琉球民族 | |
|---|---|
_(11152072573).jpg) Ryukyuan dancers inceremonial attire | |
| Regions with significant populations | |
 Okinawa Prefecture | 1.4 million[1] |
 Kagoshima Prefecture | 118,773[nb 1][2] |
 Osaka Prefecture | 70,000[3] |
 Kanagawa Prefecture | 45,000[3] |
 Hyōgo Prefecture | 12,000[3] |
| Rest ofmainland Japan | 173,000[3] |
| Outside of Japan | 415,361[4] |
| Languages | |
| Religion | |
| Related ethnic groups | |
| Yamato,Jōmon | |
TheRyukyuans[nb 2] are aJaponic-speakingEast Asianethnic group indigenous to theRyukyu Islands, which stretch from the island ofKyushu to the island ofTaiwan.[5] InJapan, most Ryukyuans live in theOkinawa Prefecture orKagoshima Prefecture. They speak theRyukyuan languages,[6] one of the branches of theJaponic language family along with theJapanese language and itsdialects.[5]
The United Nations Human Rights Committee in 2008 recommended that Japan, "should expressly recognize the Ainu and Ryukyu/Okinawa as indigenous peoples in domestic legislation, adopt special measures to protect, preserve, and promote their cultural heritage and traditional way of life, and recognize their land rights."[7] The Japanese government has not accepted this recommendation because recognizing, "the Ryukyuan as Indigenous Peoples [would require Japan] to adhere to international law, thus prohibiting military bases on [Ryukyuan] land."[8]
Ryukyuans are also not a recognizedminority group in Japan, as Japanese authorities consider them a subgroup of theJapanese people, akin to theYamato people. Although officially unrecognized, Ryukyuans constitute the largestethnolinguistic minority group in Japan, with more than 1.4 million living in the Okinawa Prefecture alone. Ryukyuans inhabit theAmami Islands of Kagoshima Prefecture as well, and have contributed to a considerableRyukyuan diaspora.
Ryukyuans have a distinct culture with somematriarchal elements, an indigenousreligion and acuisine whererice was introduced fairly late (12th century). The population lived on the islands in isolation for many centuries. In the 14th century, three separateOkinawan political polities merged into theRyukyu Kingdom (1429–1872), which continued themaritime trade andtributary relations started in 1372 withMing China.[5] In 1609, theSatsuma Domain (based in Kyushu) invaded the Ryukyu Kingdom. The Kingdom maintained a fictive independence invassal status, in a dual subordinate status to both China and Japan, becauseTokugawa Japan wasprohibited to trade (directly) with China.[9]
During the JapaneseMeiji era, the kingdom became theRyukyu Domain (1872–1879) after its politicalannexation by theEmpire of Japan.[10] In 1879, the Ryukyu Domain was abolished, and the territory was reorganized asOkinawa Prefecture, with the last king (Shō Tai) forcibly exiled to Tokyo.[5][11][12] China renounced its claims to the islands in 1895.[13] During this period, theMeiji government, which sought toassimilate the Ryukyuans as Japanese (Yamato), suppressed Ryukyuan ethnic identity, tradition, culture, and language.[5][14][15][16][17][18] AfterWorld War II, the Ryūkyū Islands were occupied by theUnited States between1945 and 1950 and thenfrom 1950 to 1972. Since the end of World War II, many Ryukyuans have expressed strong resentment against the extensive U.S. military facilities stationed in Okinawa and Tokyo's handling of related issues.[6][19]
United Nations special rapporteur ondiscrimination andracismDoudou Diène, in his 2006 report,[20] noted a perceptible level ofdiscrimination andxenophobia against the Ryukyuans, with the most serious discrimination they endure linked to their opposition of American military installations in the archipelago.[21]
In English, they are also known asOkinawans[22] orLewchewans.[23]
Their usual ethnic name derives from the Chinese name for the islands,Liuqiu (also spelled as Loo Choo, Lew Chew, Luchu, and more),[5] which in theJapanese language is pronouncedRyūkyū. In theOkinawan language, it is pronouncedRūchū. In their indigenous language they often call themselves and their identity asUchinānchu.[24][25] Another endonym isShimanchu (島人).[26] These terms are rarely used outside of the ethnic community, and are politicized markers of a distinct culture.[27][clarification needed]
"Ryukyu" is an other name from the Chinese side, and "Okinawa" is a Japanese cognate of Okinawa's indigenous name "Uchinā", originating from the residents of the main island referring to the main island against the surrounding islands, Miyako and Yaeyama.[28] Mainland Japanese adapted Okinawa as the way to call these people.[citation needed]
According to recent genetic studies, the Ryukyuans are a distinct genome-wide cluster within the Japanese people.[29][30] They share more alleles withsouthern Jōmon hunter-gatherers thanYayoi agriculturalists and have about 28% Jōmon ancestry[31] although other studies estimate their Jōmon ancestry at 36%[32] and 26.1%.[33] This aligns with the dual-structure model proposed by Hanihara (1991), which suggests that the Yamato Japanese are moreadmixed with Asian agricultural continental people (from theKorean Peninsula) than theAinu and the Ryukyuans, with major admixture occurring in and after theYayoi period (3,000–1,700 years ago).[29][34][35][36][37][38][39] Jōmon ancestry among Ryukyuans is believed to come from prehistoric Southeast Asia, especially Central and Southern Ryukyuans, since Mainland Japanese Jōmon populations showed higher affinities with coastal East Asians such asTaiwanese,Koreans andUlchis. Northern Ryukyuan Jōmon were more related to Kyushuan Jōmon[40] whilst Southern Ryukyuan Jōmon were more related to Late Jōmon population from Western Japan.[41] Other studies, however, suggest genetic homogeneity within the Jōmon.[42][43][44]This Jōmon ancestry lasted until theGusuku Period, around 11th century AD, where there was significant admixture with mainland Japanese, who had tripartite ancestry consisting of Jōmon, East Asian and Northeast Asian ancestries.[33][31] Overall, admixture rates with mainland Japanese differed between Northern Ryukyuans (77%) and Southern Ryukyuans (81%) despite the geographic distance between the southern islands and mainland Japan.[32]
According to archaeological evidence, Northern Ryukyuan islands (Amami Islands andOkinawa Islands) and Southern Ryukyuan islands (Miyako Islands andYaeyama Islands) are culturally and genetically differentiated. The differentiation was especially pronounced between Okinawa and Miyako. It arose due toHolocene-era divergence between the populations and subsequent genetic drift rather than admixture with neighboring populations.[45] There is also evidence of Amami islanders being more related to Mainland Japanese than Okinawan islanders.[46] But overall, mainland Japanese are genetically the closest to Ryukyuans, followed by Koreans and Chinese. Taiwanese aborigines are genetically distant from Ryukyuans despite being neighbors, with no evidence of gene flow from the former.[47][48][49][50]According to an autosomal DNA analysis of Okinawan samples, they are closely related to contemporary East Asian populations, especially Japanese populations. They exhibit about 80% admixture with mainland Japanese, followed by 19% admixture with Chinese populations. They also have isolate characteristics.[36] Mainland Japanese themselves also have high genetic affinities with Ryukyuans, especially contemporaryTōhoku,Kantō, andKyūshū populations.[51] Likewise, there are high genetic affinities between Ainu and Ryukyuans due to having higher Jōmon ancestry than the average mainland Japanese.[52][53][54]
The female mtDNA and male Y chromosome markers are used tostudy human migrations. The research on the skeletal remains from the NeolithicShell midden period (also known as Kaizuka period) in Okinawa, as well from the Gusuku Period, showed predominance of female haplogroupsD4 andM7a and their genetic continuity in the contemporary female population of Okinawa.[55][56] It is assumed that M7a represents "Jomon genotype" introduced by a Paleolithic ancestor fromSoutheast Asia or thesouthern region of the Asian continent, around the Last Glacial Maximum with the Ryukyu Islands as one of the probable origin spots; in contrast, the frequency of the D4 haplogroup is relatively high inEast Asian populations, including in Japan, indicating immigrant Yayoi people, probably by the end of the late Kaizuka period, while haplogroupB4 presumably derived fromaboriginal Taiwanese.[55][56] However, as in the contemporary Japanese population, M7 showed a decrease, whereas the frequency of the haplogroupN9b showed an increase from the south to north direction, it indicates that the mobility pattern of females and males was different as the distribution of Y haplogroups do not show a geographical gradient in contrast to mtDNA,[57] meaning mainly different maternal origins of the contemporary Ryukyuan and Ainu people.[58] A 2023 study, however, suggests an indigenous origin for haplogroup M7a.[59]
The research on the contemporary Okinawan male Y chromosome showed, in 2006; 55.6% of haplogroupD-P-M55, 22.2%O-P31, 15.6%O-M122, 4.4%C-M8, and 2.2% others.[60] It is considered that the Y haplogroups expanded in ademic diffusion. The haplogroups D and C are considered of Neolithic and Paleolithic origin, with coalescence time of 19,400 YBP and expansion 12,600 YBP (14,500 YBP and 10,820 YBP respectively), and were isolated for thousands of years once land bridges between Japan and continental Asia disappeared at the end of the last glacial maximum 12,000 YBP. The haplogroup O began its expansion circa 4,000–3,810 years ago, and thus the haplogroups D-M55 and C-M8 belong to the Jomon's male lineage, and haplogroup O belongs to the Yayoi's male lineage. HaplogroupM12 is considered as mitochondrial counterpart of Y chromosome D lineage. This rare haplogroup was detected only in Yamato Japanese, Koreans, and Tibetans, with the highest frequency and diversity in Tibet.[60][57]
Comparative studies on dental diversity showed long-term gene flow from outside sources (Honshu Island and southern East Asia), long-term isolation, and genetic drift, which produced morphological diversity among the modern Ryukyuans. This analysis, however, contradicts the idea of homogeneity among the Jōmon people and close affinities between the Ainu and the Ryukyuans.[62][37][63][64][65][66][67] A 2017 craniometric study states that the Ryukyuans were more similar to Yamato people and their ancestors, theYayoi people. The Ryukyuans differ strongly from theAinu people, which, according to the authors, is strong evidence for heterogeneity among the Jōmon period population.[68]
According to a 2019 study, Ryukyuans shared some facial features with Ainu but there were also some differences. Specifically, they retained the phenotypes of Neolithic Shell midden-era populations. Compared to mainland Japanese, Ryukyuans were shorter, had broader faces and lower facial and nasal heights. But they also had broader nasal bones and more prominent glabellas and nasal roots. Their non-metric dental characteristics were intermediate between the Sinodonty of mainland Japanese and Sundadonty of Ainu.[69] Another study suggests better preservation of phenotypes associated with the Jōmon, including Ainu people, and Yayoi populations in the southernmost regions of Japan due to less influence from recent Northeast Asian migrations.[70]
According to a 2023 study, there were no significant differences in craniofacial or facial shapes within the Jōmon. However, Southern and Western Jōmon often have a more globular neurocranium when viewed in the sagittal plane compared to Northeastern Honshu Jōmon, who often have high and large frontal regions, along with low, more compressed and angled occipital regions. This reflects a shift towards agricultural lifestyles among Southern and Western Jōmon whilst older forager lifestyles were upheld by Northeastern Honshu Jōmon. Jōmon from Southern and Western Japan and inland central Honshu also differ from Jōmon from coastal central Honshu, Northeastern Honshu and Hokkaido in terms of their temporalis muscle region, reflecting differential influences of plant-based and marine-based diets respectively. The former is described as having "an anteroposteriorly shorter, superoinferiorly taller temporalis region with a mediolaterally narrower temporal fossa".[71]
A 2024 study analyzed two Jōmon-era remains from the Ryukyuan islands; the 'Minatogawa I' and 'Shiraho 4'. 'Minatogawa I' resembledWadjak from Indonesia than toUpper Cave andLiujiang individuals from China and had morphological affinities withAustralo-Melanesians. 'Shiraho 4', on the other hand, resembled prehistoric Southeast Asians, along with mainland Jōmon and Mintogawa.[40] A 2025 study, however, shows no significant inter-phase or geographical differences among different Jōmon specimens. However, variations within phases and geographical regions are more salient.[72]
The existence of the Ryukyuans challenges the notion of ethnic homogeneity in post-WWII Japan. After the demise of the multi-ethnicEmpire of Japan in 1945, successive governments had forged a singleJapanese identity by advocatingmonoculturalism and denying the existence of ethnic minority groups.[73] The notion of ethnic homogeneity was so ingrained in Japan that the former Deputy Prime MinisterTaro Aso notably claimed in 2020 that "No other country but this one has lasted for as long as 2,000 years with one language, one ethnic group and one dynasty". Aso's comment sparked strong criticism from the Ryukyuan community.[73]
The Ryukyu Islands were inhabited from at least 32,000–18,000 years ago,[74] but their fate and relation with contemporary Ryukyuans is uncertain.[75] During theJōmon period (i.e., Kaizuka) or so-calledshell midden period (6,700–1,000YBP) of the Northern Ryukyus,[75] the population lived in a hunter-gatherer society, with similar mainlandJōmon pottery.[45] In the latter part of Jōmon period, archaeological sites moved near the seashore, suggesting the engagement of people in fishery.[76] It is considered that from the latter half of Jōmon period, the Ryukyu Islands developed their own culture.[77] Some scholars consider that the language and cultural influence was more far-reaching than blending of race and physical types.[76] The Yayoi culture which had a major influence on the Japanese islands, is traditionally dated from 3rd century BCE and recently from around 1000 BCE,[78] and is notable for the introduction of Yayoi-type pottery, metal tools and cultivation of rice, however although someYayoi pottery and tools were excavated on the Okinawa Islands, the rice was not widely cultivated before the 12th century CE, nor the Yayoi and the followingKofun period (250–538 CE) culture expanded into the Ryukyus.[75] The Southern Ryukyus culture was isolated from the Northern, and its Shimotabaru period (4,500–3,000 YBP) was characterized by a specific style of pottery, and the Aceramic period (2,500–800 YBP), during which no pottery was produced in this region.[75][45] Their prehistoricYaeyama culture showed some intermingled affinities with various Taiwanese cultures, broadly, that theSakishima Islands have some traces similar to the Southeast Asian and South Pacific cultures. TheAmami Islands seem to be the islands with the most mainland Japanese influence.[77] However, both north and south Ryukyus were culturally unified in the 10th century.[45]
The finding of ancient Chineseknife money nearNaha in Okinawa indicates a probable contact with the ancient Chinese stateYan as early as the 3rd century BCE. According to theShan Hai Jing, the Yan had relations with theWa ('dwarf', 'short') people living southeast of Korea, who could be related to both the mainland Japanese or Ryukyuans.[76] The futile search for the elixir of immortality byQin Shi Huang, the founder of theQin dynasty (221–206 BCE), in which the emperor tried to cooperate with "happy immortals" who dwelt on the islands, could be related to both Japan and Ryukyu Islands.[76] There is a lack of evidence that the missions by theHan dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) reached the islands; however, as the Japanese did reach Han'scapital, notes from 57 CE do mention a general practice of tattooing among the people of "hundred kingdoms" in the eastern islands, a practice which was widespread and survived only among the Okinawan's women, Ainu in Hokkaido, andAtayal people in Taiwan.[76]Cao Wei (220–265) and Han dynasty records show that the inhabitants of western and southern Japan and Okinawa had a lot in common regarding political-social institutions until the 2nd century CE – they were of small stature, bredoxen andswine, and were ruled by women, with a special influence of women sorceresses, related to the RyukyuanNoro priestesses which were closely associated with local political power until the 20th century, as well as with the Ryukyuan swine economy culture until World War II. It is suggested that the mention of a specific sorceress Pimeku, her death and successive conflict, is related to some socio-political challenges of the ancientmatriarchal system.[76]
The first certain mention of the islands and its people by the Chinese and Japanese is dated in the 7th century.Emperor Yang of Sui, due to previous tradition, between 607 and 608 held expeditions in search of the "Land of Happy Immortals". As the Chinese envoy and the islanders linguistically could not understand each other, and the islanders did not want to accept the Sui rule and suzerainty, the Chinese envoy took many captives back to the court. The islands, by the Chinese named Liuqiu (Middle Chinese:Lɨuɡɨu), would be pronounced by the Japanese as Ryukyu. However, when the Japanese diplomatOno no Imoko arrived at the Chinese capital he noted that the captives probably arrived from the island ofYaku south of Kyushu. In 616 the Japanese annals for the first time mention the "Southern Islands people", and for the half-century were noted some intruders from Yaku andTanu. According to theShoku Nihongi, in 698 a small force dispatched by Japanese government successfully claimed theTane-jima, Yakushima,Amami,Tokunoshima and other islands.[76] TheShoku Nihongi recorded that theHayato people in southern Kyushu still had female chieftains in the early 8th century. In 699 are mentioned islands Amami andTokara, in 714 Shingaki andKume, in 720 some 232 persons who had submitted to the Japanese capital Nara, and at last Okinawa in 753. Nevertheless, the mention or authority, over the centuries the Japanese influence spread slowly among the communities.[76]
The lack of written record resulted with later, 17th century royal tales both under Chinese and Japanese influence, which were efforts by local chieftains to explain the "divine right" of their royal authority, as well the then-political interests of Tokugawashōguns fromMinamoto clan who wanted to legitimize Japanese domination over Okinawa. The tradition states that the founder of theTenson dynasty was a descendant of goddessAmamikyu, and the dynasty ruled 17,000 years and had 25 kings i.e. chieftains. However, the 24th throne was usurped from one of Tenson's descendants by a man named Riyu, who was defeated in revolt led byShunten (1187–1237), lord ofUrasoe. Shunten's parental origin is a matter of debate, according to 17th century romantic tales he was a son of a local Okinawan chief's (anji) daughter and some Japanese adventurer, usually consideredMinamoto no Tametomo, while historical and archeological-traditional evidence indicate men from the defeatedTaira clan who fled Minamoto's clan vengeance. TheShunten dynasty made two additional chieftains,Shunbajunki (1237–1248) andGihon (1248–1259). As Gihon abdicated, hissesseiEiso (1260–1299), who claimed Tenson's descent, founded theEiso dynasty.[76]
During theGusuku period (c. 1187–1314), with recent chronology dated from c. 900–950 CE,[79][80] Okinawans made significant political, social and economical growth. As the center of power moved away from the seashore to inland, the period is named after manygusuku, castle-like fortifications which were built in higher places.[77] This period is also notable, compared to mainland Japan, for fairly late introduction of agricultural production of rice, wheat,millet and the overseas trading of these goods,[77][60][56] as well during Shubanjunki's rule the introduction of Japanesekana writing system in its older and simple phonetic form.[76] After the years of famine and epidemic during the Gihon's rule, Eiso introduced regular taxation system (of weapons, grains and cloth) in 1264 and as the government gained strength, the control extended from Okinawa toward the islands of Kume, Kerama, Iheya, and Amami Ōshima (1266). Between 1272 and 1274, as theMongol invasions of Japan began, Okinawa on two occasions rejected the Mongols' authority demands. To Eiso's reign period is also ascribed the introduction ofBuddhism into Okinawa.[76]
During the rule of Eiso's great-grandson,Tamagusuku (1314–1336), Okinawa became divided into threepolities and began the so-calledSanzan period (1314–1429). The north and largestHokuzan polity was the poorest due to forest and mountainous terrain (in which isolation was an advantage), with primitive farming and fishing. The centralChūzan polity was the most advantaged due to its developed castletowns and harbor facilities. The southNanzan polity was the smallest, but endured because of good castle positions and sea merchants.[76]
In this period, another rapid economical, social and cultural development of Ryukyu began as the polities had developed formal trade relations with Japan, Korea and China. During theSatto's reign, Chūzan madetributary relations with China'sMing dynasty in 1374 as theHongwu Emperor sent envoys in 1372 to Okinawa. In the next two decades Chūzan made nineofficial missions to the Chinese capital, and the formal relations between them endured until 1872 (seeImperial Chinese missions to the Ryukyu Kingdom).[76][81] Despite significant Chinese economical, cultural and political influence, the polities continued to maintain strongautonomy.[82][83] In 1392, all three polities began to send extensivemissions to the KoreanJoseon kingdom. In 1403, Chūzan made formal relations with the JapaneseAshikaga shogunate, and anembassy was sent toThailand in 1409.[76] The contacts with Siam continued even in 1425, and were newly made with places likePalembang in 1428,Java in 1430,Malacca andSumatra in 1463.[81]
As in 1371, China initiated its maritime prohibition policy (Haijin) to Japan, Ryukyu gained a lot from its position asintermediary in the trade between Japan and China. They shipped horses,sulphur and seashells to China, from China brought ceramics, copper, and iron, from southeast Asian countries bought tin, ivory, spices (pepper), wood (sappanwood), which they sold to Japan, Korea or China, as well as transporting Chinese goods toHakata Bay from where swords, silver and gold were brought.[84][85]
In 1392, 36 Chinese families fromFujian were invited by the chieftain of Okinawa Island's central polity (Chūzan) to settle near the port ofNaha and to serve as diplomats, interpreters, and government officials.[81] Some consider that many Ryukyuan officials were descended from these Chinese immigrants, being born in China or having Chinese grandfathers.[86] They assisted the Ryukyuans in advancing their technology and diplomatic relations.[87][88] From the same year onward Ryukyu was allowed to send official students to China i.e.Guozijian.[89] The tributary relationship with China later became a basis of the 19th century Sino-Japanese disputes about the claims of Okinawa.[76]
Between 1416 and 1429, Chūzan chieftainShō Hashi successfully unified the principalities into theRyukyuan Kingdom (1429–1879) with thecastle townShuri as royal capital, founded theFirst Shō dynasty, and the island continued to prosper through maritime trade, especially tributary relations with the Ming dynasty.[6] The period ofShō Shin's (1477–1526) rule, descendant from theSecond Shō dynasty, is notable for peace and relative prosperity, peak in overseas trade, as well as expansion of the kingdom's firm control toKikaijima,Miyako-jima andYaeyama Islands (1465–1524),[90] while duringShō Sei (1526–1555) toAmami Ōshima (1537).[84]
After theKyūshū Campaign (1586–1587) byToyotomi Hideyoshi, his assistantKamei Korenori, who was interested in southern trade, wanted to be rewarded with the Ryukyu Islands. A paperfan found during theJapanese invasions of Korea (1592–98) mentioning a title "Kamei, Lord of Ryukyu", reveals that Hideyoshi at least nominally offered the post although he had no legitimate claim upon the islands. In 1591, Kamei ventured with a force to reclaim the islands, but theShimazu clan stopped him as they guarded their special relationship with the Ryukyu kingdom. Hideyoshi was not very concerned about the quarrel because the invasion of Korea was more important in his mind.[91] As the Ming's influence weakened due to disorder in China, Japanese established posts in Southeast Asia, and the Europeans (Spanish and Portuguese) arrived, the kingdom's overseas trade began to decline.[92][6]
In the early 17th century during theTokugawa shogunate (1603–1867), the firstshōgunTokugawa Ieyasu intended to subject the kingdom to enable intermediary trade with China, and in 1603 ordered the Ryukyuan king to pay his respect to the shogunate. As the king did not react, with the instruction of theshōgun, theSatsuma feudal domain of the Shimazu clan inKyūshū incorporated some of kingdom's territory during the 1609Invasion of Ryukyu. They nominally let a certain level of autonomy and independence to the kingdom due to Ming's prohibition of trade with the shogunate, but forbade them trade with other countries except China. The Amami Islands became part of Shimazu's territory, taxes were imposed, making them subordinate in the relations between Japan and China.[76][93][94] Until the invasion, the Shimazu clan lords for four centuries had a vague title of the "Lords of the Twelve Southern Islands" or "Southern Islands", although initially meaning the near Kyushu islands, then covering all the Ryukyu Islands. Later in the 1870s this was used as a "justification" of Japan's sovereignty.[76] From 1609 theRyukyuan missions to Edo started which lasted until 1850.[95]
During the rule of kingsShō Shitsu (1648–1668) andShō Tei (1669–1709) i.e.sesseiShō Shōken (1666–1673) were recovered the internal social and economical stability with many laws about government organisation, and affairs like sugarcane production, and tax system with emphasis on agricultural production. The production was encouraged because Satsuma's annual tax deprived Ryukyu's internal resources. Although the production of sweet potatoes and sugar industry grew, the peasants were not allowed to enlarge their fields. The agricultural reforms especially continued under kingShō Kei (1713–1752) and hissanshikan advisorSai On (1728–1752) whoseNomucho (Directory of Agricultural Affairs) from 1743 became the basis of the agricultural administration until the 19th century.[96] In the Sakishima Islands great part of the tax was paid in textiles made of ramie.[97] The relations with theQing dynasty improved after their second mission when the first Ryukyuan official students were sent to China in 1688.[98]
In the first half of the 19th century, French politicians likeJean-Baptiste Cécille unsuccessfully tried to conclude a French trade treaty with Ryukyu,[99] with only a promise by Shuri government about the admission of Christian missionaries. However, due to extreme measures in teaching,Bernard Jean Bettelheim's propagation ofProtestantism between 1846 and 1854 was obscured by the government.[98]
During theMeiji period (1868–1912) the"Ryukyu shobun" process began,[100] according to which the Ryukyuan Kingdom came under the jurisdiction ofKagoshima Prefecture in 1871, encompassing the southern tip ofKyushu and the Ryukyuan islands to its south; this created theRyukyu Domain (1872–1879) of Meiji-era Japan. This method of gradual integration was designed to avoid both Ryukyuan and Chinese protests, with the rulingShuri government unaware of the significance of these developments, including Japan's decision to grant political representation to the Ryukyuan islanders involved in theJapanese invasion of Taiwan (1874).[citation needed]
In 1875, the Ryukyuans were forced to terminate their tributary relations with China, against their preference for a state of dual allegiance to both China and Japan, something a then-weakened China was unable to stop. A proposal by the 18th U.S. PresidentUlysses S. Grant for a sovereign Okinawa and the division of the other islands between China and Japan was rejected, with a last-minute decision by the Chinese government not to ratify the agreement rendering it null. On three occasions between 1875 and 1879, the last Ryukyuan King,Shō Tai, refused to submit to the demands placed upon his people, and in 1879, his domain was formally abolished and established asOkinawa Prefecture, forcing his move to Tokyo with the reduced status of Viscount.[101][102][103][104]
Members of the Ryukyuan aristocratic classes such asKōchi Chōjō andRin Seikō continued to resist annexation for almost two decades;[105] however, following theFirst Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), both Chinese and Ryukyuan interest in sovereignty faded as China renounced its claims to the island.[106][13][107] Many historians criticise Meiji-era Japan's characterisation of the process as being considered a relatively simple administrative change, rather than the creation of Japan's first colony and the beginning of its "inner colonialism".[99][108]
During the Meiji period, as with theAinu people of Hokkaido, the Ryukyuans had their own culture, religion, traditions and language suppressed by the Meiji government in the face of forced assimilation.[6][15][109] From the 1880s onwards, schools forbade the display of Ryukyuan styles of dress, hairstyles and other visual aspects, considering them to be backwards and inferior, with students forced to wear Japanese clothing and to assimilate into Japanese culture.[110] Indoctrination into a militaristic and Emperor-centred ideology for children began from the age of beginning elementary school onwards;[111] the ultimate goal of this education was a total unification of the Ryukyuans into theYamato people, embodying the ideal of ethnic purity,[112] with contemporaryNihonjinron literature for the time ignoring Japan's minorities.[113] Ryukyuans often faced prejudice, humiliation in the workplace and ethnic discrimination,[114][115] with the Ryukyuan elite divided into factions either in support of or in opposition to assimilation.[15] Negative stereotypes and discrimination were common against the Ryukyuans in the Japanese society.[116]
Around and especially after the Japanese annexation of Taiwan in 1895, Japan's developmental focus shifted away from Okinawa, resulting in a period of famine known as"Sotetsu-jigoku" ("Cycad hell"). Between 1920 and 1921, a fall in sugar prices, as well as the transfer of Japan's sugar production to Taiwan, led to Ryukyu being the poorest prefecture, despite having the heaviest taxation burden; the drop in sugar prices would continue into 1931, further worsening the situation.[117] As a result of the ensuing economic crisis, many people were forced to either find work in Japan (oftenOsaka andKobe) or abroad in Taiwan.[118][119] By 1935, roughly 15% of the population had emigrated.[120]
DuringWorld War II and battles like theBattle of Okinawa (1945), approximately 150,000 civilians (1/3 of the population) were killed in Okinawa alone.[121][122] After the war, the Ryukyu Islands were occupied by theUnited States Military Government of the Ryukyu Islands (1945–1950), but the U.S. maintained control even after the 1951Treaty of San Francisco, which went into effect on 28 April 1952, as the USMMGR was replaced by theUnited States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands (1950–1972). During this period the U.S. military requisitioned private land for the building of their facilities, with the former owners put into refugee camps, and its personnel committed thousands of crimes against the civilians.[vague][123] Only twenty years later, on 15 May 1972, Okinawa and nearby islands were returned to Japan.[6] Whereas the Japanese had enjoyed political freedom and economic prosperity in the post-war years, the facilities, used for the purposes of Japanese regional security against thecommunistthreat, had a negative economic impact on the Islands, leading to many Ryukyuans feeling cheated, some considering the facilities a national disgrace.[76][124] Since 1972 there have been extensive plans to bring Okinawa's economy up to the national level, as well continued support for the local culture and a revival of traditional arts started by the USCAR.[125][126]
Okinawa comprises just 0.6% of Japan's total land mass, yet about 75% of all U.S. military installations stationed in Japan are assigned to bases in Okinawa.[127][128] The presence of the military remains a sensitive issue in local politics.[6] Negative feelings toward the mainlandGovernment,Emperor (especiallyHirohito due to his involvement in the sacrifice of Okinawa and later military occupation), andU.S. military (USFJ,SACO) have often caused open criticism and protests,[129] for example by 85,000 people in 1995 after the U.S. militaryrape incident,[130] and by 110,000 people in 2007 due to the JapaneseMinistry of Education's textbook revisions (seeMEXT controversy) which critics say downplays the involvement of the Japanese military in the forced mass suicide of the civilians during the Battle of Okinawa.[131][132] For many years the Emperors avoided visiting Okinawa, with the first ever in history done byAkihito in 1993,[133][134] since it was assumed that his visits would likely cause uproar, as in July 1975 when Akihito as a crown prince visited Okinawa and a firebomb was thrown at him,[133][135] although these tensions have eased in recent years.[136] Discrimination against Okinawans both past and present on the part of the mainland Japanese is the cause of their smoldering resentment against the government.[137] There is a small post-warRyukyu independence movement, but there are also Okinawans who wish to be assimilated with the mainland.[6] A poll in 2017 by the Okinawa Times, Asahi Shimbun and Ryukyusu Asahi Broadcasting Corporation (QAB) jointly conducted prefectural public opinion surveys for voters in the prefecture. 82% of Okinawa citizens chose "I'm glad that Okinawa has returned as a Japanese prefecture". It was 90% for respondents of the ages of 18 to 29, 86% for those in their 30s, 84% for those aged 40–59, 72% for respondents in their 60s, 74% for those over the age of 70.[138]
Ryukyuans tend to see themselves as bound together by their home island and, especially among older Ryukyuans, usually consider themselves fromOkinawa first andJapan second.[139][140][141] The average annual income per resident of Okinawa in 2006 was ¥2.09 million, placing the prefecture at the bottom of the list of 47.[6]
The Okinawans have a very low age-adjusted mortality rate at older ages and among the lowest prevalence of cardiovascular disease and other age-associated diseases in the world. Furthermore, Okinawa has long had the highest life expectancy at older ages, as well has had among the highest prevalence ofcentenarians among the 47 Japanese prefectures, also the world, since records began to be kept by the Ministry of Health in the early 1960s despite the high birth rate and expanding population of Okinawa prefecture. This longevity phenotype has been in existence since records have been kept in Japan, and despite the well-known dietary and other nongenetic lifestyle advantages of the Okinawans (Blue Zone),[142] there may be some additional unknown genetic influence favoring this extreme phenotype. TheOkinawa Centenarian Study (OCS) research team began to work in 1976, making it the world's longest ongoing population-based study of centenarians.[36]
Similarities between theRyukyuan andJapanese languages point to a common origin, possibly of immigrants from continental Asia to the archipelago.[143] Although previously[when?] ideologically considered by Japanese scholars[who?] as a Japanese dialect and a descendant ofOld Japanese,[144][145] modern linguists such as Thomas Pellard (2015) now classify the Ryukyuan languages as a distinct subfamily ofJaponic that diverged before the Old Japanese period (c. 8th century CE); this places them in contrast to Japonic languages that are direct descendants of Old Japanese, namely Japanese andHachijō.[146] Early literature which records the language of theOld Japanese imperial court shows archaisms which are closer to Okinawan dialects, while later periods of Japanese exhibit more significantSinicization (such asSino-Japanese vocabulary) than most Ryukyuan languages. This can be attributed to the fact that the Japanese (orYamato people) received writing from theSinosphere roughly a millennium before the Ryukyuan languages.[76]
As the Jōmon-Yayoi transition (c. 1000 BCE) represents the formative period of the contemporary Japanese people from a genetic standpoint, it is argued that the Japonic languages are related to the Yayoi migrants as well.[147] The estimated time of separation between Ryukyuan and mainland Japanese is a matter of debate due to methodological problems; older estimates (1959–2009) varied between 300 BCE and 700 CE, while novel (2009–2011) around 2nd century BCE to 100 CE, which has a lack of correlation with archeology and new chronology according to which Yayoi period started around 950 BCE,[148] or the proposed spread of the Proto-Ryukyuan speakers to the islands in the 10–12th century from Kyushu.[149][150] Based on linguistic differences, they separated at least before the 7th century, before or aroundKofun period (c. 250–538), while mainland Proto-Ryukyuan was in contact withEarly Middle Japanese until 13th century.[151]
The Ryukyuan languages can be subdivided into two main groups,Northern Ryukyuan languages andSouthern Ryukyuan languages.[152] The Southern Ryukyuan subfamily shows north-to-south expansion,[clarification needed] while Northern Ryukyuan does not, and several hypothetical scenarios can be proposed to explain this.[153] It is generally considered that the likely homeland of Japonic—and thus the original expansion of Proto-Ryukyuan—was in Kyushu, though an alternate hypothesis proposes an expansion from the Ryukyu Islands to mainland Japan.[154][153][155]
Although authors differ regardingwhich varieties are counted as dialects or languages, one possible classification considers there to be five Ryukyuan languages:Amami,Okinawa,Miyako,Yaeyama andYonaguni, while a sixth,Kunigami, is sometimes differentiated from Okinawan due to its diversity. Within these languages exist dialects of local towns and specific islands, many of which have gone extinct. Although theShuri dialect of Okinawan was historically aprestige language of theKingdom of Ryukyu, there is no officially standardized Ryukyuan language. Thus, the Ryukyuan languages as a whole constitute a cluster of local dialects that can be consideredunroofed abstand languages.[156]
During theMeiji and post-Meiji period, the Ryukyuan languages were considered to be dialects of Japanese and viewed negatively. They were suppressed by the Japanese government in policies of forced assimilation and into using the standard Japanese language.[157][158] From 1907, children were prohibited to speak Ryukyuan languages in school,[16][159] and since the mid-1930s there existeddialect cards,[160] a system of punishment for the students who spoke in a non-standard language.[161][162] Speaking a Ryukyuan language was deemed an unpatriotic act; by 1939, Ryukyuan speakers were denied service and employment in government offices, while by the Battle of Okinawa in 1945, the Japanese military was commanded to consider Ryukyuan speakers as spies to be punished by death, with many reports that such actions were carried out.[163] After World War II, during the United States occupation, the Ryukyuan languages and identity were distinctively promoted, also because of ideo-political reasons to separate the Ryukyus from Japan.[164] However, resentment against the American occupation intensified Ryukyuans' rapport and unification with Japan, and since 1972 there has followed re-incursion of the standard Japanese and further diminution of the Ryukyuan languages.[163][165]
It was considered that contemporary people older than 85 exclusively use Ryukyuan, between 45 and 85 use Ryukyuan and standard Japanese depending on family or working environment, younger than 45 are able to understand Ryukyuan, while younger than 30 mainly are not able to understand nor speak Ryukyuan languages.[166] Only older people speak Ryukyuan languages, because Japanese replaced it as the daily language in nearly every context. Some younger people speak Okinawan Japanese which is a type ofJapanese. It is not a dialect of theOkinawan language. The six Ryukyuan languages are listed on theUNESCO'sAtlas of the World's Languages in Danger since 2009, as they could disappear by the mid-century (2050).[167][168] It is unclear whether this recognition was too late, despite some positive influence by the Society of Spreading Okinawan.[163]
IndigenousRyukyuan religion places strong emphasis upon the role of the women in the community, with women holding positions asshamans and guardians of the home and hearth. The status of women in traditional society is higher than in China and Japan.[169] Although the contemporary kinship system is patrilineal andpatrilocal, until the 20th century it was often bilateral andmatrilocal, with common village endogamy.[170]Shisa statues can often be seen on or in front of houses—this relates to the ancient Ryukyuan belief that the male spirit is the spirit of the outside and the female spirit is the spirit of the inside. Godhood is mimicked with many attributes, and its in ease without any underlying symbolic order.[171]
The village priestesses,Noro, until the 20th century used the white cloth andmagatama beads. The noro's duty was to preserve the generational fire in the hearth, a communal treasure, resulting with tabu system about the fire custodian in which they had to be virgins to maintain close communication with the ancestors. The office became hereditary, usually of the noro's brother's female child. The center of worship was represented by three heartstones within or near the house.[76] The belief in the spiritual predominance of the sister was more prominent in Southern Ryukyus.[172]
The introduction of Buddhism is ascribed to a 13th-century priest from Japan (mostly funeral rites[172]), while the 14th century trade relations resulted withKorean Buddhism influences (including some in architecture), as well Shinto practices from Japan.[76] Buddhism and indigenous religion were ideological basis until 18th century, whenConfucianism gradually and officially became government ideology duringShō On (1795–1802), much to the dismay ofKumemura.[173] It was mostly important to the upper-class families.[172] Among the Catholic converts was not lost the former religious consciousness.[172]
Until the 18th century, the Ryukyuan kings visited theSefa-utaki (historical sacred place) caves for worship. Another traditional sacred places are springs Ukinju-Hain-ju, where was placed the first rice plantation, and small island Kudaka, where the "five fruits and grains" were introduced by divine people, perhaps strangers with agricultural techniques.[76] The foremost account, which claimed common origin between the Japanese and Ryukyuans, was made-up byShō Shōken in the 17th century, to end up the pilgrimage of the Ryukyu king and chief priestess to theKudaka island.[174]
TheEight Shrines of Ryūkyū were a group of shrines that received special status and support from the Ryukyu Kingdom's royal government.[175] These shrines played a significant role in the religious and political life of the kingdom, as KingShō Toku worshipedHachiman (Emperor Ōjin).Asato Hachiman Shrine is dedicated to Hachiman,[176][177] while the seven others areKumano shrines.[178]
During the Meiji period, the government replaced Buddhism with Shintoism as the islands' state religion.[179] The government subsequently ordered the rearrangement of statues and the redesign of shrines and temples to incorporate indigenous deities into the national Shinto pantheon. It also placed Shinto worship before indigenous, Buddhist, and Christian practices and transformed local divinities into guardian gods.[15] In the 1920s, the government ordered the building of Shinto shrines and the remodelling of existing shrines with Shinto architectural symbols, paid by local tax revenue, which was a financial burden due to the collapse of sugar prices in 1921 which devastated Okinawa's economy.[111] In 1932, Shinto clergy were brought over from the mainland and housed in Okinawa.[111]
Most Ryukyuans of the younger generations are not serious adherents of the indigenous religion anymore. Additionally, since being under Japanese control, Shinto and Buddhism are also practiced and typically mixed with local beliefs and practices.
Okinawan food is rich invitamins andminerals and has a good balance ofprotein,fats, andcarbohydrates. Althoughrice is astaple food (taco rice mixes it with beef),pork (mimigā and chiragā, dishesRafute andSoki),seaweed, richmiso (fermentedsoybean) pastes and soups (Jūshī),sweet potato andbrown sugar all feature prominently in traditional cuisine. Most famous to tourists is theMomordica charantia,gōya (bitter melon), which is often mixed into a representative Okinawanstir fry dish known aschampurū (Goya champuru).Kōrēgusu is a commonhot saucecondiment used in various dishes includingnoodle soupOkinawa soba. Some specifically consumed algae includeCaulerpa lentillifera. Traditional sweets includechinsuko,hirayachi,sata andagi, andmuchi. Local beverages include juice fromCitrus depressa,turmeric tea (ukoncha), and the alcoholic beverageawamori.[citation needed]
The weight-lossOkinawa diet derives from their cuisine and has only 30% of the sugar and 15% of the grains of the average Japanese dietary intake.[180]
The techniques ofself-defense and using farm tools as weapons against armed opponents—calledkarate by today's martial artists—were created by Ryukyuans who probably incorporated somegong fu and techniques from China into a complete system of attack and defense known simply asta (literally meaning "hand"). These martial arts varied slightly from town to town, and were named for their towns of origin, examples beingNaha-te (currently known as Goju-Ryū),Tomari-te andShuri-te.
TheKabura-ya (Japanese signal arrow) still has a ceremonial use for house, village or festival celebration in Okinawa.[76]
It is considered that the rhythms and patterns of dances, likeEisa andAngama, represent legends and prehistoric heritage.[76]Ryūka genre of songs and poetry originate from the Okinawa Islands. From the Chinese traditional instrumentsanxian in the 16th century developed the Okinawan instrumentsanshin from which thekankara sanshin and the Japaneseshamisen derive.[181]
Women frequently wore indigo tattoos known ashajichi on the backs of their hands, a sign of adulthood and talisman to protect them from evil. These tattoos were banned in 1899 by the Meiji government.[6] In remote districts theirkatakashira off-center topknot, similar to that of theYami and someFilipino ethnic groups,[76] among men and women also disappeared in the early 20th century.[106]
Thebashôfu, literally meaning "banana-fibre cloth", is designated as a part of Ryukyu and Japan "important intangible cultural properties". The weaving using indigenous ramie was also widespread in the archipelago, both originated before the 14th century.[182]
Originally living inthatching houses, townsmen developed architecture modeled after Japanese, Chinese and Korean structures. Other dwellings suggest a tropical origin, and some villages have high stone walls, with similar structural counterpart in Yami people atOrchid Island.[76]
For the categories ofCultural Properties, see the following lists:archaeological materials,historical materials,crafts,paintings,sculptures,writings,intangible, andtangible.[citation needed]
However, we note no dilution of Jomon ancestry in the Japanese population (15.0 ± 3.8%), relative to the Kofun individuals (13.1 ± 3.5%) (fig. S22).
This study reveals that the Sakishima islanders are not related to Taiwan aborigines, but exhibit affinity with the Hokkaido Ainu. These results confirm that the Austronesian expansion did not contribute to modern Sakishima, main-island Okinawa, and Honshu Japanese people.
A previous study based on mtDNA, Y chromosomal STRs, and autosomal STRs also showed that there was no evidence of any contribution from the aboriginal Taiwanese populations to the gene pool of the Ryukyu Islanders. Similarly, using a large number of SNP markers, this study verified that there is a clear genetic gap between Taiwan and the Ryukyu Islands.
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