Samoan is spoken by approximately 260,000 people in the archipelago and with many Samoans living in diaspora in a number of countries, the total number of speakers worldwide was estimated at 510,000 in 2015. It is the third-most widely spoken language in New Zealand, where 2.2% of the population, 101,900 people, were able to speak it as of 2018.[2]
The language is notable for thephonological differences between formal and informal speech as well as a ceremonial form used in Samoan oratory.
Linguists differ somewhat on the way they classify Samoan in relation to the otherPolynesian languages.[3] The "traditional" classification,[4] based on shared innovations in grammar and vocabulary, places Samoan withTokelauan, the Polynesian outlier languages and the languages ofEastern Polynesia, which includeRapanui,Māori,Tahitian andHawaiian. Nuclear Polynesian and Tongic (the languages of Tonga and Niue) are the major subdivisions of Polynesian under this analysis. A revision by Marck reinterpreted the relationships among Samoan and the outlier languages. In 2008 an analysis, of basic vocabulary only, from the Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database is contradictory in that while in part it suggests that Tongan and Samoan form a subgroup,[5] the old subgroups Tongic and Nuclear Polynesian are still included in the classification search of the database itself.[6]
Samoa and American Samoan islands where Samoan is the official language.
There are approximately 470,000 Samoan speakers worldwide, 50 percent of whom live in the Samoan Islands.[7]
Thereafter, the greatest concentration is inNew Zealand, where there were 101,937 Samoan speakers at the 2018 census, or 2.2% of the country's population. Samoan is the third-most spoken language in New Zealand after English and Māori.[8]
According to the 2021 census inAustralia conducted by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, the Samoan language is spoken in the homes of 49,021 people.[9]
US Census 2010 shows more than 180,000 Samoans reside in the United States, which is triple the number of people living in American Samoa, while slightly less than the estimated population of the island nation of Samoa – 193,000, as of July 2011.
Samoan Language Week (Vaiaso o le Gagana Sāmoa) is an annual celebration of the language in New Zealand supported by the government[10] and various organisations includingUNESCO. Samoan Language Week was started in Australia for the first time in 2010.[11]
The Samoan alphabet consists of 14 letters, with three more letters (H,K,R) used in loan words. Theʻ (koma liliu orʻokina) is used for theglottal stop.
Vowel length is phonemic in Samoan; all five vowels also have a long form denoted by themacron.[12] For example,tama means child or boy, whiletamā means father.
The combination ofu followed by a vowel in some words creates the sound of the Englishw, a letter not part of the Samoan alphabet, as inuaua (artery, tendon).
/a/ is reduced to[ə] in only a few words, such asmate ormaliu 'dead',vave 'be quick'.
In formal Samoan, used for example in news broadcasts or sermons, the consonants/tnŋ/ are used. In colloquial Samoan, however,/nŋ/ merge as[ŋ] and/t/ is pronounced[k].[13]
Theglottal stop/ʔ/ is phonemic in Samoan. Its presence or absence affects the meaning of words otherwise spelled the same,[12] e.g.mai = from, originate from;maʻi = sickness, illness. The glottal stop is represented by thekoma liliu ("inverted comma"), which is recognized by Samoan scholars and the wider community.[12] Thekoma liliu is often replaced by anapostrophe in modern publications. Use of the apostrophe andmacron diacritics in Samoan words was readopted by the Ministry of Education in 2012 after having been abandoned in the 1960s.[14]
/l/ is pronounced as aflap[ɾ] following a back vowel (/a,o,u/) and preceding an/i/; otherwise it is[l]./s/ is lesssibilant (hissing) than in English./rh/ are found in loan words.
Loanwords from English and other languages have been adapted to Samoan phonology:[17]
/k/ is retained in some instances (Christ = "Keriso", club = "kalapu", coffee = "kofe"), and has become [t] in rare instances (such as "se totini", from theEnglish "stocking").
/ɹ/ becomes [ɾ] in some instances (e.g. Christ = "Keriso", January = "Ianuari", number = "numera"), and [l] in others (January = "Ianuali", herring = "elegi").
/ɡ/ becomes [k] in some cases (gas = "kesi"), while /tʃ/, /ʃ/ and /dʒ/ usually become [s] (Charles = "Salesi", Charlotte = "Salata", James = "Semisi").
/h/ is retained at the beginning of some proper names (Herod = "Herota"), but in some cases becomes an 's' (hammer = "samala"), and is omitted in others (herring = "elegi", half-caste = "afakasi")
Stress generally falls on the penultimatemora; that is, on the last syllable if that contains a long vowel or diphthong or on the second-last syllable otherwise.
Verbs formed from nouns ending in a, and meaning to abound in, have properly two aʻs, aspuaa (puaʻaa),pona,tagata, but are written with one.
In speaking of a place at some distance, the accent is placed on the last syllable; asʻO loʻo iSafotu, he is at Safotu. The same thing is done in referring to a family; as Sa Muliaga, the family of Muliaga, the termSa referring to a wide extended family of clan with a common ancestor. So most words ending inga, not a sign of a noun, astigā,puapuaga,pologa,faʻataga andaga. So also all words ending in adiphthong, asmamau,mafai,avai.[17]
In speaking the voice is raised, and the emphasis falls on the last word in each sentence.
When a word combines with an affix, stress is shifted forward. For example:alófa ("love"),alofága ("loving" or "showing love"),alofagía ("beloved").[17]
Reduplicated words have two accents. For example:pálapála, mud; andségiségi, twilight. Compound words may have even three or four, according to the number of words and affixes of which the compound word is composed; astofátumoánaíná, to be engulfed.
The articlesle andse are unaccented. When used to form a pronoun or participle,le andse are contractions forle e,se e, and so are accented; asʻO le ona le meae, the owner, literally the (person) whose (is) the thing, instead ofO le e ona le meae. The sign of the nominativeʻoe, the prepositionso, a, i, e, and theeuphonic particlesi andte, are unaccented; asʻO maua, ma te o atu ia te oee, we two will go to you.
Ina, the sign of the imperative, is accented on the ultima;ína, the sign of thesubjunctive, on the penultima. The prepositioniá is accented on the ultima, the pronounia on the penultima.[17]
Samoansyllable structure is (C)V, where V may be long or a diphthong. A sequence VV may occur only in derived forms and compound words; within roots, only the initial syllable may be of the form V.Metathesis of consonants is frequent, such asmanu fornamu 'scent',lavaʻau forvalaʻau 'to call', but vowels may not be mixed up in this way.
Every syllable ends in a vowel. No syllable consists of more than three sounds, one consonant and two vowels, the two vowels making a diphthong; asfai,mai,tau. Roots are sometimesmonosyllabic, but mostlydisyllabic or a word consisting of two syllables.Polysyllabic words are nearly all derived or compound words; asnofogatā fromnofo (sit, seat) andgatā, difficult of access;taʻigaafi, fromtaʻi, to attend, andafi, fire, the hearth, making to attend to the fire;talafaʻasolopito, ("history") stories placed in order,faletalimalo, ("communal house") house for receiving guests.[17]
Like many Austronesian languages, Samoan has separate words forinclusive and exclusive we, and distinguishessingular,dual, andplural. The root for the inclusive pronoun may occur in the singular, in which case it indicates emotional involvement on the part of the speaker.
singular
dual
plural
1st person
exclusive
a‘u,‘ou
mā‘ua,mā
mātou
inclusive
tā‘ua,tā
tātou
2nd person
‘oe,‘e
‘oulua
‘outou,tou
3rd person
ia /na
lā‘ua
lātou
In formal speech, fuller forms of the rootsmā-,tā-, andlā- are‘imā-,‘itā-, and‘ilā-.
Articles in Samoan do not show thedefiniteness of the noun phrase as do those of English but ratherspecificity.[18]
singular
plural
specific
le
∅
non-specific
se
ni
The singular specific articlele has frequently, erroneously, been referred to as a "definite" article, such as by Pratt, often with an additional vague explanation that it is sometimes used where English would require the indefinite article.[17] As a specific, rather than a definite article, it is used for specific referents that the speaker has in mind (specificity), regardless of whether the listener is expected to know which specific referent(s) is/are intended (definiteness). A sentence such asʻUa tu mai le vaʻa, could thus, depending on context, be translated into English as "A canoe appears", when the listener or reader is not expected to know which canoe, or "The canoe appears", if the listener or reader is expected to know which canoe, such as when the canoe has previously been mentioned.
The plural specific is marked by a null article:ʻO le tagata "the person",ʻO tagata "people". (The wordʻoe in these examples is not an article but a "presentative" preposition. It marks noun phrases used as clauses, introducing clauses or used as appositions etc.)
The non-specific singular articlese is used when the speaker doesn't have a particular individual of a class in mind, such as in the sentenceTa mai se laʻau, "Cut me a stick", whereby there is no specific stick intended. The plural non-specific articleni is the plural form and may be translated into English as "some" or "any", as inTa mai ni laʻau, "Cut me some sticks".[18][17]
In addition, Samoan possesses a series ofdiminutive articles.
Names of natural objects, such as men, trees and animals, are mostly primitive nouns, e.g.ʻO le la, the sun;ʻo le tagata, the person;ʻo le talo, the taro;ʻo le iʻa, the fish; also manufactured articles, such asmatau, an axe,vaʻa, canoe,tao, spear,fale, house, etc.[17]
Some nouns are derived from verbs by the addition of eitherga,saga,taga,maga, orʻaga: such astuli, to chase;tuliga, chasing;luluʻu, to fill the hand;luʻutaga, a handful;feanu, to spit;anusaga, spittle;tanu, to bury;tanulia, the part buried. These verbal nouns have an active participial meaning; e.g.ʻO le faiga o le fale, the building of the house. Often they refer to the persons acting, in which case they govern the next noun in the genitive witha;ʻO le faiga a fale, contracted intoʻo le faiga fale, those who build the house, the builders. In some cases verbal nouns refer to either persons or things done by them:ʻO le faiga a talo, the getting of taro, or the party getting thetaro, or thetaro itself which has been got. The context in such cases decides the meaning. Sometimes place is indicated by the termination; such astofā, to sleep;tofāga, a sleeping-place, a bed.ʻO le taʻelega is either the bathing-place or the party of bathers. The first would takeo after it to govern the next noun,ʻO le taʻelega o le nuʻu, the bathing-place of the village; the latter would be followed bya,ʻO le taʻelega a teine, the bathing-place of the girls.
Sometimes such nouns have a passive meaning, such as being acted upon;ʻO le taomaga a lau, the thatch that has been pressed;ʻo le faupuʻega a maʻa, the heap of stones, that is, the stones which have been heaped up. Those nouns which takeʻaga are rare, except onTutuila;gataʻaga, the end;ʻamataʻaga, the beginning;olaʻaga, lifetime;misaʻaga, quarrelling. Sometimes the addition ofga makes the signification intensive; such asua andtimu, rain;uaga andtimuga, continued pouring (of rain).
The simple form of the verb is sometimes used as a noun:tatalo, to pray;ʻo le tatalo, a prayer;poto, to be wise;ʻo le poto, wisdom.
The reciprocal form of the verb is often used as a noun; e.g.ʻO le fealofani,ʻo femisaiga, quarrellings (frommisa),feʻumaiga;E lelei le fealofani, mutual love is good.
A few diminutives are made byreduplication, e.g.paʻapaʻa, small crabs;pulepule, small shells;liilii, ripples; 'ili'ili, small stones.
Adjectives are made into abstract nouns by adding an article or pronoun; e.g.lelei, good;ʻo le lelei, goodness;silisili, excellent or best;ʻo lona lea silisili, that is his excellence or that is his best.
Many verbs may become participle-nouns by addingga; assau, come,sauga; e.g.ʻO lona sauga muamua, his first coming;mau" to mauga,ʻO le mauga muamua, the first dwelling.
As there is no proper gender in Oceanic languages, different genders are sometimes expressed by distinct names:
Male
Female
ʻO le matai
a chief
ʻO le tamaitaʻi
a lady
ʻO le tamāloa
a man
ʻO le fafine
a woman
ʻO le tama
a boy
ʻO le teine
a girl
ʻO le poʻa
a male animal
ʻO le manu fafine
a female animal
ʻO le toeaʻina
an elderly man
ʻO le loʻomatua
an elderly woman
sole
colloquial male label
suga, funa
colloquial female label
When no distinct name exists, the gender of animals is known by addingpoʻa andfafine respectively. The gender of some few plants is distinguished bytane andfafine, as inʻo le esi tane;ʻo le esi fafine. No other names of objects have any mark of gender.[17]
The singular number is known by the article with the noun; e.g.ʻo le tama, a boy.
Properly there is no dual. It is expressed by omitting the article and adding numberse lua for things e.g.e toʻalua teine, two girls, for persons; orʻo fale e lua, two houses;ʻo tagata e toʻalua, two persons; orʻo lāʻua, them/those two (people).
The plural is known by:
the omission of the article;ʻo ʻulu, breadfruits.
particles denoting multitude, asʻau,vao,mou, andmoíu, and such plural is emphatic;ʻo le ʻau iʻa, a shoal of fishes;ʻo le vao tagata, a forest of men, i.e., a great company;ʻo le mou mea, a great number of things;ʻo le motu o tagata, a crowd of people. These particles cannot be used indiscriminately;motu could not be used with fish, norʻau with men.
lengthening, or more correctly doubling, a vowel in the word;tuafāfine, instead oftuafafine, sisters of a brother. This method is rare.[17]
Plurality is also expressed by internalreduplication in Samoan verbs(-CV- infix), by which theroot orstem of aword, or part of it, is repeated.
Possessive relations are indicated by the particlesa oro. Possessive pronouns also have a-forms and o-forms:lou,lau,lona,lana,lo andla matou, etc. Writers in the 1800s like Platt were unable to understand the underlying principles governing the use of the two forms: "There is no general rule which will apply to every case. The governing noun decides which should be used; thusʻO le poto ʻo le tufuga fai fale, "the wisdom of the builder";ʻO le amio a le tama, "the conduct of the boy";ʻupu o fāgogo, "words offāgogo" (a form of narrated and sung storytelling); butʻupu a tagata, "words of men". Pratt instead gives a rote list of uses and exceptions:
O is used with:
Nouns denoting parts of the body;fofoga o le aliʻi, eyes of the chief. So of hands, legs, hair, etc.; except the beard, which takesa,lana ʻava; but a chief's islona soesa. Different terms and words apply to chiefs and people of rank and status according to the 'polite' variant of the Samoan language, similar to the 'polite' variant in theJapanese language.
The mind and its affections;ʻo le toʻasa o le aliʻi, the wrath of the chief. So of the will, desire, love, fear, etc.;ʻO le manaʻo o le nuʻu, the desire of the land;ʻO le mataʻu o le tama, the fear of the boy.
Houses, and all their parts; canoes, land, country, trees, plantations; thus,pou o le fale, posts of the house;lona fanua,lona naʻu, etc.
People, relations, slaves;ʻo ona tagata, his people;ʻo le faletua o le aliʻi, the chief's wife. So also of a son, daughter, father, etc. Exceptions;Tane, husband;ava, wife (of a common man), and children, which takea;lana,ava,ma,ana,fānau.
Garments, etc., if for use;ona ʻofu. Except when spoken of as property, riches, things laid up in store.
A is used with:
Words denoting conduct, custom, etc.;amio,masani,tu.
Language, words, speeches;gagana,upu,fetalaiga,afioga;ʻO le upu a le tama.
Property of every kind. Except garments, etc., for use.
Those who serve, animals, men killed and carried off in war;lana tagata.
Food of every kind.
Weapons and implements, as clubs, knives, swords, bows, cups,tattooing instruments, etc. Except spears, axes, andʻoso (the stick used for plantingtaro), which takeo.
Work; aslana galuega. Exceptfaiva, which takeso.
Some words take eithera oro; asmanatu,taofi,ʻO se tali aMatautu, an answer given by Matautu;ʻo se tali ʻo Matautu, an answer given to Matautu.
Exceptions:
Nouns denoting the vessel and its contents do not take the particle between them:ʻo le ʻato talo, a basket of taro;ʻo le fale oloa, a house of property, shop, or store-house.
Nouns denoting the material of which a thing is made:ʻO le tupe auro, a coin of gold;ʻo le vaʻa ifi, a canoe of teak.
Nouns indicating members of the body are rather compounded with other nouns instead of being followed by a possessive particle:ʻO le mataivi, an eye of bone;ʻo le isu vaʻa, a nose of a canoe;ʻo le gutu sumu, a mouth of the sumu (type of fish);ʻo le loto alofa, a heart of love.
Many other nouns are compounded in the same way:ʻO le apaau tane, the male wing;ʻo le pito pou, the end of the post.
The country or town of a person omits the particle:ʻO le tagata Sāmoa, a man or person of Samoa.
Nouns ending in a, lengthen (or double) that letter before other nouns in the possessive form:ʻO le sua susu;ʻo le maga ala, ormaga a ala, a branch road.
The sign of the possessive is not used between a town and its proper name, but the topic markerʻoe is repeated; thus putting the two in apposition:ʻO le ʻaʻai ʻo Matautu, the commons of Matautu.
Some adjectives are primitive, asumi, long;poto, wise. Some are formed from nouns by the addition ofa, meaning "covered with" or "infested with"; thus,ʻeleʻele, dirt;ʻeleʻelea, dirty;palapala, mud;palapalā, muddy.
Others are formed by doubling the noun; aspona, a knot;ponapona, knotty;fatu, a stone;fatufatu, stony.
Others are formed by prefixingfaʻa to the noun; asʻo le tufaʻasāmoa, Samoan custom orfaʻamatai.
Likely in English, thefaʻa often expressessimilitude;ʻo le amio faʻapuaʻa, behave like a pig (literally).
In one or two casesa is prefixed; asapulupulu, sticky, frompulu, resin;avanoa, open; fromvā andnoa.
Verbs are also used as adjectives:ʻo le ala faigatā, a difficult road;ʻo le vai tafe, a river, flowing water;ʻo le laʻau ola, a live tree; also the passive:ʻo le aliʻi mātaʻutia.
Ma is the prefix of condition,sae, to tear;masae, torn; as,ʻo le ʻie masae, torn cloth;goto, to sink;magoto, sunk;ʻo le vaʻa magoto, a sunken canoe.
A kind of compound adjective is formed by the union of a noun with an adjective; asʻo le tagata lima mālosi, a strong man, literally, the stronghanded man;ʻo le tagata loto vaivai, a weak-spirited man.
Nouns denoting the materials out of which things are made are used as adjectives:ʻo le mama auro, a gold ring;ʻo le fale maʻa, a stone house. Or they may be reckoned as nouns in the genitive.
Adjectives expressive of colours are mostly reduplicated words; assinasina orpaʻepaʻe (white);uliuli (black);samasama (yellow);ʻenaʻena (brown);mumu (red), etc.; but when they follow a noun they are usually found in their simple form; asʻo le ʻie sina, white cloth;ʻo le puaʻa uli, a black pig. The plural is sometimes distinguished by doubling the first syllable; assina, white; plural,sisina;tele, great; pl.tetele. In compound words the first syllable of the root is doubled; asmaualuga, high; pl.maualuluga. Occasionally the reciprocal form is used as a plural; aslele, flying;ʻo manu felelei, flying creatures, birds.
Comparison is generally effected by using two adjectives, both in the positive state; thuse lelei lenei,ʻa e leaga lena, this is good – but that is bad, not in itself, but in comparison with the other;e umi lenei,a e puupuu lena, this is long, that is short.
Thesuperlative is formed by the addition of anadverb, such asmatuā,tasi,sili,silisiliʻese aʻiaʻi,naʻuā; asʻua lelei tasi, it alone is good – that is, nothing equals it.ʻUa matuā silisili ona lelei, it is very exceedingly good;ʻua tele naʻuā, it is very great.Silisili ese, highest,ese, differing from all others.
Naua has often the meaning of "too much";ua tele naua, it is greater than is required.
In this example of a negateddeclarative sentence, it can be seen that, in Samoan, there is no equivalentgloss for 'unhappy'. The negative particlelē modifies the verbal clause to form something like "not happy" instead.
The meaning ofleʻi differs slightly from that oflē.Leʻi indicates that an event or state has not been actualised yet, or for the time being, but is expected to become so. Therefore,leʻi is often translated as "not yet" rather than simply "not".Leʻi is usually only combined with the generalTAM particlee orte. See the example below.[24]
GENR {not yet} part Tutuila but begin ART card-playing
'The playing of cards started already before we left Tutuila.'
The above example (2) demonstrates the common usage ofleʻi to mean "not yet". In some cases,leʻi simply means "no, not at all", expressing the concept that an event that had been expected to happen or had been thought to have happened, did not occur after all.[25]
There is a particle,faʻa=, that acts as acausative, as well being as the most commonprefix in the Samoan language. This particle can be attached to nearly allnouns andnon-ergative verbs. When attached to negatedverb phrases,faʻa= means having the qualities of or being similar to whatever isdenoted by the basicstem or phrase. It is often combined with the negative particlelē (or itsallomorphs) to form the constructionfaʻa=lē=. PrefixingFaʻa=lē= onto a verb provides a polite way to say a negative phrase. Mosel & Hovdhaugen[26] state that these particles provide three ways to express negative evaluations that vary on a scale of politeness, as demonstrated below:
In Samoan, particles modifying sentences usually take the first place in the sentence, with the exception of the question particleʻea. The particles forming a category are not always mutually exclusive: for instance, while two negative particles cannot be combined, certainprepositions can occur together. Additionally, negative prenuclear particles will follow the preverbal pronoun or theTAM particle.[27]
In the following examples from Mosel & Hovdhaugen,[28] the negative particles follow the TAM particlete (Example 1:e) or the preverbal pronoun (Example 2:ʻou).
In both examples, the negative particle is in the second position, after the preverbal pronoun and/or theTAM particle. In Example 2, there is both a preverbal pronoun (ʻou) AND a TAM particle following it (te). This demonstrates that the negative particle must always follow these two types of preceding particles in the sentence, even if they are both present.
There are two existential verbs in Samoan:iai, "to exist, be present" and the negative equivalentleai [leái] or [le:ái], "to not exist, be absent". They differ from all other Samoan verbs in at least one respect: they cannot be negated by a negative particle.Mosel &Hovdhaugen (1992, pp. 114) suggest that this originates in theetymology of these verbs: the negative existential verbleai is probablyderived fromlē ("not") andai (ANAPH, "not there"). It seems that the inclusion of negation in the verb itself disallows the negative particle from the sentence structure.
See the example from Mosel & Hovdhaugen (1992, pp. 56) in the sentence below:
Eleai ni taavale, aua elei oo atu i ai ala taavale
GENR {not exist} ART(NSP.PL) car because GENR {not yet} reach DIR LD ANAPH road(SP.PL) car
'There were not any cars, because the roads did not reach there.'
In this example, the existential verbleai has been used to indicate the absence of something (that is, the cars) rather than using a negative particle. However, a negative particle (lei) has been used in the secondclause, modifying the verbal clause to create thephrase "the roads did NOT reach there", with the emphasis on the absence of the roads in that area.
According to Mosel & Hovdhaugen (1992, pp. 480–481) the onlyTAM particles that appear withleai areʻua ande or te. This means thatleai acts as if non-existence is a general fact, rather than linking it to a specific point in time. When another verb followsleai within the sameverb phrase, it functions as a more emphatic negation meaning something like "not at all". This is demonstrated in the following example:
There are two negativeimperativeverbs,ʻaua andsōia.ʻAua should not be confused withaua, which means "because". These negative imperative verbs can be used independently of negative particles; as the negation is in the verb itself, an extra particle is not required.ʻAua means "don’t do, should not do" and is employed to express commands in bothdirect andindirect speech. What should not be done is indicated by a verbalcomplement clause, as seen in the example below.[29]
As discussed above, this sentence does not require a negative particle, because the negativeimperative verb is sufficient. Alternatively,sōia means that 'one should stop doing something one has already started'.[30] As withʻaua, what should not be done is indicated by averbal complement. Indirect speech,sōia is either used in theimperative without anyTAM particle or in theoptative marked byseiʻi.[30]
See the example below withsōia as the negative imperative:
This works differently fromʻaua, although they are bothimperative. It can be seen here thatsōia means something like "cease what you are doing immediately" whileʻaua means "don’t do that action" (in a general sense).
Thenoun phrase forming anexistential clause is introduced by apreposition:ʻoe ornaʻo, meaning "only". An existential clause is negated with a complex clause: Mosel & Hovdhaugen state that 'the existential clause functions as theargument of a verbalpredicate formed by aTAM particle and the negative particlelē ("not")'.[31] An example of this can be seen in the example below, where the prepositiono precedes the negative particlelē.
Aua foi, {o le a}le o Niu Sila,leo le Kolisi o Samoa a o le ta=mea ma le auli...
Because also, FUT not PRES New Zealand not PRES ART college POSS Samoa but PRES ART beat=thing and ART ironing
'There will be no New Zealand, no Samoan college [for me to go to if I do not pass the exam], but [only] washing and ironing [at home]....'
This complex sentence has several examples of negation where the negative particle lē is combined with the prepositiono in order to negate an existential clause ("there will be no...").
The language has a polite or formal variant used in oratory andceremony as well as in communication with elders, guests, people of rank and strangers.[20]
The consonant system of colloquial Samoan ("casual Samoan", or "tautala leaga" as it is known) is slightly different from the literary language ("proper Samoan", or "tautala lelei"), and is referred to asK speech orK style.[12] In colloquial speech, defined as taking place in casual social situations among intimates or in the home among familiars of equivalent social rank, /t/ is sometimes pronounced [k] and /n/ has merged with /ŋ/ as [ŋ]. Additionally, /l/ is pronounced[ɾ] following a back vowel (/a, o, u/) and preceding an /i/. /s/ is lesssibilant than in English, and /h/ and /r/ are found only in borrowings, with /s/ and /l/ sometimes being substituted for them.
Therefore, in colloquial Samoan speech, common consonant replacements occur such as:[12][20]
t is pronouncedk –tama (child, boy) is pronouncedkama;tautala ("to speak") is pronouncedkaukala;tulāfale ("orator", "talking chief") is pronouncedkulāfale.
n is pronouncedng –fono ("meeting", "assembly") is pronouncedfongo;ono (the numeral "six") is pronouncedongo;māʻona ("satisfied", "full") is pronouncedmāʻonga.
Historically and culturally, an important form of the Samoan language is oratory, a ceremonial language sometimes referred to in publications as 'chiefly language', orgagana faʻaaloalo ("dignified language")[32] which incorporates classical Samoan terms and prose as well as a different set of vocabulary, which is tied to the roles of orator chiefs (tulāfale) and 'speechmaking' (failāuga) that remains part of the culture's continuing indigenousmatai system of governance and social organization. Thegagana faʻaaloalo (polite speech) register is used by lower-ranking people to address people of higher status, such as their familymatai chief, government officials, or clergy. It is also the formal register used among chiefs during ceremonial occasions and social rites such as funerals, weddings, chiefly title bestowals and village council meetings.
It is not common for entire conversations to be held in chiefly register, and the "dignified language" is used mainly in making formal introductions between individuals, opening and concluding formal meetings, and executing ceremonial tasks (such as theʻava ceremony). It is also considered proper to use the "polite" language when praying. Untitled people (those withoutmatai chief titles) who are unfamiliar with each other will often greet each other in chiefly register as a common courtesy, while familiar individuals frequently use chiefly addresses in jest (as in humorously addressing friends with "talofa lava lau afioga" – "respectful greetings your highness" – instead of the more colloquial "malo sole!" – "hey man!").
Examples of "polite" word variants according to social rank:
Another polite form of speech in "polite" Samoan includes terms and phrases of self-abasement that are used by the speaker in order to show respect and flatter the listener. For example when praising the child of another woman, a mother might politely refer to her own children as "ui" (literally, "piglets"); in order to emphasize the beauty of a finetapa cloth, the presenter might refer to it as a simple "vala" (plain cloth); the weaver of an especially fine mat might call it "launiu" (coconut leaf) or "lā" (sail cloth) in order to not appear boastful. Overshadowing the dignity or prestige of higher-ranking individuals is a grave offense in Samoan culture, so words are chosen very carefully to express individual feelings in a way that acknowledges relative statuses within social hierarchy.
Encounters withEuropeans began in the 1700s, followed by the era of colonialism in the Pacific. Samoan was only a spoken language until the early to mid-1800s when Christian missionaries began documenting the spoken language for religious texts and introducing theLatin script for writing. In 1834, anorthography of the language was distributed by theLondon Missionary Society, which also set up a printing press by 1839. The first completeBible (Tusi Paʻia, Sacred Book) in Samoan was completed and published in 1862.[33]
The first problem that faced the missionaries in Polynesia was that of learning the language of the island, which they intended to convert toChristianity. The second was that of identifying the sounds in the local languages with the symbols employed in their own languages to establish alphabets for recording the spelling of native words. Having established more-or-less satisfactory alphabets and spelling, teaching the indigenous people how to write and read their own language was next necessary. Aprinting press, with the alphabet keys used only English, was part of the mission equipment, and it was possible not only to translate and write out portions of the Bible scriptures, and hymns in the local language but also to print them for use as texts in teaching. Thus, the missionaries introduced writing for the first time within Polynesia, were the first printers and established the first schools in villages.[34]
The alphabet proper consists of only 15 letters: 5 vowels,aeiou, and 10consonants,fglmnpstvʻ. In addition, amacron (faʻamamafa) written over a vowel indicates the five long vowels,ā ē ī ō ū, as inmanu 'animal',mānu 'float, afloat'. Theʻokinaʻ (koma liliu, a reversed apostrophe) indicates theglottal stop, as in many other Polynesian languages. For typographic convenience, the ʻokina is often replaced by a simple apostrophe,'.[35] The additional lettersh,k,r are used in foreignloanwords, apart from the singleinterjectionpuke(ta)! 'gotcha!'; although the sound[k] is found in native words in colloquial speech, it is spelledt. The letterg represents a velar nasal, as in the English wordsing, rather than a voiced velar stop, as in the Englishgo. Thus, the correct pronunciation ofPago Pago is[ˈpaŋoˈpaŋo].
The first grammar and dictionary of the Samoan language,A Grammar and Dictionary of the Samoan Language, with English and Samoan Vocabulary, was written by ReverendGeorge Pratt in 1862.[17] Pratt's valuable Samoan dictionary records many old words of special interest, specialist terminology, archaic words and names in Samoan tradition. It contains sections onSamoan proverbs and poetry, and an extensive grammatical sketch.[36]Pratt was a missionary for the London Missionary Society and lived for 40 years inMatautu on the island ofSavaiʻi.
The termmano was an utmost limit until the adoption of loan words likemiliona (million) andpiliona (billion). Otherwise, quantities beyondmano were referred to asmanomano orilu; that is, innumerable.[17]
The prefixfaʻa is also used to indicate the number of times.For example;faʻatolu – three times. Orfaʻafia? – how many times?
The prefix "lona" or "le" indicates sequential numbering, as in "lona lua" (second),lona tolu (third), "le fa" (fourth); "muamua" or "uluaʻi" denote "first". Familial sequence was denoted with terms such asulumatua ("eldest"),uiʻi ("youngest"), andogatotonu ("middle child"); first and last born were also deemed honorifically,pa le manava ("opening the womb") andpupuni le manava ("sealing the womb"), respectively.
To denote the number of persons, the termtoʻa is used.For example;E toʻafitu tagata e o i le pasi. Seven people are going/travelling by bus.
The suffix "lau" is used when formally counting fish, in reference to the customary plaiting of fish in leaves ("lau") before cooking.For example: "tolu lau" – three fishes
There are also formal prefixes or suffixes used in the chiefly register when counting different species of fish,taro,yams,bananas,chickens,pigs, and other foodstuffs.
Despite the geographical distance, there are many shared words between different Austronesian languages. Below is a list of examples from 4 other Malayo-Polynesian languages:Tongan,Hawaiian,Maanyan,Malay. Note the presence of IPA(key) where available.
Though it is not the primary language of a number of nations outside of Samoa, there is an effort by the descendants of Samoans to learn the native language of their ancestors and to better understand their origins and history. Much like any language, a shift is occurring in the way words are spoken and pronounced, especially as Samoans further integrate with other languages. Most looking to learn Samoan are forced to turn to written materials instead of living examples. To preserve the language, linguists must use diacritical marks. Without them, the actual pronunciations of words quickly become altered and lost.[42] The marks are commonly found before, under and above letters in words and are especially helpful for students and non-native speakers to realize the difference the vowels and glottal stops can make in the pronunciation of words.
Examples include:
Samoan
with marking
Meaning
Samoan
without marking
Meaning
sa‘u
(one of) my
sau
(one of) your
mo‘u
(for) me
mou
(for) you
lo‘u
my
lou
your
Below is another example of a sentence with and without diacritical marks from the Samoan Bible (O le tusi paia, o le Feagaiga Tuai ma le Feagaiga fou lea)[1]:
[Original] Faauta, ua e le foai mai ia te au ...
[With diacritics] Faʻauta ʻua ʻe lē fōaʻi mai iā te aʻu ...
Sign with diacritic mark for Hauʻula elementary school in Hawaii
Samoan diacritical marks may seem confusing at first due to the way the language shifts based on context. Also, the mixed use of diacritical marks in literature and even within the same publication can surprise non-native speakers. This is evident in the Bible translation created by early missionaries and Reverend George Pratt which features markings in some words and not others. Part of it was due to the need to save time on the writing and typesetting and to use the markings as a guideline.[42] Much like the Bible helped improve literacy and understanding of the language throughout Samoan communities, written works continue to be important in much the same way today.
The use of the diacritical marks are not only prevalent in Samoan but also other Polynesian languages, such as Hawaiian, where similar pronunciation losses exist. Since native speakers understand how a word should be pronounced without the markings, words are commonly written and accepted with the markings absent. To prevent the loss of correct pronunciations, however, language preservation groups and the Samoan and Hawaiian governments, are taking measure to include diacritical markings in signage, television programs, school materials and printed media.[43][44]
^abcdMosel, Ulrike; Hovdhaugen, Even (1992).Samoan Reference Grammar. Oslo, Norway: Scandinavian University Press : Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture. pp. 56, 114,140–142,175–179, 259, 331,375–376,479–483,500–501.
^Pawley, Andrew (1984)."Foreward (sic)". In George Pratt (ed.).A Grammar and Dictionary of the Samoan Language, with English and Samoan vocabulary (3rd and revised ed.). Papakura, New Zealand: R. McMillan.ISBN0-908712-09-X. Retrieved14 March 2010.
Mosel, Ulrike andEven Hovdhaugen, 1992.Samoan reference grammar. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press/Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture.
Mosel, Laʻi Ulrike and Ainslie Soʻo.Say it in Samoan. Pacific Linguistics D88. Canberra: ANU.
