TheShining Path (Spanish:Sendero Luminoso,SL), officially theCommunist Party of Peru (Partido Comunista del Perú,abbr.PCP), is a terrorist organization andfar-left political party andguerrilla group inPeru, followingMarxism–Leninism–Maoism andGonzalo Thought. Academics often refer to the group as theCommunist Party of Peru – Shining Path (Partido Comunista del Perú – Sendero Luminoso, abbr. PCP-SL) to distinguish it from other communist parties in Peru.
The Shining Path has been widely condemned for its excessive brutality, including violence deployed againstpeasants, such as theLucanamarca massacre, as well as for its violence towards trade union organizers, competingMarxist groups, elected officials, and the general public.[5] The Shining Path is regarded as aterrorist organization by the government of Peru, along with Japan,[6] the United States,[7] theEuropean Union,[8] and Canada,[9] all of whom consequently prohibit funding and other financial support to the group.
Since the capture of Shining Path founderAbimael Guzmán in 1992 and of his successorsÓscar Ramírez ("Comrade Feliciano") in 1999 andEleuterio Flores ("Comrade Artemio") in 2012, the Shining Path has declined in activity.[10][11] The main remaining faction of the Shining Path, theMilitarized Communist Party of Peru (MPCP),[c] is active in theVRAEM region of Peru, and it has since distanced itself from the Shining Path's legacy in 2018 in order to maintain the support of peasants previously persecuted by the Shining Path.[11][12][13] In addition to the MPCP, theCommunist Party of Peru – Red Mantaro Base Committee (PCP-CBMR) has been operating in theMantaro Valley since 2001, while theCommunist Party of Peru – Huallaga Regional Committee (PCP-CRH)[d] was active at theHuallaga region from 2004 until Comrade Artemio's capture in 2012.[14]
The group's official name is theCommunist Party of Peru (PCP), a name seen in all of its self-produced documents, periodicals, and other materials. The acronymPCP-SL is unofficially used by organizations, such as theTruth and Reconciliation Commission,[15] to distinguish the group from other groups who claim the original name and acronym.
The group's common name,Shining Path, distinguishes it from several other Peruvian communist parties with similar names. The name is derived from a maxim ofJosé Carlos Mariátegui, the founder of the originalPeruvian Communist Party (from which the rest of communist parties split; now commonly known as the "PCP-Unidad") in the 1920s: "El Marxismo-Leninismo abrirá el sendero luminoso hacia la revolución" ("Marxism–Leninism will open the shining path to revolution").[16] This maxim was featured on the masthead of the newspaper of a Shining Pathfront group. The followers of this group are generally calledsenderistas.
The Shining Path's remnants currently operate in theVRAEM region and primarily comprises two groups and their sub-branches; aparamilitary wing and apolitical wing.[17] It was originally organised using a "concentric construction" model of structure with Communist Party organs as the complete center, followed by the paramilitary wing surrounding it, and lastly the political wing in the outermost circle.[18] This ensured the political party retained control of both its armed and social branches, contrasting itself with the more frequentfoquismo model that swept through Latin American insurgencies after theCuban Revolution.
Thecapture of Shining Path leaderAbimael Guzmán in 1992 led to the eventual splintering of the group into several factions,[11][13] referred to by thePeruvian government asShining Path remnants (Spanish:remanentes de Sendero Luminoso). Of these, theMilitarized Communist Party of Peru (MPCP) is considered the group's main successor, founded in 1999 by brothers Víctor and Jorge Quispe Palomino after the collapse ofSendero Rojo, the faction that had rejected Guzmán's peace treaty. Also active is a faction in theMantaro Valley since 2001. The group's remnants reportedly obtain their revenue from cocaine trafficking,[11][19] and of these, the MPCP has attempted to recharacterise and distance itself from the original group that had attacked rural communities in the area, describing Guzmán as a "traitor".[11][13]
ThePeople's Guerrilla Army (Ejército Guerrillero Popular,EGP) was officially created on 3 December 1982 for the purposes of combat, mobilisation and producing an income for the group.[17] After 1992, it continued to operate underSendero Rojo, the group's armed successor until 1999, and later under the Huallaga faction that existed from 2004 to 2012. Since 2001, it has been operated by the Mantaro faction under the name ofPeople's Liberation Army (Ejército Popular de Liberación,EPL).
The EGP's structure is as follows:
Main Force (Fuerza Principal; FP): Mainly armed with larger weapons, such as theAKM andFN FAL rifles as well as theHeckler & Koch HK21 machine gun. Due to proficiency in armaments, this group is tasked with ambushing police and soldiers. They do not remain in locations, usually traveling across regions.[22]
Local Force (Fuerza Local; FL): These members are local agricultural workers who are provided minor weapons and periodically assist FP members, then later return to their work. Skilled FL members are moved into the FP's ranks.
Base Force (Fuerza de Base; FB): Some of the peasants of territories captured by the Shining Path are grouped into the FB, typically serving as reservists armed with handheld weapons such as knives, spears and machetes. FB members occasionally serve in surveillance tasks.[23]
Under the leadership ofVíctor Quispe Palomino, it was reorganised as thePopular Revolutionary Army (Spanish:Ejército Popular Revolucionario;ERP) until the MPCP's formal establishment and distancing from Guzmán's original Shining Path in June 2018, after which it has claimed the name ofRevolutionary Armed Forces of Peru (Spanish:Fuerzas armadas revolucionarias del Perú).[26] In 2020, it was reported to have made money from selling cigarettes, clothes, candy, raffles and other methods.[17]
TheUnited Front (Frente Unido) serves as the political and bureaucratic arm of the Shining Path that usesgenerated organisms (Spanish:organismo generado), or civil organisations that support the group.[17] It has two main branches, MOVADEF (2009–2024) and FUDEPP,[17] as well as a number of multiple smaller organisations, usually specified to a particular purpose or issue.[27] Examples of these include:
Group
Description
Frente para la Unidad y Defensa del Pueblo Peruano
TheFront for Unity and Defense of the Peruvian People (FUDEPP) was created in 2015.[28] In association with MOVADEF, the group announced that it had 73 provincial committees and allegedly received 400,000 to 500,000 signatures for the JNE to participate in the2016 Peruvian general election.[29] They were ultimately prevented from participating in the elections.
The Support Committees for the Peruvian Revolution (CARP) were a series of overseas associations that formed part of the group's international support branch.
Coordinadora Clasista Magisterial
The Classist Teachers Coordination (CCM) was a teacher union front whose goal was to usurp the influence of the Single Union of Education Workers of Peru (SUTEP), which held ties to one of the Shining Path's political rivals,Red Fatherland (PCP-PR). The CCM was to be purposed as a unification of Peru's teachers to serve as both dissemination and recruitment for the Shining Path'sviolent takeover of the country.[30][31][32][33]
The Shining Trenches of Combat (LTC) served as support bases for Shining Path prisoners until their dissolution in 1992.
Musical Guerrilla Army
Also known in Spanish as theEjército Musical Guerrillero (EMG), it was a British musical group founded by Adolfo Olaechea in 1991 as part of the group's international propaganda arm.[34] It was made up of various Latin American musicians (especially Peruvian) residing in theUnited Kingdom and would typically play both folk and revolutionary songs at yearlyMay Day events inLondon.[35] Such music includedFlor de Retama,El Hombre, andJovaldo.[36]
People's Aid (SOPO) was created in 1979 under the leadership of Yovanka Pardavé Trujillo[37][38] after the party's Tenth Expanded Plenary Session session established civil organizations to recruit the civilian population into a United Front for subversion. It was purposed to provide legal defence to members and associates accused by the state for crimes such asterrorism. It also provided logistical and medical support.[39][40] In 1985, SOPO suffered an internal line struggle over the issue of the militarization of mass organizations. By the end of 1986, SOPO became integral to the Shining Path's armed "people's war," with militant detachments carved out of the group for conducting various terrorist attacks. Directed by the Pilot Plan of the Revolutionary Movement for the Defense of the People (MRDP), SOPO would displace the Metropolitan Committee (METRO) as an important central apparatus.[41] Pardavé was replaced byMartha Huatay in 1991, who led the group until it was dismantled in 1992 after both Trujillo and Huatay were captured byDIRCOTE agents.[37][42]
Movimiento Clasista Barrial
The Neighbourhood Class Movement (MCB) tended to invade and occupy private property until their disestablishment.
Movimiento de Artistas Populares
The Popular Artist Movement (MAP) was formed in 1988.[43] Its purpose was to utilize artists to disseminate political propaganda to the population through the art ofsloganeering, with particular attention to the universities. It regularly incorporated folklore in its work.[44] Although the exact connection between Shining Path's central apparatus and MAP is disputed, with some considering it as an independent development from the party, the MAP was a contributing effort to the communists' protracted "people's war."[45] MAP actions were carried out in universities, union halls, neighbourhoods, cultural institutions and young towns.[46] Performances included theatrical performances, dance and music throughsikuri groups.[45]
Movimiento de Obreros y Trabajadores Clasistas
The Movement of Classist Workers and Laborers (MOTC) was formed in 1976, and formalised into the Shining Path's united front in 1979.[47] It had the objective of recruiting urbanunion workers for the party, however it mainly had a presence withinformal anditinerant workers.[48][49] After the Chuschi attack, the MOTC initiated the first Shining Path attack inLima withmolotov cocktails atSan Martín de Porres District.[50]
Movimiento de Trabajadores Ambulantes
The Street Vendors' Movement (MTA) was created to targetstreet vendors.
Movimiento Femenino Popular
The Popular Woman's Movement (MFP) was created byAugusta La Torre as the main feminist branch of the group.
Movimiento Intelectual Popular
The Popular Intellectual Movement (MIP) was an academic-based mass organization created in 1979 as part of the party's Fourth Expanded Plenary Session, which defined the structure and duties of various legal fronts to serve recruitment of the united front.[51] It was directed by Hugo Muñoz Sánchez and targeted students, professors, writers, artists, and journalists.[52][53] The organization had influence in both universities and pro-Sendero neighbourhoods, which would be used to form an ideological justification for the party's subversive actions, including its terrorist attacks.[54][55] MIP was involved with the propaganda of other mass organizations, such as the Popular Women's Movement, The Front of Mariateguist Artists and Intellectuals (FAIM), The Pink School (inFrance), and The Ayacucho Study Circle (inSweden).[56] Like many public fronts associated with the Shining Path, the MIP fell in significance with the relative decline and collapse of the central party body.
Movimiento Juvenil Popular
The Popular Youth Movement (MJP) was one of the first organisms established by the group.
Movimiento por la Amnistía y Derechos Fundamentales
TheMovement for Amnesty and Fundamental Rights (MOVADEF) was created on 20 November 2009 when Alfredo Crespo, the defense lawyer of Abimael Guzmán, and fifteen others gathered.[46] MOVADEF has three sub-branches; the Central Historical Committee, the Provisional Central Committee and the National Executive Committee (CEN).[17] The branch filed to become a political party in Peru with theNational Jury of Elections (JNE) in 2011, though the application was denied.[57] The Peruvian government had accused MOVADEF of advocating terrorism,[58] eventually ordering the dissolution of the group in 2024.[1]
Ideologically Maoist, the Shining Path is unique because it did not completely accept orthodox Marxist doctrine, instead, it considered the teachings of Guzmán to supersede the teachings of Marx, Lenin, Stalin and Mao. Guzmán's philosophy combined Marxism–Leninism, Maoism and indigenous Indian traditionalism, championing the liberation of Peru'sQuechua-speaking Incans and mestizos. The party's name was also coined by Guzmán, who infused his communist rhetoric withInca mythology, he described his form of Marxist-Maoist thought as a "shining path" towards the liberation of Peru's natives. Because of this, the Shining Path also featured elements of Incan particularism, and it also rejected outside influences, especially non-indigenous influences.[60]
The Shining Path declared that it was a feminist organization and in accordance with this declaration, many women acquired leadership positions. In the organisation, 40% of the fighters and 50% of the members of its Central Committee were women.[61][62]
The Shining Path sought to replace theRepublic of Peru with a "People's Republic which would adhere to the doctrine ofNew Democracy" (Spanish:República Popular de Nueva Democracia, RPND),[63][64] also known by its proposed name of "People's Republic of Peru" (Spanish:República Popular del Perú).[65][66] The RPND was first named at the third session of the first central committee, held in 1983, with its establishment meaning that the armed branch of the group would become a "People's Liberation Army," as per the group's so-called grand plan. Additionally, the term "People's Republic" was also suggested as a possible name for the upcoming state.[67][68]
Although the reliability of reports regarding the Shining Path's actions remains a matter of controversy in Peru, the organization's use of violence is well documented. According toInSight Crime, Shining Path would kill their opponents "with assassinations, bombings,beheadings and massacres" as well as "stoning victims to death.[11][69]
The Shining Path rejected the concept of human rights; a Shining Path document stated:
We start by not ascribing to either theUniversal Declaration of Human Rights or the Costa RicaConvention on Human Rights, but we have used their legal devices to unmask and denounce the old Peruvian state... For us, human rights are contradictory to the rights of the people, because we base rights in man as a social product, not man as an abstract with innate rights. "Human rights" do not exist except for thebourgeois man, a position that was at the forefront offeudalism, likeliberty, equality, and fraternity were advanced for the bourgeoisie of the past. But today, since the appearance of theproletariat as an organized class in the Communist Party, with the experience of triumphant revolutions, with the construction of socialism, new democracy and thedictatorship of the proletariat, it has been proven that human rights serve the oppressor class and the exploiters who run theimperialist and landowner-bureaucratic states. Bourgeois states in general... Our position is very clear. We reject and condemn human rights because they are bourgeois, reactionary, counterrevolutionary rights, and are today a weapon of revisionists and imperialists, principallyYankee imperialists.
— Communist Party of Peru – Shining Path,Sobre las Dos Colinas[70]
After the collapse of the Fujimori government, interim PresidentValentín Paniagua established aTruth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate the conflict. The Commission found in its 2003Final Report that 69,280 people died ordisappeared between 1980 and 2000 as a result of the armed conflict.[71] The Shining Path was found to be responsible for about 54% of the deaths and disappearances reported to the commission.[72] A statistical analysis of the available data led the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to estimate that the Shining Path was responsible for the death or disappearance of 31,331 people, 46% of the total deaths and disappearances.[71] According to a summary of the report byHuman Rights Watch, "Shining Path... killed about half the victims, and roughly one-third died at the hands of government security forces... The commission attributed some of the other slayings to a smaller guerrilla group and local militias. The rest remain unattributed."[73] The MRTA was held responsible for 1.5% of the deaths.[74] A 2019 study disputed the casualty figures from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, estimating instead "a total of 48,000 killings, substantially lower than the TRC estimate", and concluding that "the Peruvian State accounts for a significantly larger share than the Shining Path."[75][76] The TRC later came out to respond to these statements.[77]
The Shining Path has been accused ofviolence against LGBT people. Between 1989 and 1992, the Shining Path and the MRTA killed up to 500 "non-heterosexual" people.[78] According to one woman who was kidnapped by the Shining Path in 1981, a homosexual man's penis was cut into pieces before he was murdered. The Peruvian government did not reveal the name of the victim. The Shining Path defended its actions by saying that LGBT individuals were not killed because of their sexual identity, instead, they were killed because of their "collaboration with the police."[79][80]
The Shining Path has denied such allegations, stating, "It is probable that the PCP has executed a homosexual, but rest assured that it was not done because of their sexual orientation but because of their position against the revolution... Our view is that homosexual orientation is not an ideological matter but one of individual preference... Party membership is open to all those who support the cause of communist revolution and the principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, regardless of what their sexual preferences may be."[81][better source needed]
The number of women involved in the armed struggle remained high throughout the war, participating at almost all logistical, military and strategic levels as militants, guerrilla commanders and top party leaders of the organisation. The high proportion of women was a given and desired from the outset; the success of the internal Peruvian revolution was explicitly made dependent on the participation of women. Up to forty per cent of the guerrillas were women, and there were countless "ladies of death" who led military commandos. In 1992, at least eight of the nineteen members of the Central Committee were women, including three of the five members of the Politburo, and in 1980 more than a third of the women arrested had a degree. In criminal proceedings against senderista in 1987, the majority were women. The Shining Path was the first guerrilla organisation to incorporate women on a completely equal military footing with its male members, actively recruiting women on a large scale and appointing them to leading positions.[82]
The Movimiento Femenino Popular (MFP) group was officially formed in 1974 from the merger of two groups, the Centro Femenino Popular and the Frente Femenino Universitario. The "MFP Manifiesto" traces the origins of the group back to the mid-1960s, when female students and academics began to organise their own groups and factions in other student organisations and to reflect on revolution and "the thesis of the great Lenin on the participation of women and the success of a revolution" from 1968 onwards. During these years, more and more women were studying and trying to enter the labour market. The percentage of women at university in Ayacucho was particularly high: in 1968, 30% of students were women, mainly in the departments of obstetrics and social and educational services. The unequal access to work and education exacerbated the differences between classes and between rural and urban populations, especially within the female population. Women became increasingly involved and organised in various movements as an expression of their protest and frustration.[83] So much so, that by the year 1990, women held eight of the nineteen Central Committee positions. This was more involvement from women than any of the other leftist movements in Peru. Women in Peru even acknowledge the Shining Path movement as a step-away from the male-dominated societies that are renowned in many parts of Latin America.[84] This was far different than what has been seen before thePeruvian Truth was revealed. Many women were joining the armed forces to obtain basic rights and securities. Despite many arrests and incarcerations of women, this time period revolutionized women's rights in Peru.[85]
The Shining Path was founded in 1969 byAbimael Guzmán, a former university philosophy professor (his followers referred to him by hisnom de guerre Presidente Gonzalo), and a group of 11 others.[86] Guzmán was heavily influenced by a trip to China and admired the teachings ofMao Zedong.[69] His teachings created the foundation of its militant Maoist doctrine. It was an offshoot of thePeruvian Communist Party – Red Flag, which itself split from the originalPeruvian Communist Party founded byJosé Carlos Mariátegui in 1928.[87]
Antonio Díaz Martínez, an agronomist who became a leader of the Shining Path, made several important contributions to the group's ideology. In his booksAyacucho, Hambre y Esperanza (1969) andChina, La Revolución Agraria (1978), he expressed his own conviction of the necessity that revolutionary activity in Peru follow strictly the teachings of Mao Zedong.[88][89]
From 1970 to 1977, Shining Path built a student organization and regional-committee based party in Lima and the central sierra.[90]: 137 The Shining Path first established a foothold atSan Cristóbal of Huamanga University, inAyacucho, where Guzmán taught philosophy. The university had recently reopened after being closed for about half a century.[91] Between 1973 and 1975, the Shining Path members gained control of thestudent councils at the Universities ofHuancayo andLa Cantuta, and they also developed a significant presence at theNational University of Engineering in Lima and theNational University of San Marcos. Sometime later, it lost many student elections in the universities, including Guzmán's San Cristóbal of Huamanga.
Guzmán believed that communism required a "popular war" and distanced himself from organizing workers.[69] The Shining Path opposed large national strikes in 1977 and 1978 because it viewed some of the participants asrevisionists or tools of "socio-imperialism".[92]: 40
From 1977 to 1980, the Shining Path focused on preparing for revolution, including building training camps in Ayacucho, developing a political and military organization, and recruiting more radical members of other Marxist groups.[90]: 137 Beginning on 17 March 1980, the Shining Path held a series of clandestine meetings in Ayacucho, known as the Central Committee's second plenary.[93] It formed a "Revolutionary Directorate" that was political and military in nature and ordered its militias to transfer to strategic areas in the provinces to start the "armed struggle". The group also held its "First Military School", where members were instructed in military tactics and the use of weapons. They also engaged incriticism and self-criticism, a Maoist practice intended to purge bad habits and avoid the repetition of mistakes. During the existence of the First Military School, members of the Central Committee came under heavy criticism. Guzmán did not, and he emerged from the First Military School as the clear leader of the Shining Path.[94] By May 1980, the central committee concluded the party and its military structure had been sufficiently developed to begin revolution.[90]: 137
A timeline of the Peruvian Communist Party (PCP)'s splinter groups is as follows:
Poster of Abimael Guzmán celebrating five years ofpeople's war
By 1980, Shining Path had about 500 members.[69] When Peru's military government allowedelections for the first time in twelve years in 1980, the Shining Path was one of the few leftist political groups that declined to take part. It chose instead to begin a guerrilla war in the highlands of theAyacucho Region. On 17 May 1980, on the eve of the presidential elections, itburned ballot boxes in the town ofChuschi. It was the first "act of war" by the Shining Path. The perpetrators were quickly caught, and additional ballots were shipped to Chuschi. The elections proceeded without further problems, and the incident received little attention in the Peruvian press.[95]
Throughout the 1980s, the Shining Path grew both in terms of the territory it controlled and in the number of militants in its organization, particularly in theAndean highlands. It gained support from local peasants by filling the political void left by the central government and providing what they called "popular justice", public trials that disregard any legal and human rights that deliver swift and brutal sentences including public executions. This caused the peasantry of some Peruvian villages to express some sympathy for the Shining Path, especially in the impoverished and neglected regions ofAyacucho,Apurímac, andHuancavelica. At times, the civilian population of small, neglected towns participated in popular trials, especially when the victims of the trials were widely disliked.[96]
The Shining Path's credibility benefited from the government's initially tepid response to theinsurgency. For over a year, the government refused to declare astate of emergency in the region where the Shining Path was operating. The Interior Minister, José María de la Jara, believed the group could be easily defeated through police actions.[97] Additionally, the president,Fernando Belaúnde Terry, who returned to power in 1980, was reluctant to cede authority to the armed forces since his first government had ended in a militarycoup.
On 29 December 1981, the government declared an "emergency zone" in the three Andean regions of Ayacucho, Huancavelica, and Apurímac and granted themilitary the power to arbitrarily detain any suspicious person. The military abused this power, arresting scores of innocent people, at times subjecting them to torture during interrogation[98] as well as rape.[99] Members of the Peruvian Armed Forces began to wear blackski-masks to hide their identities, in order to protect themselves and their families.
In some areas, the military trained peasants and organized them into anti-rebel militias, called "rondas". They were generally poorly equipped, despite being provided arms by the state. The rondas would attack the Shining Path guerrillas, with the first such reported attack occurring in January 1983, nearHuata.Ronderos would later kill 13 guerrilla fighters in February 1983, inSacsamarca. In March 1983,ronderos brutally killed Olegario Curitomay, one of the commanders of the town ofLucanamarca. They took him to the town square,stoned him,stabbed him, set him on fire, and finally shot him. The Shining Path's retaliation to this was one of the worst attacks in the entire conflict, with a group of guerrilla members entering the town and going house by house, killing dozens of villagers, including babies, with guns, hatchets, and axes. This action has come to be known as theLucanamarca massacre.[100] Additional massacres of civilians by the Shining Path would occur throughout the conflict.[69][101][102]
The Shining Path's attacks were not limited to the countryside. It executed several attacks against the infrastructure inLima, killing civilians in the process. In 1983, it sabotaged several electrical transmission towers, causing a citywideblackout, and set fire and destroyed theBayer industrial plant. That same year, it set off a powerful bomb in the offices of the governing party,Popular Action. Escalating its activities in Lima, in June 1985, it blew up electricity transmission towers in Lima, producing a blackout, and detonatedcar bombs near the government palace and the justice palace. It was believed to be responsible for bombing a shopping mall.[103] At the time, President Fernando Belaúnde Terry was receiving the Argentine presidentRaúl Alfonsín.
During this period, the Shining Path assassinated specific individuals, notably leaders of other leftist groups, local political parties,labor unions, and peasant organizations, some of whom were anti-Shining PathMarxists.[5] On 24 April 1985, in the midst of presidential elections, it tried to assassinate Domingo García Rada, the president of the Peruvian National Electoral Council, severely injuring him and mortally wounding his driver. In 1988, Constantin (Gus) Gregory,[104] an American citizen working for theUnited States Agency for International Development, was assassinated. Two French aid workers were killed on 4 December that same year.[105]
By 1990, the Shining Path had about 3,000 armed members at its greatest extent.[69] The group had gained control of much of the countryside of the center and south of Peru and had a large presence in the outskirts of Lima. The Shining Path began to fight against Peru's other major guerrilla group, theTúpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA),[106] as well ascampesino self-defense groups organized by the Peruvian armed forces.
The Shining Path quickly seized control of large areas of Peru. The group had significant support among peasant communities, and it had the support of some slum dwellers in the capital and elsewhere. The Shining Path's interpretation of Maoism did not have the support of many city dwellers. According to opinion polls, only 15 percent of the population consideredsubversion to be justifiable in June 1988, while only 17 percent considered it justifiable in 1991.[107] In June 1991, "the total sample disapproved of the Shining Path by an 83 to 7 percent margin, with 10 percent not answering the question. Among the poorest, however, only 58 percent stated disapproval of the Shining Path; 11 percent said they had a favorable opinion of the Shining Path, and some 31 percent would not answer the question."[108] A September 1991 poll found that 21 percent of those polled in Lima believed that the Shining Path did not torture and kill innocent people. The same poll found that 13 percent believed that society would be more just if the Shining Path won the war and 22 percent believed society would be equally just under the Shining Path as it was under the government.[108] Polls have never been completely accurate since Peru has several anti-terrorism laws, including "apologia for terrorism", that makes it a punishable offense for anyone who does not condemn the Shining Path. In effect, the laws make it illegal to support the group in any way.[109]
Many peasants were unhappy with the Shining Path's rule for a variety of reasons, such as its disrespect forindigenous culture and institutions.[110] However, they had also made agreements and alliances with some indigenous tribes. Some did not like the brutality of its "popular trials" that sometimes included "slitting throats, strangulation, stoning, and burning."[111][112] Peasants were offended by the rebels' injunction against burying the bodies of Shining Path victims.[113]
The Shining Path followed Mao Zedong's dictum that guerrilla warfare should start in the countryside and gradually choke off the cities.[114]
PresidentAlberto Fujimori, who led the violent government response towards guerrilla groups during his tenure
When PresidentAlberto Fujimori took office in 1990, he responded to Shining Path with repressive force.[11][69] His government issued a law in 1991 that gave therondas a legal status, and from that time, they were officially calledComités de auto defensa ("Committees of Self-Defense").[119] They were officially armed, usually with 12-gauge shotguns, and trained by thePeruvian Army. According to the government, there were approximately 7,226comités de auto defensa as of 2005;[120] almost 4,000[citation needed] are located in the central region of Peru, the stronghold of the Shining Path.
The Peruvian government also cracked down on the Shining Path in other ways. Military personnel were dispatched to areas dominated by the Shining Path, especiallyAyacucho, to fight the rebels. Ayacucho,Huancavelica, Apurímac andHuánuco were declared emergency zones, allowing for some constitutional rights to be suspended in those areas.[121]
Initial government efforts to fight the Shining Path were not very effective or promising. Military units engaged in many human rights violations, which caused the Shining Path to appear in the eyes of many as the lesser of two evils. They used excessive force, tortured individuals accused of being sympathizers and killed many innocent civilians. Government forces destroyed villages and killedcampesinos suspected of supporting the Shining Path. They eventually lessened the pace at which the armed forces committed atrocities such as massacres. Additionally, the state began the widespread use of intelligence agencies in its fight against the Shining Path. However, atrocities were committed by theNational Intelligence Service and theArmy Intelligence Service, notably theLa Cantuta massacre, theSanta massacre and theBarrios Altos massacre, which were committed byGrupo Colina.[69][122][123]
On 12 September 1992, theSpecial Intelligence Group (GEIN)captured Guzmán and several Shining Path leaders in an apartment above a dance studio in theSurquillo district of Lima. GEIN had been monitoring the apartment since a number of suspected Shining Path militants had visited it. An inspection of the garbage of the apartment produced empty tubes of a skin cream used to treatpsoriasis, a condition that Guzmán was known to have. Shortly after the raid that captured Guzmán, most of the remaining Shining Path leadership fell as well.[126]
The capture of Guzmán left a huge leadership vacuum for the Shining Path. "There is no No. 2. There is only Presidente Gonzalo and then the party," a Shining Path political officer said at a birthday celebration for Guzmán in Lurigancho prison in December 1990. "Without President Gonzalo, we would have nothing."[127]
At the same time, the Shining Path suffered embarrassing military defeats to self-defense organizations of ruralcampesinos – supposedly its social base. When Guzmán called for peace talks with the Peruvian government, the organization fractured into splinter groups, with some Shining Path members in favor of such talks and others opposed.[69][128]
Guzmán's role as the leader of the Shining Path was taken over byÓscar Ramírez ("Comrade Feliciano"), who establishedSendero Rojo (or PCP Pro-Seguir), aiming to reorganise the party and to continue the armed struggle while breaking with Guzmán, but not with hisideology.[129] Together with Ramírez,Florindo Eleuterio Flores Hala, who controlled the Huallaga area, formed the initial leadership of the party. Sendero Rojo was disbanded after "Comrade Feliciano's capture in 1999.[130] After Ramírez's capture, the group further splintered, guerrilla activity diminished sharply, and peace returned to the areas where the Shining Path had been active.[131]
The three remaining splinter groups based themselves in theVRAEM area:
The "Communist Party of Peru – Red Mantaro Base Committee" (PCP-CBMR), established in 2001 as a base committee in theMantaro Valley led by a "Comrade Netzel López Lozano".[132][133]
The "Communist Party of Peru – Huallaga Regional Committee" (PCP-CRH), a collective established in 2004 in theHuallaga Valley led byComrade Artemio.[12][19]
Although the organization's numbers had lessened by 2003,[131] a militant faction of the Shining Path calledProseguir ("Onward") continued to be active.[134] The group had allegedly made an alliance with theRevolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in the early 2000s, learning how to use rockets against aircraft.[69]
Flag used by the Red Mantaro Base Committee (PCP-CBMR), established in 2001.
On Tuesday, August 9, 2001, an armed shootout between Peruvian policemen and Shining Path guerrillas took place inSatipo province. Police forces had broken through a primary line of defence as part of a special operation while underestimating the group's numbers, who had coincidentally reunited and thus increased their numbers. This led to a shootout that lasted five hours and took the lives of four policemen and 12senderistas.[135]
On 9 June 2003, a Shining Path group attacked a camp in Ayacucho and took 68 employees of the Argentinian companyTechint and three police guards as hostages. They had been working on theCamisea gas pipeline project that would take natural gas fromCusco to Lima.[137] According to sources from Peru's Interior Ministry, the rebels asked for a sizable ransom to free the hostages. Two days later, after a rapid military response which involved asignals intelligenceaircraft from theBrazilian Air Force,[138][139] the rebels abandoned the hostages; according to government sources, no ransom was paid.[140] However, there were rumors that US$200,000 was paid to the rebels.[141]
Government forces have captured three leading Shining Path members. In April 2000, CommanderJosé Arcela Chiroque, called "Ormeño", was captured, followed by another leader, Florentino Cerrón Cardozo, called "Marcelo", in July 2003. In November of the same year, Jaime Zuñiga, called "Cirilo" or "Dalton", was arrested after a clash in which four guerrillas were killed and an officer was wounded.[142] Officials said he took part in planning the kidnapping of the Techint pipeline workers. He was also thought to have led an ambush against an army helicopter in 1999 in which five soldiers died.
In 2003, the Peruvian National Police broke up several Shining Path training camps and captured many members and leaders.[143] By late October 2003, there were 96 attacks in Peru, projecting a 15% decrease from the 134 kidnappings and armed attacks in 2002.[143] Also for the year, eight[144] or nine[143] people were killed by the Shining Path, and 6senderistas were killed and 209 were captured.[143]
Comrade Artemio, now captured and serving a life sentence in prison
In January 2004, a man known asComrade Artemio and identifying himself as one of the Shining Path's leaders, said in a media interview that the group would resume violent operations unless the Peruvian government granted amnesty to other top Shining Path leaders within 60 days.[145] Peru's Interior Minister, Fernando Rospigliosi, said that the government would respond "drastically and swiftly" to any violent action. In September that same year, a comprehensive sweep by police in five cities found 17 suspected members of a "Huallaga Regional Committee" (Comité Regional Huallaga; CRH). According to the interior minister, eight of the arrested were school teachers and high-level school administrators.[146]
Despite these arrests, the Shining Path continued to exist in Peru. On 22 December 2005, the Shining Path ambushed a police patrol in theHuánuco region, killing eight.[147] Later that day, they wounded an additional two police officers. In response, then PresidentAlejandro Toledo declared a state of emergency in Huánuco and gave the police the power to search houses and arrest suspects without a warrant. On 19 February 2006, the Peruvian police killed Héctor Aponte, believed to be the commander responsible for the ambush.[148] In December 2006, Peruvian troops were sent to counter renewed guerrilla activity, and according to high-level government officials, the Shining Path's strength has reached an estimated 300 members.[149] In November 2007, police said they killed Artemio's second-in-command, a guerrilla known as JL.[150]
In September 2008, government forces announced the killing of five rebels in theVizcatan region. This claim was subsequently challenged by theAPRODEH, a Peruvian human rights group, which believed that those who were killed were in fact local farmers and not rebels.[151] That same month, Artemio gave his first recorded interview since 2006. In it, he stated that the Shining Path would continue to fight despite escalating military pressure.[152] In October 2008, inHuancavelica Region, the guerrillas engaged a military convoy with explosives and firearms, demonstrating their continued ability to strike and inflict casualties on military targets. The conflict resulted in the death of 12 soldiers and two to seven civilians.[153][154] It came one day after a clash in the Vizcatan region, which left five rebels and one soldier dead.[155]
In November 2008, the rebels utilized hand grenades and automatic weapons in an assault that claimed the lives of 4 police officers.[156] In April 2009, the Shining Path ambushed and killed 13 government soldiers in Ayacucho.[157] Grenades and dynamite were used in the attack.[157] The dead included eleven soldiers and one captain, and two soldiers were also injured, with one reported missing.[157] Poor communications were said to have made relay of the news difficult.[157] The country's Defense Minister,Antero Flores Aráoz, said many soldiers "plunged over a cliff".[157] His prime minister,Yehude Simon, said these attacks were "desperate responses by the Shining Path in the face of advances by the armed forces" and expressed his belief that the area would soon be freed of "leftover terrorists".[157] In the aftermath, a Sendero leader called this "the strongest [anti-government] blow... in quite a while".[158] In November 2009, Defense MinisterRafael Rey announced that Shining Path militants had attacked a military outpost in southern Ayacucho province. One soldier was killed and three others wounded in the assault.[159]
On 28 April 2010, Shining Path rebels in Peru ambushed and killed a police officer and two civilians who were destroying coca plantations of Aucayacu, in the central region of Haunuco, Peru. The victims were gunned down by sniper fire coming from the thick forest as more than 200 workers were destroying coca plants.[160] Following the attack, the Shining Path faction, based in the Upper Huallaga Valley of Peru and headed by Florindo Eleuterio Flores Hala, alias Comrade Artemio, was operating in survival mode and lost 9 of their top 10 leaders to Peruvian National Police-led capture operations. Two of the eight leaders were killed by PNP personnel during the attempted captures. The nine arrested or killed Shining Path (Upper Huallaga Valley faction) leaders include Mono (Aug. 2009), Rubén (May 2010), Izula (Oct. 2010), Sergio (Dec. 2010), Yoli/Miguel/Jorge (Jun. 2011), Gato Larry (Jun. 2011), Oscar Tigre (Aug. 2011), Vicente Roger (Aug. 2011), and Dante/Delta (Jan. 2012).[161][162][163] This loss of leadership, coupled with a sweep of Shining Path (Upper Huallaga Valley) supporters executed by the PNP in November 2010, prompted Comrade Artemio to declare in December 2011 to several international journalists that the guerrilla war against the Peruvian Government has been lost and that his only hope was to negotiate an amnesty agreement with the Government of Peru.[164]
On 12 February 2012, Comrade Artemio was found badly wounded after a clash with troops in a remote jungle region of Peru. PresidentOllanta Humala said the capture of Artemio, nicknamedOperation Crepúsculo,[165] marked the defeat of the Huallaga faction, located in a central area of cocaine production. President Humala has stated that he would now step up the fight against the remaining bands of Shining Path rebels in the Ene-Apurímac valley.[166] Walter Diaz, the lead candidate to succeed Artemio,[167] was captured on 3 March,[168] further ensuring the disintegration of the Alto Huallaga valley faction.[167] On 3 April 2012, Jaime Arenas Caviedes, a senior leader in the group's remnants in Alto Huallaga Valley[169] who was also regarded to be the leading candidate to succeed Artemio following Diaz's arrest,[170] was captured.[169] After Caviedes, alias "Braulio",[169] was captured, Humala declared that the Shining Path was now unable to operate in the Alto Huallaga Valley.[171] Shining Path rebels carried out an attack on three helicopters being used by an international gas pipeline consortium on 7 October, in the central region of Cusco.[172] According to the military Joint Command spokesman, Col. Alejandro Lujan, no one was kidnapped or injured during the attack.[173] The capture of Artemio effectively ended the war between Shining Path and the Government of Peru.[11]
Comrade Artemio was convicted of terrorism, drug trafficking, and money laundering on 7 June 2013. He was sentenced to life in prison and a fine of $183 million.[174] On 11 August 2013,Comrade Alipio, the Shining Path's leader in the Ene-Apurímac Valley, was killed in a battle with government forces in Llochegua.[175]
On 9 April 2016, on the eve ofthe country's presidential elections, the Peruvian government blamed remnants of the Shining Path for a guerrilla attack that killed eight soldiers and two civilians.[176] Shining Path snipers killed three police officers in the Ene Apurimac Valley on 18 March 2017.[177]
In a document 400 pages in length recovered from a mid-level Shining Path commander and analyzed by the Counter-Terrorism Directorate (DIRCOTE) of the National Police, the Shining Path planned to initiate operations against the Government of Peru that included killings and surprise attacks beginning in 2021, the bicentennial of Peru's independence.[13] Objectives were created to first attack public officials, then regain lost territory and then finally overthrow the government.[13]
Into the 2020s, Shining Path has existed in remaining splinter groups.[11][131] The main remaining group, called theMilitarized Communist Party of Peru (MPCP) of about 450 individuals remained in theValle de los Ríos Apurímac, Ene y Mantaro (VRAEM) region, reportedly making revenue by escorting cocaine traffickers and are reportedly led by two brothers; Víctor andJorge Quispe Palomino.[11][19][69] The MPCP has attempted to recharacterize themselves to distance itself from the original Shining Path groups that had attacked rural communities in the area, describing Guzmán as a traitor.[11][13] According toInSight Crime, Shining Path's stronghold in the VRAEM, headquartered in Vizcatán, is a similar strategy as theRevolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia.[69][178]
Another notable splinter group called the Communist Party of Peru – Red Mantaro Base Committee (PCP-CBMR),[179] which remains loyal to Abimael Guzman,[180] also operates in the VRAEM region. According to the human rights organization Waynakuna Peru, the PCP-CBMR has infiltrated schools in the area setting up "Popular Schools" to spread the group's propaganda.[181] The group has in the past signed documents[182] with theCommunist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun.
Following a five-year intelligence operation that began in 2015 and was codenamed Operation Olimpo, 71 alleged members of the Shining Path's United Front and People's Guerrilla Army were arrested on 2 December 2020.[17] Alfredo Crespo, the secretary general of MOVADEF and Guzmán's former lawyer, was included among those arrested.[183] Operation Olimpo included 752 military personnel and 98 government prosecutors that utilized evidence obtained through wiretapping, undercover agents and surveillance.[17] Those arrested were charged with operating shell operations to initiate terrorist activities in Callao and Lima.[17]
American hard rock bandGuns N' Roses quotes a speech by a Shining Path officer in their 1990 song "Civil War", as saying "We practice selective annihilation of mayors and government officials, for example, to create a vacuum, then we fill that vacuum. As popular war advances, peace is closer."[184]
American rock bandRage Against the Machine released a music video for their 1993 song "Bombtrack" as a response to the arrest of Abimael Guzman the previous year. The video expresses support for Guzman and the Shining Path, featuring various clips of the organization's activities, as well as showing the band in a cage to mimic Guzman's imprisonment.[185]
In 2024, Peruvian-born filmmaker Alex Fischman Cárdenas directedOvejas y Lobos (Sheep and Wolves), a live action short film about Rosa Pumuahuanca, a single mother who searches for her son, Félix, when he mysteriously vanishes during the Shining Path's reign of terror. Fischman Cárdenas dedicatesOvejas y Lobos to the Shining Path's disappeared victims and their families.[186]
^Known locally as "accord-seekers"(Spanish:acuerdistas), this faction seeks the "political solution to the problems derived from the people's war", a political strategy by Guzmán that was updated in 2006 to include a "general amnesty and national reconciliation". Its organisations are:
^Known by thePeruvian government as Shining Path Remnants (Spanish:remanentes de Sendero Luminoso),[3] this faction's groups rejected the peace talks of 1993 to continue the conflict:
PCP – Pro-Seguir (Sendero Rojo): active from 1992 to 1999 in theVRAEM area.
PCP – Red Mantaro Base Committee: active since 2001 in theMantaro area.
PCP – Huallaga Regional Committee: active from 2004 to 2012 in theHuallaga area.
^Following Guzmán's talks with the Peruvian government in 1992, his "pro-agreement" faction was opposed byÓscar Ramírez'sCommunist Party of Peru – Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (Partido Comunista del Perú – Marxista-Leninista-Maoísta, abbr. PCP-MLM), better known asSendero Rojo, or as thePro-Seguir faction (SL-Proseguir). This group operated until Ramírez's capture in 1999, after which the group was reorganised under the Quispe Palomino brothers. It formally renounced its links to the Shining Path and declared itself a separate entity in 2018.[11][12][13]
^Martin, Gus (2010).Understanding Terrorism: Challenges, Perspectives, and Issues (3rd ed.). SAGE Publications, Inc. pp. 234–235.ISBN978-1-4129-7059-4.
^Mauceri, Philip (1996).State Under Siege: Development And Policy Making In Peru. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. p. 123.ISBN0-8133-3607-4.
^Alexander, Yonah (2002).Combating terrorism: strategies of ten countries. University of Michigan Press. p. 92.ISBN0-472-09824-1.
^Schmidt-Lynch, Corinne (25 September 1992)."Peru rebel calls for 'People's War'".Washington Post.Guzman urged his followers to "continue the tasks" laid out by the guerrilla leadership. He ended his seven-minute talk, declaring, "The people's war will triumph, and from here we salute the future birth of the People's Republic of Peru." Then he shouted to journalists, "That's all. If you want an interview, ask your government."
^Nathaniel C. Nash: Shining Path Women: So Many and So Furios.. Lima Journal, Abschnitt A. The New York Times, New York. 22 September 1992.
^Jaymie Patricia Heilman: "Family Ties: The Political Genealogy of Shining Path's Comrade Norah".Bulletin of Latin American Research, Vol. 29. 1. April 2010, 155–169.
^Starn, Orin (1995). "Maoism in the Andes: The Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path and the Refusal of History".Journal of Latin American Studies.27 (2):399–421.doi:10.1017/S0022216X00010804.ISSN0022-216X.JSTOR158120.
^Roncagliolo, Santiago (2007). "3 – Por el Sendero Luminoso de Mariátegui" [3 – On the Shining Path of Mariategui].La cuarta espada: la historia de Abimael Guzmán y Sendero Luminoso [The Fourth Sword: The History of Abimael Guzman and the Shining Path] (5th ed.). Buenos Aires: Debate. p. 78.ISBN978-987-1117-46-8.OCLC225864678."Y en su fundación de 1969 sólo eran doce personas.""And at the founding in 1969, they were only 12 people."
^"Capítulo 1: Los actores armados"(PDF).Final Report - Book II. Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación [Truth and Reconciliation Commission]. p. 16.Archived(PDF) from the original on 7 August 2024. Retrieved17 August 2024.José Carlos Mariátegui, uno de los más influyentes intelectuales peruanos del S.XX, es reconocido por las diferentes tendencias de izquierda como fundador del socialismo en el país. Luego se su muerte en 1930, la organización que había fundado se alineó rápidamente con los partidos de la III Internacional, influenciados por el Partido Comunista de la Unión Soviética (PCUS), y adoptó el nombre de Partido Comunista Peruano (PCP). (...) A principios de los años 60s, las repercusiones de la polémica chino-soviética se hicieron sentir dentro de la izquierda peruana y precipitaron su división. De un lado quedó la mayoría de cuadros sindicales alineados con las posiciones del PCUS. De otro, la juventud del partido, cuadros magisteriales y núcleos de trabajo campesino, enarbolando las banderas maoístas. Para distinguirlos, el resto de partidos comenzó a usar el nombre de sus respectivos periódicos. PCP-Unidad para los prosoviéticos. PCP-Bandera Roja para los prochinos. (...) En el momento de la ruptura, Abimael Guzmán, ya para entonces dirigente comunista del Comité Regional «José Carlos Mariátegui» de Ayacucho, se alineó con el PCP-Bandera Roja, dirigido por el abogado Saturnino Paredes. La unidad de los maoístas, sin embargo, duró poco. En 1967, la juventud y un sector importante del trabajo magisterial se escindieron para formar el Partido Comunista del Perú-Patria Roja. A pesar de que los jóvenes le ofrecieron encabezar esa escisión, Guzmán siguió alineándose con Saturnino Paredes, pero para entonces hacía ya tiempo que había formado su propia «fracción roja» en Ayacucho. [José Carlos Mariátegui, one of the most influential Peruvian intellectuals of the 20th century, is recognised by the different left-wing tendencies as the founder of socialism in the country. After his death in 1930, the organisation he had founded quickly aligned itself with the parties of the Third International, influenced by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), and adopted the name of the Peruvian Communist Party (PCP). (...) In the early 1960s, the repercussions of the Sino-Soviet polemic were felt within the Peruvian left and precipitated its split. On one side was the majority of trade union cadres aligned with the positions of the CPSU. On the other, the party's youth, teachers' cadres and peasant work nuclei, flying the Maoist banners. To distinguish them, the other parties began to use the name of their respective newspapers. PCP-Unity for the pro-Soviets. PCP-Red Flag for the pro-Chinese. (...) At the time of the split, Abimael Guzmán, by then a communist leader of the 'José Carlos Mariátegui' Regional Committee of Ayacucho, aligned himself with the PCP-Red Flag, led by the lawyer Saturnino Paredes. The unity of the Maoists, however, was short-lived. In 1967, the youth and an important sector of the teachers' work split to form the Communist Party of Peru-Red Fatherland. Although the youth offered him the leadership of this split, Guzmán continued to align himself with Saturnino Paredes, but by then he had long since formed his own 'red faction' in Ayacucho.]
^ColinHarding, "Antonio Díaz Martínez and the Ideology of Sendero Luminoso,"Bulletine for Latin American Research 7#1 (January 1988) pp 65–73.
^Julia Lovell,Maoism: A Global History (2019) pp 306–346.
^"Reseña Histórica" [Historical Overview].UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE SAN CRISTÓBAL DE HUAMANGA (in Spanish).Archived from the original on 27 March 2019. Retrieved27 March 2019."Con auspicios de la corona española y del Poder Pontificio, el 3 de julio de 1677 el obispo de la Diócesis de Huamanga, don Cristóbal de Castilla y Zamora, fundó la 'Universitas Guamangensis Sancti Christhophosi'... Clausurada en 1886 y reabierta 80 años después, reiniciando sus labores académicas el 3 de julio de 1959 como 'Universidad Nacional de San Cristóbal de Huamanga.'""Closed in 1886 and reopened 80 years later, it restarted its academic work 3 July 1959 as the 'National University of Saint Christopher of Huamanga.'"
^Manrique, Nelson. "The War for the Central Sierra," p. 211 inShining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980–1995, ed. Steve Stern, Duke University Press: Durham and London, 1998 (ISBN0-8223-2217-X).
^Kenney, Charles D. 2004.Fujimori's Coup and the Breakdown of Democracy in Latin America. Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame. Citing Balibi, C.R. 1991. "Una inquietante encuesta de opinión."Quehacer: 40–45.
^abKenney, Charles D. 2004.Fujimori's Coup and the Breakdown of Democracy in Latin America. Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame.
^Sandra Coliver, Paul Hoffman, Joan Fitzpatrick, Stephen Bowman, Secrecy and Liberty: National Security, Freedom of Expression and Access To Information, (Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague Publishers,) 1999, p. 162.
^Del Pino H., Ponciano. "Family, Culture, and 'Revolution': Everyday Life with Sendero Luminoso," p. 179 inShining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980–1995, ed. Steve Stern, Duke University Press: Durham and London, 1998 (ISBN0-8223-2217-X).
^Starn, Orin. "Villagers at Arms: War and Counterrevolution in the Central-South Andes," p. 237 inShining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980–1995, ed. Steve Stern, Duke University Press: Durham and London, 1998 (ISBN0-8223-2217-X).
^La Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación. 28 August 2003. "2.45. Las Ejecuciones Extrajudiciales en Barrios Altos (1991.)"Available online in Spanish. Retrieved 13 January 2008.
^La Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación. 28 August 2003. "2.19. La Universidad Nacional de educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle «La Cantuta»."Available online in Spanish. Retrieved 13 January 2008.
^"Ataque terrorista en Tarata."Archived online. Retrieved 16 January 2008
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Isbell, Billie Jean (1994). "Shining Path and Peasant Responses in Rural Ayacucho". InShining Path of Peru, ed. David Scott Palmer. 2nd ed., New York:St. Martin's Press.ISBN0-312-10619-X
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Martín-Baró, I. (1988) El Salvador 1987. Estudios Centroamericanos (ECA), No. 471-472, pp. 21–45.
Starn, Orin. "Maoism in the Andes: The Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path and the refusal of history."Journal of Latin American Studies 27.2 (1995): 399–421.online
Starn, Orin and Miguel La Serna,The Shining Path: Love, Madness, and Revolution in the Andes. New York: W.W. Norton, 2019.