's official publication, the tabloid-format newspaperNew America. In 1983, the annual dues rate was $25.[8]
SDUSA was governed by biannualconventions that included participation from interested observers. These conventions featured discussions and debates on proposed resolutions, some of which were adopted as official organizational statements. The conventions often included guest speakers from outside SDUSA, ranging from neoconservatives such asJeane Kirkpatrick to democratic socialists likePaul Berman, along with a variety of academic, political, and labor union leaders. These gatherings also served as reunions for political activists and intellectuals who had collaborated over extended periods.[9]
By the early 1970s, theSocialist Party of America (SPA) was publicly associated with civil rights and labor union leaderA. Philip Randolph and with authorMichael Harrington. Prior to the party's 1972 convention, Harrington had resigned from his role as an Honorary Chairperson, citing dissatisfaction with the organization's lack of support forGeorge McGovern's1972 presidential campaign and its stance on theVietnam War.[4][10]
At the 1972 convention, the SPA was led by two Co-Chairmen:Bayard Rustin andCharles S. Zimmerman,[11] along with First National Vice Chairman James S. Glaser, all of whom were re-elected by acclamation.[4] In his opening address, Rustin urged the organization to oppose the policies of theNixon administration and criticized what he described as the "irresponsibility and élitism of the 'New Politics' liberals".[4]
The convention voted 73 to 34 to change the organization's name from the Socialist Party of America to Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA).[4] The name change was intended to reflect the organization's decision to cease running its own candidates for public office and to address public confusion over the term “socialism,” which was often associated withMarxism–Leninism.[4] According to the majority report, the term “party” was seen as misleading since the SPA had last run a presidential candidate,Darlington Hoopes, in the1956 election. The organization also sought to differentiate itself from smaller Marxist parties such as theSocialist Workers Party and theSocialist Labor Party.[12]
The Unity Caucus, which represented the majority faction, prevailed in all votes during the convention, generally by a two-to-one margin. A national committee of 33 members was elected, including 22 members from the Unity Caucus, eight from Harrington's Coalition Caucus, two from the left-wing Debs Caucus, and one independent,Samuel H. Friedman.[13] Friedman and the minority caucuses opposed the name change.[4]
The convention also adopted a new program by a similar two-to-one vote. The program called for a firm approach to what it termed “Communist aggression” in foreign affairs, opposed "any efforts to bombHanoi into submission", and advocated for a negotiated peace settlement in Vietnam that would protect communist cadres inSouth Vietnam from retaliation. A proposal by Harrington for aceasefire and immediate U.S. military withdrawal was defeated.[13] Harrington later criticized the organization for issuing only a qualified endorsement of McGovern and for what he viewed as insufficient mobilization on McGovern's behalf. In response, Unity Caucus member Arch Puddington stated that the California branch had actively supported McGovern, while the New York branch focused on a congressional campaign.[12]
Following the convention and name change, Rustin became the organization's public spokesperson. Rustin stated that SDUSA aimed to transform theDemocratic Party into asocial democratic party, with a political realignment strategy associated withMax Shachtman.[14]
Several months after the convention, Harrington and members of his Coalition Caucus resigned from SDUSA and formed theDemocratic Socialist Organizing Committee (DSOC), which later became theDemocratic Socialists of America.[6]
Members of the Debs Caucus also left SDUSA, with some forming theSocialist Party USA.[15]
The leadership of SDUSA emphasized the role of the American labor movement in advancingcivil rights andeconomic justice. The organization's domestic program reflected the ideas presented in Bayard Rustin's articleFrom Protest to Politics, which examined the evolving economic landscape and its impact onBlack Americans. In the article, Rustin argued that the rise ofautomation would reduce the availability of low-skill, high-paying jobs, thereby threatening the position of the urban Black working class, particularly in theNorthern United States. He advocated for a strategic shift in political engagement, urging the Black community to strengthen alliances with predominantly white labor unions and other institutions, such as churches and synagogues, to pursue a shared economic agenda. Rustin described this transition as a move "fromprotest to politics".[16]
Rustin opposedidentity politics in the Black community and theBlack Power movement. He saw it as an ideology common among middle-class Black Americans, echoing earlierBlack nationalist movements he considered misguided. He believed it risked alienating white allies, whom he viewed as essential to achieving broader political goals.[17]
SDUSA publications echoed similar criticisms regarding the increasing influence of middle-class activists within the Democratic Party. Members expressed concern over what they viewed as the disproportionate influence of peace activists associated with the “New Politics” movement, particularly those aligned with SenatorGeorge McGovern. McGovern's 1972 presidential candidacy was characterized by SDUSA members as detrimental to both the Democratic Party and the United States.[4][18]
The founding leadership of SDUSA generally supported an immediate end to the bombing ofNorth Vietnam and advocated for a negotiated settlement to conclude theVietnam War. However, the majority opposed a unilateral withdrawal of American forces, warning that such an action could result in the destruction of independent labor unions and political opposition groups in South Vietnam.[4][19][20] Following the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam and the subsequent victory of theCommunist Party of Vietnam and theViet Cong, SDUSA supported humanitarian aid for refugees and criticized Senator McGovern for his lack of support for such assistance.[21][22]
SDUSA also sought to influence electoral politics through candidate endorsements. At its 1976 national convention inNew York City, the group endorsed the Democratic presidential ticket ofJimmy Carter andWalter Mondale, committing to work actively for their election.[23]
SDUSA opposed theNew Left, attributing Democratic Party candidateGeorge McGovern’s loss in the1972 presidential election in part to the movement's influence.
SDUSA published a newsletter and occasional position papers. The organization issued public statements in support of labor unions, both domestically and internationally, and also expressed support forZionism, theState of Israel, and the Israeli labor movement.[24]
From 1979 to 1989, SDUSA organized support forSolidarity, theindependent labor union ofPoland.[25] Tom Kahn, who organized the AFL–CIO's support for Solidarity and was affiliated with SDUSA, argued that thedemocracy promotion should extend to countries under Soviet influence.[26] In 1981, leading Social Democrats advocated using economic aid to Poland as leverage to promotefreedom of association.[27]
During the1980 Democratic Party presidential primaries, which included a challenge fromTed Kennedy against incumbent President Carter, SDUSA took a less prominent role and postponed its convention until after the general election. The election ofRepublican candidateRonald Reagan in the1980 presidential election was attributed by the organization to the Democratic Party's failure to maintain support from its traditional working-class base.[28]
In early 1980,Carl Gershman, who had long served as SDUSA's National Director, resigned and was succeeded byRita Freedman, who had previously been the organizer and chair of the organization's New York local.[29]
Michael Harrington and Tom Kahn had both been associated with Marxist theoristMax Shachtman.[30][31][32] Internal divisions within the AFL–CIO in 1995 were described as a split between “Shachtmanite” Social Democrats, who supportedLane Kirkland and Thomas Donahue, and the “Harringtonite” Democratic Socialists of America, who supportedJohn Sweeney.[33][34]
Following the death of the organization'sNotesonline editorPenn Kemble on October 15, 2005, SDUSA entered a period of organizational inactivity.[35] During this hiatus, no additional issues of the online newsletter were produced, and the organization's website was no longer updated.[36]
After several years of inactivity, efforts were made to revive the organization. In 2008, a group initially composed primarily of SDUSA members fromPennsylvania initiated the process of re-establishing the organization.[37] A re-founding convention was held on May 3, 2009, during which a new National Executive Committee was elected.[38]
In 2009, internal disagreements split SDUSA. A faction based inJohnstown, Pennsylvania, separated from the newly elected National Executive Committee. The Johnstown-based group adopted the name Social Democrats, USA – Socialist Party USA,[39] while the other continued under the name Social Democrats, USA.[40]
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Some members of SDUSA, includingPenn Kemble andJoshua Muravchik, were associated withneoconservatism.
Michael Harrington asserted that SDUSA exhibited an “obsessiveanti-communism" which, in his view, rendered the organization politically right-wing.[41]
Author Justin Vaïsse has referred to some members of SDUSA as right-wing social democrats,[42] a characterization described as a taunt byBen Wattenberg.[43]
In 2013,The Washington Post identified some former SDUSA members as neoconservatives.[44]
Joshua Muravchik, a former SDUSA member, has identified as a neoconservative.[45] At the 2003 SDUSA conference, Muravchik's pro-war remarks were met with criticism from several SDUSA members.[9][46] Rachelle Horowitz, an SDUSA figure and event organizer, objected to his use of "us and them" rhetoric and his invocation of the term "evil." Other attendees, includingJeffrey Herf andPaul Berman, voiced similar criticisms.
Leaders from SDUSA have served in various presidential administrations since the 1980s. The participation of some members in Republican administrations has been a subject of controversy. Journalist MarkMassing (1987) referred to SDUSA members such asCarl Gershman as “State Department socialists,” and in 1987 claimed that theforeign policy of the Ronald Reagan administration was being influenced byTrotskyists. This claim was characterized as a “myth” by political sociologist Seymour MartinLipset (1988, p. 34) in 1988.[47]
The association between former Trotskyists and U.S. foreign policy was expanded upon in 2003 by journalistMichael Lind, who argued that individuals with Trotskyist origins had exerted significant influence over theforeign policy of the George W. Bush administration.[48] Lind's "amalgamation of the defense intellectuals with the traditions and theories of "the largely Jewish-American Trotskyist movement [in Lind's words]" was criticized in 2003 by University of Michigan professor Alan M. Wald,[49] Wald, who had discussed Trotskyism and neoconservatism in his history of "the New York intellectuals" objected to the amalgamation of ideological and ethnic categories.[50] Allegations that former Trotskyists influenced Bush-era foreign policy, including references to SDUSA, have also appeared in writings by paleoconservatives.[51]
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SDUSA has fieldedelectoral candidates forlocal,state, andfederal offices. SDUSA endorsesDemocratic party members, many of which are also endorsed by theDemocratic Socialists of America. Because SDUSA endorses candidates who may not accept the endorsement, only those candidates who clearly accepted the endorsement, campaigned with SDUSA, or are SDUSA members are included below.
| Convention | Location | Date | Notes and references |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1973 National Conference | Hopewell Junction, New York | September 21–23, 1973 | From registration ad,New America, July 30, 1973, p. 7. |
| 1974 National Convention | New York City | September 6–8, 1974 | 125 delegates, keynote speaker Walter Laqueur. PerNew America, August 20, 1974, p. 8. |
| 1976 National Convention | New York City | July 17–18, 1976 | 500 delegates and observers, keynote speaker Sidney Hook. PerNew America, August–September 1976, p. 1. |
| 1978 National Convention | New York City | September 8–10, 1978 | Introductory report by Carl Gershman. PerNew America, October 1978, p. 1. |
| 1980 National Convention | New York City | November 21–23, 1980 | PerNew America, December 1980, p. 1. |
| 1982 National Convention | Washington, D.C. | December 3–5, 1982 | Keynote speech by Albert Shanker. Dates perNew America, October 1982, p. 8. |
| 1985 National Convention | Washington, D.C. | June 14–16, 1985 | Keynote speech by Alfonso Robelo. PerNew America, November–December 1985, p. 6. |
| 1987 National Convention | |||
| 1990 National Convention | |||
| 1994 National Convention | |||
| 2009 Reorganization Convention | May 3, 2009 | ||
| 2010 Convention | Internet teleconference | September 1, 2010 | Guest speakers Herb Engstrom of the California Democratic Party Executive Committee and Roger Clayman, Executive Director of the Long Island Labor Federation.[52] |
| 2012 National Convention | Buffalo, New York | August 26–27, 2012 | Keynote address by Richard Lipsitz, Executive Director of the Western New York Labor Federation.[53] |
| 2014 Convention | Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania | October 23–24, 2014 | |
| 2023 National Convention | Buffalo,New York | September 1–6, 2023 | Speakers includedImre Komjáthi, co-chair of theHungarian Socialist Party, former Democratic statehouse representative inTopeka,Aaron Coleman, and Godden Zama, representative of theSocial Democratic Front (Cameroon)[54] |
"became devotees of a former Trotskyist named Max Shachtman—a fact that today has taken on a life of its own. Tracing forward in lineage through me and a few other ex-YPSL's [members of theYoung Peoples Socialist League] turned neoconservatives, this happenstance has fueled the accusation that neoconservatism itself, and through it the foreign policy of the Bush administration, are somehow rooted in 'Trotskyism.'I am more inclined to laugh than to cry over this, but since the myth has traveled so far, let me briefly try once more, as I have done at greater length in the past, to set the record straight.[See "The Neoconservative Cabal,"Commentary, September 2003] The alleged connective chain is broken at every link. The falsity of its more recent elements is readily ascertainable by anyone who cares for the truth—namely, that George Bush was never a neoconservative and that most neoconservatives were never YPSL's. The earlier connections are more obscure but no less false. Although Shachtman was one of the elder statesmen who occasionally made stirring speeches to us, no YPSL of my generation was a Shachtmanite. What is more, our mentors, Paul and Tom, had come under Shachtman's sway years after he himself had ceased to be a Trotskyite.
King, Bill (March 22, 2004)."Neoconservatives and Trotskyism. The question of 'Shachtmanism'".Enter Stage Right: Politics, Culture, Economics (3):1–2.ISSN 1488-1756.
