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Saddamism (Arabic:صدامية,romanized: Ṣaddāmiyah), also known asSaddamist Ba'athism (Arabic:البعثية الصدامية,romanized: al-Baʿthīyah as-Ṣaddāmiyah),[1] is aBa'athist political ideology based on the political ideas and thinking ofSaddam Hussein, who served as the president ofIraq from 1979 to 2003.[2][3] It espousesArab nationalism,Arab socialism andPan-Arabism, as well as anIraq-centredArab world that calls upon Arab countries to adopt Saddamist political discourse and reject "theNasserist discourse" that it claims collapsed following theSix-Day War in 1967.[2] It ismilitarist and views political disputes and conflict in a military manner as "battles" requiring "fighting", "mobilization", "battlefields", "bastions", and "trenches".[3] Saddamism was officially supported by Saddam Hussein's government and the rulingIraqi Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party and promoted by the Iraqi daily newspaperBabil owned by Saddam's sonUday Hussein.[2]
Saddamism has often been described as anauthoritarian andtotalitarian ideology that aimed to control all aspects of Iraqi life, and has been accused by critics of incorporating "SunniArab nationalism, confusedStalinism, andfascist zeal for the fatherland and its leader", as well as enabling Saddam to generate acult of personality revolving around him.[4] However, the applicability of these labels has been contested.[5] Saddamism'sright-wing nature contributed to theinter-Ba'athist rivalry with theleft-wingneo-Ba'athists and theAssad family who held power inBa'athist Syria.[6]
The term "Saddamism" (Saddamiyyah) was coined by theIraqi media, embodying Saddam Hussein's special leadership qualities and the strong connections between him and the people.[7]
Saddam Hussein based his political views and ideology upon the views ofMichel Aflaq, Ba'athism's key founder. Saddam Hussein was also an avid reader of topics on moral and material forces ininternational politics.[3] Saddam Hussein's government was critical oforthodox Marxism and opposed the Marxist concepts ofclass conflict,dictatorship of the proletariat, andatheism, as well theMarxist-Leninist claim that non-Marxist-Leninist parties are automaticallybourgeois in nature – claiming that the Ba'ath Party is a popular revolutionary movement and that as such the people rejectedpetit bourgeois politics.[3]
Saddam Hussein claimed that the Arab nation did not have the class structure of that of other nations and that class division was more along national lines between Arabs and non-Arabs than within the Arab community.[3] However he spoke fondly ofLenin and commended him for giving Russian Marxism a uniquely Russian specificity that Marx alone was incapable of doing. He also expressed admiration for other communist leaders, such asFidel Castro,Ho Chi Minh, andJosip Broz Tito due to their spirit of asserting national independence rather than their communism.[3]
Saddam Hussein and his ideologists sought to fuse a connection between ancientBabylonian andAssyrian civilization in Iraq to theArab nationalism by claiming that the Babylonians and ancient Assyrians are the ancestors of theArabs. Thus, Saddam Hussein and his supporters claim that there is no conflict between Mesopotamian heritage and Arab nationalism.[3]
Saddam portrayed Iraq as the bulwark of the Arab world against Iranian expansion during theIran–Iraq War from 1980 to 1988.[8] With the support of otherArab states, particularly theGulf states, Saddam had become "the defender of the Arab world" against a revolutionary, fundamentalist, andShia Islamist expansionist Iran.[9]Jordan and the Gulf states recognized Saddam as the defender of Arab nationalism.[10] To prevent Iraqi Shias from adoptingKhomeinism and joining their co-religionists in Iran, Saddam laid more emphasis on the Arab character of Iraq as opposed to thePersian character of the Iranians.[11]
The ruling Ba'ath Party during Saddam's rule was officiallyArab socialist. Despite this, Saddam's socialism has been described as "nothing but a patchypopulism, combining a tightly-controlled state economy with a measure offree enterprise", with the alleged goal of strengthening his own political position.[12]
Saddam was a prominent advocate ofArab-Islamic nationalism. During the Iran–Iraq War, Saddam emphasized hissharifian descent to draw on a classical form of religious legitimacy.[13] Saddam supported theIslamist uprising in Syria from 1980 to 1982 and supplied the insurgentMuslim Brotherhood with a steady flow of arms and supplies.[14]
In June 1993, Saddam initiated theFaith Campaign, under the supervision ofIzzat Ibrahim al-Douri. This new policy aimed to promoteIslamism and encourage popular devotion toIslam within Iraqi society.[13] This has been described as a Ba'athist "full-scale politicisation of Islam" and marked a shift away from the moresecular rule of the 1980s and 1970s.[13] The campaign granted greater freedoms to Islamist groups, allocated more resources into religious programmes, increased use of Islamic punishments, and a greater emphasis being put on Islam in all sectors of Iraqi life, although maintaining the Arab nationalism.[15]
According to Phebe Marr, Saddam "provided widespread health, education, and social benefits that went well beyond those of any previous regime".[4] Saddam implemented land reform, made hospitals and education free, doubled the number of students in schools and developed infrastructure such as roads, access to electricity and water, in addition to increasing life expectancy and decreasing child mortality.[4]
Saddam imposed tariffs andprotected domestic industries. He also sponsored industrialization programs. Oil proceeds increased from $1 billion in 1972 to $33 billion in 1980.[4] Following theIraqi invasion of Kuwait and the ensuingGulf War in 1991, theUnited Nationsimposed sanctions on Iraq. This caused extreme economic decline as Iraq's GDP declined from $66.2 billion in 1989 to $10.8 billion in 1996 while per capita annual income decreased from $3,510 in 1989 to $450 in 1996.[4]
Saddam introduced social security programs such as disability benefits which granted disabled people financial assistance.[16] He also introduced healthcare coverage to ensure that Iraqi citizens had access to healthcare and medication when needed.[17] Healthcare worsened in the 1990s due to the UN sanctions restricting basic-medical equipment and supplies from getting into Iraq.[18] The UN sanctions are believed to have inflicted about 500,000 Iraqi deaths due to the shortages in food and medicine caused by the blockade.[4]
Saddam Hussein invested heavily in infrastructure projects, such as roads, bridges, and public buildings.[19][20] This contributed to the modernization of Iraqi cities and improved the overall infrastructure of Iraq.[21] Saddam placed an emphasis on improving access to education and healthcare.[21][22][23] The government invested in building schools and hospitals, and literacy rates in Iraq increased significantly.[24][25][26] Saddam implemented policies aimed at advancingwomen's rights in Iraq.[27]
Saddam also was a staunchsupporter of thePalestinian nationalism. Saddam Hussein sheltered and supported severalPalestinian guerrilla and militant organizations, such as thePalestine Liberation Organization, thePalestinian Liberation Front, theArab Liberation Front and theAbu Nidal Organization. Additionally, he subsidized the families of Palestinian suicide bombers who died asshuhada during theSecond Intifada. In April 2002, Saddam increased the money offered to Palestinian families of martyrs from $10,000 to $25,000. West Bank representative who was handing out money to Palestinian families, Mahmoud Besharat, reportedly said "You would have to ask President Saddam why he is being so generous. But he is a revolutionary and he wants this distinguished struggle, the intifada, to continue".[28]
In April 1990, Saddam threatened to destroy half of Israel withchemical weapons if it moved against Iraq.[29] In 1991, Saddamordered a missile campaign againstIsrael. Iraq fired 42Scud missiles into Israeli territory, primarilyTel Aviv andHaifa, amid the Gulf War.[30] The attacks killed between 11 and 74 Israelis. Israel did not retaliate against Iraq due to pressure exerted by the United States.[31]
Saddam remains a heroic figure in theWest Bank andGaza Strip, whose residents remember him as an Arab leader who was prepared to challenge the United States and Israel.[32] In theArab world, Saddam is well regarded, especially for hissupport of the Palestinian cause.[33] A memorial dedicated to Saddam was built inQalqilya,[34][35][36] and many portraits and other forms of memorials are found throughoutPalestine.[37][38] He remains widely known for his commitment to the Palestinian cause and hisanti-Zionist stance. In 2001, Saddam said on Iraqi television:[39]
Palestine is Arab and must be liberatedfrom the river to the sea and all theZionists who emigrated to the land of Palestine must leave.
— Saddam Hussein
Saddam Hussein'scult of personality became a prominent feature ofIraqi popular culture. He had thousands of portraits, posters, statues and murals erected in his honor all over Iraq.[40] His face was visible on office buildings, schools, classrooms, airports, and shops, as well as on all denominations of theIraqi dinar. Saddam aimed to appeal to all aspects of Iraqi society. He donnedBedouin clothing, the traditional clothes of theIraqi peasants, and evenKurdish clothing. He also appeared inWestern clothing to project the image of an urban and modern leader. He also portrayed himself as a devoutSunni Muslim, wearing a full headdress and robe, praying towardsMecca, but most often, he was shown wearing a military uniform.[41]
After thefall of his regime in 2003, symbolized by thetoppling of his statue on Firdous Square inBaghdad on April 9, 2003, all statues of Saddam were destroyed.[41] All other aspects of his cult of personality were dismantled thereafter.[42]
Saddam was known foremploying terror against his own citizens.The Economist described Saddam as "one of the last of the 20th century's great dictators, but not the least in terms of egotism, or cruelty, or morbid will to power."[43] Saddam's regime brought about the deaths of at least 250,000 Iraqis[44] and committedwar crimes in Iran, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia.Human Rights Watch andAmnesty International issued regular reports of widespreadimprisonment and torture. Saddam also used Iraq's oil wealth to develop apatronage system for supporters of his regime.[5]
TheAnfal campaign of 1988 was undertaken in the northern regions of Iraq in response to the Iranian-backedKurdish insurgency. Human Rights Watch estimates that between 50,000 and 100,000 people were killed.[45] Following the disastrous Gulf War,Shias rebelled in southern Iraq and executed Ba'athist officials during the1991 Iraqi uprisings. Saddam responded with repression, killing enemies and suspected political dissidents, resulting in the deaths of about 150,000Iraqi Shias.[4]
Under Saddam's rule,Sunni-Shia conflict was more of a national difference than a religious one. The term "Ajam" (non-Arabs) was used to discredit Shia activists and political dissidents, and particularly theIranians.[46] Although Saddam initially promoted secularism and non-sectarianism, his rule sawsectarian violence. Iraq was ruled by a Sunni Arab elite, although Shias and Kurds were permitted to help build the nation provided that they made no trouble.[47] Saddam banned and suppressed Shia public displays ofTatbir,Ashura, andmourning of Muharram.[48][49] Sectarian tensions became evident during theIranian Revolution in 1979 and the ensuing Iran–Iraq War. The newShia Islamist leader of Iran,Ruhollah Khomeini, initiated a propaganda campaign calling on Iraqi Shias to accept Khomeinism and rebel against the Sunni-dominated Ba'athist regime of Saddam.[50]
Despite Saddam's fears of unrest, Iran's attempts toexport its Islamic Revolution were largely unsuccessful in rallying support from Shias in Iraq and the Gulf states. Most Iraqi Shias, who formed the majority of theIraqi Armed Forces, chose their own country over their Shia Iranian coreligionists during the Iran–Iraq War.[51] To thwart the threat of Shia opposition during the war, Saddam made improvements for the Shia community.[52] He invited a large number of Shia to join the ruling Ba'th Party, a shift from their previous exclusion from this political organization.[52] Shias were majority in the party's governing body and 40% of the membership of the National Assembly of Iraq.[52]
Following the Gulf War, Shias participated in a largely sectarian uprising against Saddam's regime. Shia rebels held pictures of Shia religious leaders such as Iranian leader Khomeini, as well as Shia religious symbols.[53] The uprisings were quelled by the regime through the use of force and mass executions, and Sunni state control managed to restore order.[54] Throughout the 1990s, Saddam relied more on Sunni Arab officials from his own tribe ofAl-Bu Nasir.[55] However, just like other communities, there were Shia loyalists, who served in his government, such asSadun Hammadi andMuhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf.
First, Faust totally ignores the economy in his analysis. This oversight is remarkable given his attempt to trace how the regime became totalitarian, which, by definition, encompasses all facets of life. ... Second, the comparison with Stalin or Hitler is weak when one takes into consideration how many Iraqis were allowed to leave the country. Although citizens needed to undergo a convoluted and bureaucratic procedure to obtain the necessary papers to leave the country, the fact remains that more than one million Iraqis migrated from Iraq from the end of the Iran–Iraq War in 1988 until the US-led invasion in 2003. Third, religion under Stalin did not function in the same manner as it did in Iraq, and while Faust details how the Shia were not allowed to engage in some of their ceremonies, the average Iraqi was allowed to pray at home and in a mosque. ... it is correct that the security services kept a watch on religious establishments and mosques, but the Iraqi approach is somewhat different from that pursued by Stalin's totalitarianism.
The rift between the Ba'th parties in Syria and Iraq widened. In February 1966, a military coup by the party's left wing in Syria forced 'Aflaq and the Syrian leadership to seek refuge in Iraq. From that point on, despite short periods of rapprochement, the chasm between the so-called left-wing in Syria and the right-wing supported by al-Bakr and Saddam Hussein was never bridged.
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{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)Having devoted extensive time and effort to documenting [Saddam's] atrocities, we estimate that in the last twenty-five years of Ba'ath Party rule the Iraqi government murdered or 'disappeared' some quarter of a million Iraqis, if not more.