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| History of the Ottoman Empire |
| Social structure |
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| Court and aristocracy |
| Ethnoreligious communities |
| Rise of nationalism |
| Classes |
The rise of theWestern notion ofnationalism in theOttoman Empire[1] eventually caused the breakdown of the Ottomanmillet system. The concept of nationhood, which was different from the preceding religious community concept of the millet system, was a key factor in thedecline of the Ottoman Empire.
In theOttoman Empire, theIslamic faith was the official religion, with members holding all rights, as opposed toNon-Muslims, who were restricted.[2] Non-Muslim (dhimmi) ethno-religious[3] legal groups were identified as differentmillets, which means "nations".[2]
Ideas ofnationalism emerged in Europe in the 19th century at a time when most of theBalkans were still under Ottoman rule. The Christian peoples of the Ottoman Empire, starting withSerbs andGreeks, but later spreading toMontenegrins andBulgarians, began to demand autonomy in a series of armed revolts beginning with theSerbian Revolution (1804–17) and theGreek War of Independence (1821–29),[1] which established thePrincipality of Serbia andHellenic Republic.[4] The first revolt in the Ottoman Empire fought under a nationalist ideology was the Serbian Revolution.[5] Later thePrincipality of Montenegro was established through the Montenegrinsecularization and theBattle of Grahovac. ThePrincipality of Bulgaria was established through the process of theBulgarian National Revival, and the subsequentNational awakening of Bulgaria, establishment of theBulgarian Exarchate, theApril Uprising of 1876, and theRusso-Turkish War (1877–1878).
The radical elements of theYoung Turk movement in the early 20th century had grown disillusioned with what they perceived to be the failures of 19th-century Ottomanreformers,[1] who had not managed to stop the advance ofEuropean expansionism or the spread of nationalist movements in the Balkans. These sentiments were shared by theKemalists. These groups decided to abandon the idea ofIttihad-i anasır ("Unity of the Ethnic Elements") that had been a fundamental principle of the reform generation, and take up instead the mantle ofTurkish nationalism.[6]
Michael Hechter argues that the rise of nationalism in the Ottoman Empire was the result of a backlash against Ottoman attempts to institute more direct and central forms of rule over populations which had previously had greater autonomy.[7]
The 1877–78Russo-Turkish War dealt a decisive blow to Ottoman power in theBalkan Peninsula, leaving the empire with only a precarious hold onMacedonia and the Albanian-populated lands. The Albanians' fear that the lands they inhabited would be partitioned amongMontenegro,Serbia,Bulgaria, andGreece fueled the rise ofAlbanian nationalism. The Albanians wanted to affirm their Albanian nationality. The first postwar treaty, the abortiveTreaty of San Stefano signed on March 3, 1878, assigned Albanian-populated lands to Serbia, Montenegro, and Bulgaria. The Albanian movements had mainly been against taxes and central policies.[8] However, with the Treaty of San Stefano the movements became nationalistic.Austria-Hungary and the United Kingdom blocked the arrangement because it awarded Russia a predominant position in theBalkans and thereby upset the European balance of power. A peace conference to settle the dispute was held later in the year inBerlin, known as theCongress of Berlin.[8] Amemorandum in the name of all Albanians was addressed toLord Beaconsfield from Great Britain not even a week after the opening of the Congress of Berlin.[8] The reason why this memorandum was addressed toGreat Britain was that theAlbanians could not represent themselves, because they were still under Ottoman rule.[8] Another reason why Great Britain was in the best position to represent the Albanians, because Great Britain did not want to replace the Turkish Empire.[8] This memorandum had to define the land belonging to the Albanians and create an independentAlbania.[8]
Arab nationalism is anationalist ideology that arose in the 20th century[9] It is based on the premise that nations from Morocco to the Arabian peninsula are united by their common linguistic, cultural and historical heritage.[9]Pan-Arabism is a related concept, which calls for the creation of a single Arab state, but not all Arab nationalists are also Pan-Arabists. In the 19th century in response to Western influences, a radical change took shape. Conflict erupted between Muslims and Christians in different parts of the empire in a challenge to that hierarchy. This marked the beginning of the tensions which have to a large extent inspired the nationalist and religious rhetoric in the empire's successor states throughout the 20th century.[10][11]
A sentiment of Arab tribal solidarity (asabiyya), underlined by claims of Arab tribal descent and the continuance ofclassical Arabic exemplified in theQur'an, preserved, from therise of Islam, a vague sense ofArab identity among Arabs. However, this phenomenon had no political manifestations (the 18th-centuryWahhabi movement in Arabia was a religious-tribal movement, and the term "Arab" was used mainly to describe the inhabitants ofArabia and nomads) until the late 19th century, when the revival ofArabic literature was followed in theSyrian provinces of theOttoman Empire inSyria andLebanon by a discussion of Arab cultural identity and demands for greater autonomy forSyria. This movement, however, was confined almost exclusively to certainChristian Arabs, and had little support. After theYoung Turk Revolution of 1908 in Turkey, these demands were taken up by some Syrian and Lebanese Muslim Arabs and various public or secret societies (the Beirut Reform Society led bySalim Ali Salam, 1912; the Ottoman Administrative Decentralization Party, 1912; al-Qahtaniyya, 1909;al-Fatat, 1911; and al-Ahd, 1912) were formed to advance demands ranging fromautonomy to independence for the Ottoman Arab provinces.[12] Members of some of these groups came together at the request of al-Fatat to form theArab Congress of 1913 inParis, where desired reforms were discussed.
Until theTanzimat reforms were established, theArmenian millet was under the supervision of anEthnarch ('national' leader), theArmenian Apostolic Church. The Armenian millet had a great deal of power - they set their own laws and collected and distributed their own taxes. During the Tanzimat period, a series of constitutional reforms provided a limited modernization of the Ottoman Empire also to the Armenians. In 1856, the "Reform Edict" promised equality for all Ottoman citizens irrespective of their ethnicity and confession, widening the scope of the 1839Edict of Gülhane.
To deal with the Armenian national awakening, the Ottomans gradually gave more rights to its Armenian and other Christian citizens. In 1863 theArmenian National Constitution was the Ottoman-approved form of the "Code of Regulations" composed of 150 articles drafted by the "Armenian intelligentsia", which defined the powers of the Armenian Patriarch and the newly formed "Armenian National Assembly".[13] The reformist period peaked with theOttoman constitution of 1876, written by members of theYoung Ottomans, which was promulgated on 23 November 1876. It established freedom of belief and equality of all citizens before law. The Armenian National Assembly formed a "governance in governance" to eliminate thearistocratic dominance of the Armenian nobility by the development of the political strata among the Armenian society.[14]
A distinct Aromanian consciousness was not developed until the 19th century, and was influenced by the rise of othernational movements in the Balkans. Until then, the Aromanians, asEastern Orthodox Christians, were subsumed with other ethnic groups into the wider ethnoreligious group of the "Romans" (in GreekRhomaioi, after the Eastern Roman or Byzantine Empire), which inOttoman times formed the distinctRum millet.[15] TheRum millet was headed by the Greek-dominatedPatriarchate of Constantinople, and the Greek language was used as alingua franca among Balkan Orthodox Christians throughout the 17th–19th centuries. As a result, wealthy, urbanized Aromanians were culturallyHellenized and played a major role in the dissemination of Greek language and culture; indeed, the first book written in Aromanian was written in theGreek alphabet and aimed at spreading Greek among Aromanian-speakers.[16]
By the early 19th century, however, the distinct Latin-derived nature of the Aromanian language began to be studied in a series of grammars and language booklets.[17] In 1815, the Aromanians ofBudapest requested permission to use their language inliturgy, but it was turned down by the local metropolitan.[17]
The establishment of a distinct Aromanian national consciousness, however, was hampered by the tendency of the Aromanian upper classes to be absorbed in the dominant surrounding ethnicities, and espouse their respective national causes as their own.[18] So much did they become identified with the host nations that Balkan national historiographies portray the Aromanians as the "best Albanians", "best Greeks" and "best Bulgarians", leading to researchers calling them the "chameleons of the Balkans".[19] Consequently, manyAromanians played a prominent role in the modern history of the Balkan nations: the revolutionaryPitu Guli, Greek Prime MinisterIoannis Kolettis, Greek magnateGeorgios Averoff, Greek Defence MinisterEvangelos Averoff, Serbian Prime MinisterVladan Đorđević,Patriarch Athenagoras I of Constantinople, Romanian metropolitanAndrei Şaguna etc.
Following the establishment of independentRomania and theautocephaly of theRomanian Orthodox Church in the 1860s, the Aromanians increasingly began to come under the influence of theRomanian national movement. Although vehemently opposed by the Greek church, the Romanians established an extensive state-sponsored cultural and educative network in the southern Balkans: the first Romanian school was established in 1864 by the AromanianDimitri Atanasescu, and by the early 20th century there were 100 Romanian churches and 106 schools with 4,000 pupils and 300 teachers.[20] As a result, Aromanians divided into two main factions, one pro-Greek, the other pro-Romanian, plus a smaller focusing exclusively on its Aromanian identity.[15]
With the support of theGreat Powers, and especiallyAustria-Hungary, the "Aromanian-Romanian movement" culminated in the recognition of the Aromanians as a distinctmillet (theUllah millet) by theOttoman Empire on 22 May 1905, with corresponding freedoms of worship and education in their own language.[21] Nevertheless, due to the advanced assimilation of the Aromanians, this came too late to lead to the creation of a distinct Aromanian national identity; indeed, asGustav Weigand noted in 1897, most Aromanians were not only indifferent, but actively hostile to their own national movement.[22]
Under the millet system of the Ottoman Empire, each sect of the Assyrian nation was represented by their respective patriarch. Under the Church of the East sect, the patriarch was the temporal leader of the millet which then had a number of "maliks" beneath the patriarch who would govern each of their own tribes.
The rise of modern Assyrian nationalism began with intellectuals such asAshur Yousif,Naum Faiq andFarid Nazha who pushed for a united Assyrian nation comprising the Jacobite, Nestorian and Chaldean sects.[23]
The rise of national conscience in Bulgaria led to theBulgarian revival movement. Unlike Greece andSerbia, the nationalist movement in Bulgaria did not concentrate initially on armed resistance against theOttoman Empire but on peaceful struggle for cultural and religious autonomy, the result of which was the establishment of theBulgarian Exarchate on February 28, 1870. A large-scale armed struggle movement started to develop as late as the beginning of the 1870s with the establishment of theInternal Revolutionary Organisation and theBulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee, as well as the active involvement ofVasil Levski in both organisations. The struggle reached its peak with theApril Uprising which broke out in April 1876 in several Bulgarian districts in Moesia, Thrace and Macedonia. The harsh suppression of the uprising and the atrocities committed against the civilian population increased the Bulgarian desire for independence. They also caused a tremendous indignation in Europe, where they became known as the Bulgarian Horrors.[24] Consequently, at the 1876–1877Constantinople Conference, also known as the Shipyard Conference, European statesmen proposed a series of reforms. Russia threatened the Sultan with Cyprus if he did not agree to the conditions. However, the sultan refused to implement them, as the terms were very harsh, andRussia declared war. During the war Bulgarian volunteer forces (in Bulgarian опълченци) fought alongside the Russian army. They earned particular distinction in the battle for theShipka Pass. Upon the end of the war Russia and Turkey signed theTreaty of San Stefano, which granted Bulgaria autonomy from the Sultan. The Treaty of Berlin, signed in 1878, essentially nullified the Treaty of San Stefano. Instead, Bulgaria was divided into two provinces. The northern province was granted political autonomy, and was calledPrincipality of Bulgaria, while the southern province ofEastern Rumelia was placed under direct political and military control of the Sultan.[25]
With the decline of theEastern Roman Empire, the pre-eminent role ofGreek culture, literature and language became more apparent. From the 13th century onwards, with the territorial reduction of the Empire to strictly Greek-speaking areas, the old multiethnic tradition, already weakened, gave way to a self-consciously nationalGreek consciousness, and a greater interest in Hellenic culture evolved.Byzantines began to refer to themselves not just asRomans(Rhomaioi) but asGreeks(Hellenes). With the political extinction of the Empire, it was theGreek Orthodox Church, and the Greek-speaking communities in the areas of Greek colonization and emigration, that continued to cultivate this identity, through schooling as well as the ideology of a Byzantine imperial heritage rooted both in theclassical Greek past and in theRoman Empire.[26]
The position of educated and privileged Greeks within theOttoman Empire improved in the 17th and 18th centuries. As the empire became more settled, and began to feel its increasing backwardness in relation to the European powers, it increasingly recruited Greeks who had the kind of academic, administrative, technical and financial skills which the larger Ottoman population lacked. Greeks made up the majority of the Empire's translators, financiers, doctors and scholars. From the late 1600s, Greeks began to fill some of the highest offices of the Ottoman state. ThePhanariotes, a class of wealthy Greeks who lived in the Phanar district of Constantinople, became increasingly powerful. Their travels to other parts ofWestern Europe, as merchants or diplomats, brought them into contact with advanced ideas of theEnlightenment notablyliberalism,radicalism andnationalism, and it was among thePhanariotes that the modern Greek nationalist movement matured. However, the dominant form of Greek nationalism (that later developed into theMegali Idea) was a messianic ideology of imperial Byzantine restoration, that specifically looked down uponFrankish culture, and enjoyed the patronage of the Orthodox Church.[27]
Ideas of nationalism began to develop in Europe long before they reached the Ottoman Empire. Some of the first effects nationalism had on the Ottomans had much to do with theGreek War of Independence. The war began as an uprising against the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire. At the time,Mehmet Ali, a former Albanian mercenary, was ruling Egypt quite successfully. One of his biggest projects was creating a modern army of conscripted peasants. The Sultan commanded him to lead his army to Greece and put a stop to these uprisings. At the time, nationalism had become an established concept in Europe and certain Greek intellectuals began to embrace the idea of a purely Greek state. Most of Europe greatly supported this notion, partly because ideas ofAncient Greece's mythology were being greatly romanticized in the Western world. Though the Greece at the time of the revolution looked very little like the European view, most supported it blindly based on this notion.
Mehmet Ali had his own motives for agreeing to invade Greece. The Sultan promised Ali that he would make him Governor of Crete, which would increase Ali's status. Ali's army had considerable success in putting down the Christian revolts at first, however before too long the European Powers intervened. They endorsed Greek nationalism and pushed both Ali's army and the rest of the Ottoman forces out of Greece.
The instance of Greek Nationalism was a major factor in introducing the concept to the Ottomans. Because of their failure in Greece, the Ottomans were forced to acknowledge the changes taking place in the West, in favor of Nationalism. The result would be the beginning of a defensivedevelopmentalism period of Ottoman history in which they attempted to modernize to avoid the Empire falling to foreign powers. The idea of nationalism that develops out of this is calledOttomanism, and would result in many political, legal, and social changes in the Empire.
The system of administration introduced by Idris remained unchanged until the close of theRusso-Turkish War of 1828–29. But the Kurds, owing to the remoteness of their country from the capital and the decline of Ottoman Empire, had greatly increased in influence and power, and had spread westwards over the country as far asAnkara.[citation needed]
After the war the Kurds attempted to free themselves fromOttoman control[citation needed], and in 1834, after the Bedirkhan clan uprising, it became necessary to reduce them to subjection. This was done by Reshid Pasha. The principal towns were strongly garrisoned, and many of the Kurdbeys were replaced by Turkish governors. A rising under Bedr Khan Bey in 1843 was firmly repressed, and after theCrimean War the Turks strengthened their hold on the country.
The Ottoman Empire, faced with challenges from their European counterparts, started a centralisation campaign, intending to have more direct authority over resources and population.[30] After beating Kurdish autonomy, namely the principality ofBohtan, also known as Cizira Bohtan, in present-dayCizre, the Sultan had hoped that the region would now be more manageable and under Ottoman control. However, the opposite was true. The Empire did not gain any authority because of a lack of local institutions and not actively creating them.[31] Instead, by removing theMirs and thus the local power structure, the area became more chaotic. Local tribes sought to exploit the situation and advance their own interests.[30] Unable to directly confront Istanbul, the emergence of the Russian Empire's advances on the Anatolian plateau posed an opportunity.
By this time, the Kurdish revolts in the Ottoman Empire were still not seen as a part of nationalism, but rather as attempts of local leaders to increase influence.[32] This mostly changed duringŞêx Ubeydullah's andAbdurezzak's involvements in the late eighteenth-century Russo-Turkish conflicts.[32]
The Sultan attempted to assert his influence in the Kurdish areas by installing the Hamidiye regiments. The commanders were selected on the basis of loyalty to the Sultan, and were awarded with several privileges, mainly the right to form militias, and gifted these tribal leaders with titles, arms and money in the hopes that this would lead to a new class of ruling elites.[33] The rise of intellectualism and activism amongst the population of Kurds brought critique to this new elitist class. Some of the most well-known opponents of Sultan Abdulhamid II were descendants of the Mir of Bohtan, claiming that these policies were stagnating Kurdish progress and well-being.[34] They called for modern educational reforms. The NaqshbandiŞêx Bediüzzaman Said-i Kurdi even travelled to Istanbul to address the need for education in Kurdish areas to the Sultan.
TheRusso-Turkish War of 1877–78 was followed by the attempt of Sheikh Obaidullah in 1880–1881 to found an independent Kurdprincipality under the protection of the Ottoman Empire.[35] The attempt, at first encouraged by thePorte, as a reply to the projected creation of an Armenian state under the suzerainty of Russia, collapsed after Obaidullah's raid into Persia, when various circumstances led the central government to reassert its supreme authority.
In 1891 the activity of the Armenian Committees induced the Porte to strengthen the position of the Kurds by raising a body of Kurdishirregularcavalry,[36] which was well-armed and called Hamidieh after the SultanAbd-ul-Hamid II. Minor disturbances constantly occurred, and were soon followed by the massacre of Armenians atSasun and other places, 1894–1896, in which the Kurds took an active part. Some of the Kurds, like the nationalist Armenians, aimed to establish a Kurdish country.
A major development for Kurdish nationalism in the late Ottoman Empire was the foundation of the "Kurdistan" newspaper in 1898, based in Cairo. With the aim of spreading Kurdish cultural and nationalist ideas, seeking to unify Kurds and foster a national consciousness. Additionally, as a result of the successes of the Young Turk movement in 1908, many minorities in the Empire were, initially, allowed to create their own political organizations. Some notable Kurdish organizations werethe Kurdish Society for Cooperation and Progress (KTTC), Hewa, and theSociety for the Rise of Kurdistan (SAK).[37] These groups fostered the growth of an educated elite for Kurdish nationalism. However, the majority of the Kurds did not support these aspirations, as many tribal leaders saw it as a threat to their own authority.[38]
OttomanSultan Mehmet II established the Hakham Bashi, as the Rabbi of a particular region, with theHakham Bashi of Constantinople being the most powerful.[39]
In 1492,Sultan Bayezeid II ordered governors of Ottoman provinces to accept Jewish immigration and to do so cordially. This order was in response to theAlhambra Decree, that ordered for the expulsion of Jews from theIberian Peninsula. This resulted in many Jewish refugees, and due to the high level of freedom enjoyed by Ottoman Jews, many looked to immigrate to Ottoman territory. In 1492 alone, roughly 60,000 Jews arrived in the Ottoman Empire.[40]
The Ottomans took control ofPalestine from theMamluk Empire in 1516, though during this time, there was no entity called "Palestine." There was a continuous Jewish population in the area due to the religious significance and significant holy sites to allAbrahamic religions.[41][42]Aliyah, or Jewish immigration to Palestine, accelerated with theFirst Aliyah in 1882, largely triggered bypogroms inTsarist Russia.[43]
While the Ottoman Empire became a safe space for Jews, parts of Europe saw increased violence and anti-semitism against Jews. Violent uprisings against Jews took place all over Eastern Europe in the Late 19th century, and the civil rights of Jews were extremely limited.[44]
Zionism is an internationalpolitical movement; although started outside the Ottoman Empire, Zionism regards the Jews as a national entity and seeks to preserve that entity. This has primarily focused on the creation of ahomeland for the Jewish People in thePromised Land, and (having achieved this goal) continues as support for the modern state of Israel.
Although its origins are earlier, the movement became better organized and more closely linked with the imperial powers of the day following the involvement of the late 19th centuryAustro-Hungarian Jewish journalistTheodor Herzl, who is often credited as the father of the Zionist movement. Herzl He formed theWorld Zionist Organization and called for theFirst Zionist Congress in 1897.[45] The movement was eventually successful inestablishing Israel in 1948, as the world's first and only modernJewish State. Described as a "diasporanationalism,"[46] its proponents regard it as a nationalliberation movement whose aim is theself-determination of the Jewish people.
The objective of Zionism grew into the desire to form a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Early in the movement, there were many competing theories regarding the best avenue to achieve Jewish autonomy. TheJewish Territorial Organization represented a popular proposal. The organization supported finding a location, besides Palestine, for Jewish settlement.[47]
Non-territorial autonomy was another popular theory. This was a principle that allowed for groups to self govern themselves without their own state. TheMillet system in the Ottoman Empire allowed for this and was used byOrthodox Christians,Armenians, and even Jews. This gave Jews significant legislative and governing powers in the Ottoman Empire. Jews weren't on the same social hierarchy as Muslims in the Ottoman Empire, however, they still enjoyed many protections as they were considered people of the book. This relative autonomy allowed for the formation of many Jewish ideas and practices, increasing the common identity.[48]
As the goal of the Zionist movement grew, many Jews already living in the Ottoman Empire wanted to leverage their relative autonomy into settlement of Palestine. Eventually, the form of Zionism with Palestine as the intended homeland prevailed among the competing theories. Palestine was chosen due to the religious and historical significance of the region. Also, the declining power and financial struggles of the Ottoman Empire were seen as an opportunity.[49] Wealthy and powerful Jews began to put their ideas into action.[50]
See Also:First Aliyah,Second Aliyah
Herzl founded the Jewish-Ottoman Land Company. Its objective was to acquire land in Palestine, for the settlement of Jews, through political channels with the Ottoman Empire. Herzl repeatedly visited Istanbul and engaged in negotiations and meetings with Ottoman officials. In 1901, Herzl was able to have a meeting withSultan Abdul Hamid and insinuated that he had access to Jewish credit and that he could help the Ottoman Empire pay off debt. The company was initially successful, however, it eventually faced opposition from Arabs and the government.[51]
TheJewish National Fund functioned similarly. It was a fund directed for land purchasing in Palestine. By 1921, around 25,000 acres had been purchased by the Fund in Palestine. Immigration of Jewish people into Palestine in 4 periods or Aliyahs.[52] The first took place between 1881 and 1903, resulting in around 25,000 immigrating. The second took place between 1904 and 1914, resulting in around 35,000 Jews immigrating.[53]
The increased Jewish population and Jewish land in Israel furthered the formation of a Jewish national identity. As the population and property owned by Jews increased in Palestine, support and backing continued to grow. However, so did tensions with other groups, especially Muslim Arabs. Arabs saw the massive Jewish immigration and financial interest in the region as threatening.[54]
Part of this movement included the revival of theHebrew Language. Hebrew had been spoken traditionally by the Israelites but was estimated to die out at as a spoken language around 200 CE. However, Jewish people continued to use the language for writing and prayer purposes.Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, an early member of the Zionist movement, immigrated to Ottoman controlled Palestine in 1881. Ben-Yehuda believed that the modern development of Hebrew wasn't feasible unless it was linked to Zionism. Hebrew quickly was picked up among the Jewish community in Palestine and became a part of the Jewish identity.[55][56]
Areas in the Ottoman Empire, besides Palestine, contained significant Jewish presence. Iraq, Tunisia, Turkey, Greece, and Egypt all had large and formidable Jewish populations. Most of these populations could trace their lineage in these areas back thousands of years to biblical times.
Bursa was one of the first cities with a Jewish population conquered by the Ottomans when it was conquered in 1324. The Jewish inhabitants helped the Ottoman army, and they were allowed to return to the city. The Ottomans then granted the Jewish people a certain level of autonomy. This early interaction helped set the standard for Ottoman-Jewish interaction throughout the remainder of Ottoman rule.[57]
Istanbul quickly became a cultural center for Jews in the Near East. Jews were able to prosper in many high-skill fields, such as the medical field. This elevated social status resulted in even more freedom and the ability to solidify Jewish identities.
TheSiege of Baghdad in 1258 by the Mongols led to the ruin ofBaghdad and end of theAbbasid Dynasty. Baghdad was left depopulated and many surviving residents left and moved elsewhere.[58] In 1534, the Ottomanscaptured Baghdad from the Persians. Baghdad had not seen a strong Jewish population since before the Mongol raid.[59] Many Jewish communities existed in small, isolated areas around Mesopotamia at the time. However, a resurgence in the Jewish population was seen in Baghdad after the Ottoman capture. Jews from Kurdistan, Syria, and Persia began to migrate back into Baghdad.Zvi Yehuda refers to this as the "new Babylonian Diaspora." Jewish population and strength continued to grow in Iraq in the following centuries. In 1900, around 50,000 Jews lived in Baghdad, making up nearly a quarter of its population. Jews played very important roles in Iraqi life and culture. The first Minister of Finance in Iraq,Sassoon Eskell, was even Jewish.[60] Baghdad and other Iraqi cities were able to function as a Jewish cultural and religious hub throughout Ottoman rule.[61] This freedom and autonomy helped for the development of a strong national Jewish ideology.
Jewish roots in Syria can date back to Biblical times, and strong Jewish communities have been present in the region since Roman rule. An influx of Jewish settlers came to Syria after the Alhambra Decree in 1492.[62] Aleppo and Damascus were two main centers. Qamishli, a Kurdish town, also became a popular destination.The Aleppo Codex, a manuscript of the Hebrew Bible written inTiberias, was kept at theCentral Synagogue of Aleppo for nearly 600 years of Ottoman Rule. The synagogue was believed by some to have initially been constructed around 1000 BCE by Joab ben Zeruiah, the nephew and General ofKing David's army.[63] Inscriptions in the Synagogue date back to 834 CE. The heavy migration of Spanish and Italian Jews into Syria resulted in tension between Jewish groups already in the country. This tension was caused by differences in practices and languages. Many of the new residents spoke different languages, especially the Spanish. However, as generations passed, the descendants of Spanish and Italian settlers began to use these languages less and less. Jews continued to rise in status and power in Syria during Ottoman rule. Many Christians held angst against the rapidly increasing Jewish class causing poor relations between the two groups.[64][better source needed]
Salonika, or Thessaloniki, was a major Jewish center known as the "Jerusalem of the Balkans," "Mother of Israel" and a "Sephardic Metropolis," a site of Jewish refuge for Sephardim and Ashkenazim alike.[65][66][67] ManySephardic Jews came to Thessaloniki after their expulsion from the Iberian Peninsula in 1492. The vast Sephardic immigration allowed Thessaloniki to be a hub for diverse Jewish ideas. This large presence and advancement of Jews served as a strong national symbol of Jewish prosperity.[68] Jews in Thessaloniki enjoyed a strategic and important location as a port in the Trans-Mediterranean trade network. 19th and 20th century Thessaloniki is commonly referred to as the "Golden Age", especially for its Jewish inhabitants. The success and prosperity enjoyed by Thessaloniki began to be used as an example of a Jewish state and proof that the concept would succeed.[citation needed]
An important aspect of forming a national Jewish identity, especially based on religion, was the construction of Synagogues. The Jewish houses of worship allowed Jews to congregate in worship and share their ideas and beliefs. Many synagogues were constructed or rebuilt during Ottoman rule. TheBet Yaakov Synagogue was constructed in Istanbul in 1878. TheAhrida Synagogue is an extremely notable one built in Istanbul in the 1430s. It is located in theBalat area of Istanbul, a formerly vibrant Jewish area. These synagogues were able to function as the cultural center within their own communities.[69]
The national awakening of the Macedonians can be said to have begun in the late 19th century; this is the time of the first expressions ofethnic nationalism by limited groups of intellectuals inBelgrade,Sofia,[70][71]Thessaloniki andSt. Petersburg.[72] The "Macedonian Question" became especially prominent after theBalkan Wars in 1912–1913 and the subsequent division of theOttoman Macedonia between three neighboring Christian states, followed by tensions between them over its possession. In order to legitimize their claims, each of these countries tried to 'persuade' the population into allegiance. The Macedonist ideas grew in significance after the First World War, both in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and among the left-leaning diaspora in the Kingdom of Bulgaria, and were endorsed by theComintern.
The Principality was formed on 13 March 1852 whenDanilo I Petrović-Njegoš, formerly known as Vladika Danilo II, decided to renounce to his ecclesiastical position asprince-bishop and married. With the first Montenegrin constitution being proclaimed in 1855, known as "Danilo's Code". After centuries of theocratic rule, this turned Montenegro into a secular principality.
Grand Voivode Mirko Petrović, elder brother ofDanilo I, led a strong army of 7,500 and won a crucial battle against the Turks (army of between 7,000 and 13,000)at Grahovac on 1 May 1858. TheTurkish forces were routed. This victory forced theGreat Powers to officially demarcate the borders between Montenegro and Ottoman Turkey, de facto recognizing Montenegro's centuries-long independence.
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TheWallachian uprising of 1821 began as an anti-Phanariote revolt, which grew into an insurrection through the involvement of the GreekFiliki Eteria.Moldavia was occupied byYpsilantis, while Wallachia was held byTudor Vladimirescu. As the latter was incapable of maintaining discipline in his rebel army (the "Pandurs") and also was willing to compromise with the Ottomans, the Eteria had him arrested after the Ottoman army retook Bucharest without resistance. His army was disbanded and the rebellion suppressed after the Ottomans destroyed the Eterists in theDanubian Principalities. While unsuccessful in obtaining liberty, it ended the Phanariote era; Ottoman SultanMahmud II consented in 1822 to the nomination of two native boyars,Ioan Sturdza andGrigore IV Ghica ashospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia.
1848 saw rebellion in bothMoldavia andWallachia.
The Serbian national movement represents one of the first examples of successful national resistance against the Ottoman rule.[73] It culminated in two mass uprisings at the beginning of the 19th century, leading to national liberation and establishment of thePrincipality of Serbia.[74] One of the main centers of this movement was theSanjak of Smederevo ("Belgrade Pashaluk"),[75] which became the core of the reestablished Serbian national state.[76]
A number of factors contributed to its rise. Above all the nucleus of national identity was preserved in the form of theSerbian Orthodox Church which remained autonomous in one form or another throughout the period of Ottoman occupation.[75] Adherence to Orthodox Christianity is still considered an important factor in ethnic self-determination. The Serbian Church preserved links with themedieval Serbian past, keeping the idea of national liberation alive.[75]
The other group of factors stem from regional political events during the period of Ottoman rule, the 17th and 18th centuries in particular. The Austrian wars against the Ottoman Empire resulted in periods of Austrian rule incentral Serbia (in 1718–39 and1788–92), thus, the turn of the 19th century saw the relatively recent experience of European rule. Although the territory of northern Serbia had first reverted to Ottoman rule according to theTreaty of Belgrade, the region saw almost continuous conflict during the 18th century. As a result, the Ottomans never established a full feudal order in the Belgrade Pashaluk, and free peasants owning small plots of land constituted the majority of the population.[citation needed] This primarily worked through a direct relationship between the higher and the lower classes where the lower classes were more inclined to offer service in exchange for protection.[77] As the Ottoman never did inaugurate the full establishment of this system in the Belgrade Pashaluk, those people who were in lower classes, primarily consisting of peasants, were able to hold access and ownership to small shares of land, and these peasants made the majority of the population. Later on, Miloš Obrenović[78] attempted to take over more control by abusing his power and authority as more peasants lived and worked under Turkish lords rather than under Serbian ones.[79][80] Furthermore, most of the leaders of future armed rebellions earned valuable military knowledge serving in Austrian irregular troops,freikorps. The proximity of the Austrian border provided the opportunity of getting the needed military material. The Serbian leaders could also count on the financial and logistical support of fellow Serbs living in relative prosperity in the Austrian Empire.
The immediate cause for the start of theFirst Serbian Uprising (1804–13) was the mismanagement of the province by renegadeJanissary troops (known asDahije) who had seized power. While the Serbian population firstrose up against the Dahije, their quick success fueled the desire for national liberation and led to a full-fledged war. Though unsuccessful, this rebellion paved the way for theSecond Serbian Uprising of 1815, which eventually succeeded.Serbia became a center of resistance to Ottomans, actively or secretly supporting liberation movements in neighboring Serb-inhabited lands, especiallyBosnia,Herzegovina andMacedonia, as well other Christian-inhabited lands, such as Greece. It resulted toHerzegovina uprising in 1875, andSerbian-Turkish wars (1876–1878). In 1903,Serbian Chetnik Organization was founded in aim to liberateOld Serbia (Kosovo andMacedonia), which was on territories ofKosovo Vilayet andMacedonian vilayets under Ottoman rule. The Serbian–Ottoman conflict culminated in theFirst Balkan War of 1912.
Pan-Turkism emerged with theTuranian Society founded in 1839 by Tatars. However, Turkish nationalism was developed much later in 1908 with the Turkish Society, which later expanded into the Turkish Hearth[81] and eventually expanded to include ideologies such asPan-Turanism andPan-Turkism. With thedissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish populations of the empire which were mostly expelled from the newly established states in the Balkans and the Caucasus formed a new national identity under the leadership ofMustafa Kemal along theKemalist ideology.
Turkish revolutionaries werepatriots of theTurkish national movement who rebelled against thepartitioning of the Ottoman Empire by theAllies and the Ottoman government in the aftermath of theArmistice of Mudros, which ended theOttoman Empire's participation inWorld War I; and against theTreaty of Sèvres in 1920, which was signed by the Ottoman government and partitionedAnatolia among Allies and their supporters.
Turkish revolutionaries under the leadership ofAtatürk fought during theTurkish War of Independence against theAllies supported byArmenians (First Republic of Armenia), Greeks (Greece) and theFrench Armenian Legion, accompanied by theArmenian militia during theFranco-Turkish War. Turkish revolutionaries rejected theTreaty of Sèvres and negotiated theTreaty of Lausanne, which recognized the independence of theRepublic of Turkey and its absolute sovereignty overEastern Thrace andAnatolia.
The Ottoman reforms were enforced to fight the rise of nationalism from within the state and European expansion. TheOttoman state increasingly restricted women including women with a higher status.[82] Women were not allowed to move around and wear what they desired.[82] Therefore, the goals of the reforms stated inthe Noble Edict of the Rose Chamber of 1839 and theImperial Script Hatt-I Hümayun of 1856 were actually only focused on the equality of male subjects of the Sultan in the Ottoman Empire.[82]
However, in the late centuries of theOttoman Empire, women became more included in debates on the future of theOttoman Empire.[82] Gender relations started to be re-examined when women started to have a new role in society.[82] The focus on nationalism in theOttoman Empire changed the whole structure of the Ottoman society. One of the priorities of theOttoman Empire was the development of the military to prevent the rise of nationalism and to prevent the conquest of land belonging to theOttoman Empire by Russia and Europe. Mobilization by men and women would strengthen the empire politically and economically.[82] Women were responsible for raising the newOttoman generations.[82] Mothers were creating and maintainingcultural identity and this would support the modernization efforts.[82] Therefore, there was a demand for the improvement of women's education. The new role that women opened the way for women to assert their rights.[82] However, due to the many differentethno-religious communities within the Ottoman Empire there were many differences between communities of women.[82] The women tried to come in contact with each other to spread their ideas from oneethno-religious group to another through formal and informal ways of communication.[82]Educational institutions were spaces were information about the developments in otherethno-religious communities would be shared.[82]
Nevertheless, it is also fair to mention that women in the Ottoman Empire had acquired their own rights and freedoms, such as the capability to dance and stage protests,[83] they were essential for the national economy as they were able to run businesses and own property.[84] Women in the Ottoman Empire had active roles in the economy, as well as religious spheres, and were essential for social communication.[85]
In 1917, the Ottoman Law of Family Rights was part of the Ottoman reform.[86] Some women viewed this reform as a critical moment in time to improvewomen's rights.[86] However, this was difficult for feminists in theOttoman Empire, because they did not want to question the role ofIslam and did not want to change their own traditions in a period ofnationalism.[86] The women strived for a legal reform in their favor, but the Ottoman Law of Family Rights would not change much in expandingwomen's rights. According toSijjil records, women were active inSharia courts as an attempt to change their roles and increase women's rights.[87] TheSharia courts gave women the opportunity to increase their agency.[87]
The Greek uprising and the church. Bishop Germanos of old Patras blesses the Greek banner at the outset of the national revolt against the Turks on 25 March 1821. The solemnity of the scene was enhanced two decades later in this painting by T. Vryzakis….The fact that one of the Greek bishops, Germanos of Old Patras, had enthusiastically blessed the Greek uprising at the onset (25 March 1821) and had thereby helped to unleash a holy war, was not to gain the church a satisfactory, let alone a dominant, role in the new order of things.
The Greek revolt was precipitated on March 25, 1821, when Bishop Germanos of Patras raised the flag of revolution over the Monastery of Agia Lavra in the Peloponnese. The cry "Freedom or Death" became the motto of the revolution. The Greeks experienced early successes on the battlefield, including the capture of Athens in June 1822, but infighting ensued.
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