| Rand Rebellion | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of theRevolutions of 1917–1923 | |||||||
 Rebels being taken prisoner inFordsburg | |||||||
| |||||||
| Belligerents | |||||||
 Union of South Africa |  South African Communist Party | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
| Jan Smuts |
| ||||||
| Strength | |||||||
| 20,000 | several thousand[1] | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
72 killed[1] 219 wounded[1] | 39 killed[1] 118 wounded[1] | ||||||
42 civilians killed[1] 197 civilians injured[1] | |||||||
TheRand Rebellion (Afrikaans:Rand-rebellie; also known as the1922 strike) was an armed uprising of white Communists and Nationalists in theWitwatersrand region ofSouth Africa, in March 1922.
Following a drop in the global price of gold from 130 shillings (£6 10s) per finetroy ounce in 1919 to 95s/oz (£4 15s) in December 1921, the mining companies owned by theRandlords tried to cut their operating costs by decreasing wages, and by promoting black mine workers – who were paid lower wages – to skilled and supervisory positions.[2] The promotion of non-white workers to these positions was seen by the striking white workers as a greater issue than the issue of decreased wages.[1]: 18
When these actions were proposed by theChamber of Mines to the representative of the trade unions (the South African Industrial Federation) the latter rejected the proposals, calling on all workers in the Witwatersrand region to go on strike as a response.[1]: 3
The President of the South African Industrial Federation, Joe Thompson, called upon the trade unions to appoint representatives who would form the ruling body of the strike, known as the 'Augmented Executive'.[1]: 3 The Augmented Executive would be the chief leadership of the strike from the beginning of the strike on 10 January 1922, to the removal of the Augmented Executive from leadership positions byPercy Fisher and the 'Council of Action' on 4 March 1922.[1]: 7
Hours after the beginning of the general strike in January 1922, striking white workers were recruited intolocal town-based militias known as 'Commandos'.[3]: 24 Initially, many of these commandos had few if any firearms, and some, such as the Brakpan Commando, resorted to using sticks and pickaxe handles in order to partake in drilling exercises.[1]: 10 As the strike grew however, the commandos became more organized and better equipped, each commando eventually having its own group of uniformed officers, a signal corps, an ambulance corps, an intelligence section, and small mounted (horse and bicycle) sections.[1]: 5 Women Commandos also partook in the strike and later revolt.[1]: 5
Despite reassurances from Joe Thompson to South African Police officials that the commandos existed to assist the police in the potential event of a 'native' uprising, and that the commandos would remain lawful and peaceful unless provoked, incidents of violence caused by the commandos almost immediately began to occur.[4]: 52
On the night of 18 January, a group of approximately 40 strikers, all members of the strikers' Putfontein Commando, overpowered and disarmed 2 police officers guarding a mine's pump station. The strikers attempted to gain the loyalty of the 2 policemen, but when this failed, the strikers profusely apologized and unconditionally released the police officers.[4]: 52 While many of the Augmented Executive claimed that these 40 strikers were not representative of their whole movement, Percy Fisher stated in a speech on 23 January 1922 that the strikers should have attacked more police positions instead of immediately letting the two captured officers go.[1]: 5
On 2 February 1922, instructions were issued by the Augmented Executive to local Strike Committees, ordering the latter to utilize the commandos in order to deal with "scabs" (non-striking white workers and all non-white workers), in whatever way was seen fit, no matter if it was by persuasion or force.[1]: 19 The intimidation and assault of "scabs" then began all across the Witwatersrand region, with outnumbered police officers trying to protect the "scabs".[1]: 19 Up until 3 February 1922, the Police had only been armed with batons. After that date a quarter of all police on duty in the region were armed with rifles. Only 3 days later on 6 February 1922, the proportion of police armed with rifles was raised to half of all police in the region.[1]: 19
Percy Fisher continued to give speeches that called for violent action and for strikers to join their local commandos. Those strikers who refused to join a commando were publicly booed and jeered by their fellow strikers[3]: 27 . At strike rallies, the theme of "Fighting for a White South Africa" became increasingly prominent[4]: 52 , and banners with the phrase"Workers of the World, Unite and Fight for a White South Africa!" were carried by the strikers.[1]: 18 On 6 February 1922, Fisher stated in a speech that"We are out to win this fight and by God we will, [even] if we have to raze Johannesburg to the ground."[1]: 5
The Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), realizing that the Rand Lords would not give in to the strikers' demands, began recruiting strikers into the CPSA.[4]: 53 Recruiters for the CPSA repeatedly and openly called on the strikers to achieve their demands through violent means, and after gaining sizable support from the strikers[4]: 53 , the CPSA formed a 5 man 'Council of Action' led by Percy Fisher, with Harry Spendiff as Fisher's second-in-command.[4]: 53 The 3 other members of the Council of Action (which was also referred to as the Committee of Action) were George Mason, Bill Andrews, and Ernest Shaw.[3]: 65
In the early stages of the strike, both the leadership of the Augmented Executive and the Council of Action publicly denounced violence against "scabs" and non-white South Africans in order to appease government officials, and had varying (but oftentimes little) actual belief in the racist ideas responsible for the initial strike[1]: 28 , but both groups of leaders were willing to and did choose to use racist rhetoric in order to galvanize the white strikers (the strikers themselves being fully supportive of racist policies) into fighting for a "White South Africa".[1]: 18 Various unprovoked attacks by the commandos against "native" non-white South Africans were justified by the commandos with the unfounded idea that the "natives" instigated such attacks as a part of a greater "native uprising" that was being backed by the Rand Lords.[1]: 66, 67, 68, 69 [3]: 47
On 8 February 1922, all 5 members of the Council of Action were arrested under the charge of inciting public violence against non-striking workers.[4]: 53 There was vocal outrage from the strikers, but little violence actually occurred during this period, besides a few isolated incidents.[4]: 53 One such incident was on 18 February 1922, when a large group of strikers occupied the Newlands Police Station and freed two strikers who had been placed in police custody. The police immediately retaliated and the two men were arrested again.[4]: 53, 54
Percy Fisher and his Council of Action were released from custody on bail on 20 February 1922 (despite express opposition to this by the police) and incidents of violence, especially violence targeted towards "scabs" and mine officials, immediately increased in number.[4]: 54
At Brakpan on 27 February 1922, the police got into a clash with a commando, and while only batons and fists were used, a number of police were injured.[1]: 19 At Driefontein Mine, a group of approximately 60 mounted strikers were caught trespassing on the mine's premises. The police dispersed the strikers and made 27 arrests, despite heavy protest from the strikers resulting in the injuries of 3 policemen.[4]: 54 [1]: 19 That evening, 2500 Special Constables were mobilized to the outlying Johannesburg areas in order to allow regular police to focus on policing the busiest parts of Johannesburg.[1]: 19 The next day, on 28 February 1922, a large group of strikers demonstrated outside of Boksburg Prison (which was where the arrested strikers from the previous day were being held).[4]: 54 The commanding officer, Captain Jock Fulford, twice requested that the crowd disperse, but was ignored on both occasions.[4]: 54 Someone in the crowd of strikers opened fire on the police with a firearm whereupon Captain Fulford responded by firing warning shots above the heads of the strikers.[4]: 54 A further five shots were fired from the crowd, seriously wounding police Captain Leishman and two other constables.[1]: 19 Captain Fulford ordered one of his sections to fire four rounds into the crowd. Three strikers were killed and seven were injured, and the crowd immediately dispersed.[4]: 54 While a later investigation and questioning of witnesses exonerated the police of any wrongdoing, the incident only angered the strikers even more.[1]: 19
Lieutenant Colonel R.S Godley of the South African Police immediately had a meeting with strike leaders in order to request a decrease in tensions, and Godley received assurances from the strike leaders that law and order would be maintained.[4]: 54 On 2 March 1922, pamphlets were produced by both the Augmented Executive as well as the Council of Action, calling on their members to remain calm and avoid violence[4]: 54 [5]: 83 , but this contrasted with continued violence instigated by the commandos and strikers[4]: 55 , as well as secret meetings which had later taken place between the Council of Action and the officers of the strike commandos. One such meeting took place on 3 March 1922 at the Johannesburg Trade Hall, where the strike officers were sworn to secrecy in the name of the future revolt under the threat of being shot.[1]: 6
On 1 March 1922, a large demonstration of strikers took place on the Union Grounds in Johannesburg.[1]: 12 Strike Commandos attempted to intimidate workers at the City Deep Mine, but were driven away by armed mine officials and special police.[1]: 12 Two days later, on 3 March, the Tramway Strike Commando was formed, and shots were exchanged between Strike Commandos and Special Police at City Deep Mine.[1]: 12
After the revolt had ended, an unnamed "general" of one of the strike commandos submitted an affidavit to the independent commission investigating the revolt, stating that on 5 March 1922, Percy Fisher and Harry Spendiff had approached him, asking if he knew that the Augmented Executive had handed over the powers to control the strike to the Council of Action.[1]: 7 The general had said he had heard rumours about the transition of power, at which point Fisher and Spendiff chose to lie, falsely confirming to the general that the rumours were true. The two Council of Action members then asked the general if he wanted to become "Commander-In-Chief" of the strike commandos, to which the general responded with hesitancy, asking for time to think over the offer.[1]: 7
On 6 March 1922, the Augmented Executive and it's Joint Executive gathered at the Rissik Street trade hall in order to consider a potential ballot regarding the status of the strike.[1]: 20 Early into the meeting, commandos armed with revolvers and other weaponry stormed the building and trapped the representatives inside of the meeting room. The commandos insisted that no ballot should take place, and that the general strike should continue.[1]: 20 At the same time, Percy Fisher and Bill Andrews addressed a crowd which had formed outside of the trade hall on the building's balcony, stating that power over the strike had been willingly given to the Council of Action by the Augmented Executive.[1]: 20 What little control the Augmented Executive still had over the commandos (and by extension the strike) no longer existed, and full control of the commandos and strike was now in the possession of Percy Fisher, the Council of Action, and the CPSA.[1]: 20
On the same day, an aggressive crowd of 2000 strikers in Fordsburg were dispersed by a police unit under the command of Captain Kunhardt after members of the police were threatened with firearms and police Sergeant R.S Graham was cut in the face by a striker's makeshift weapon.[4]: 55 Simultaneously, police had fired shots at a crowd of strikers setting fire to strikebreakers' and mine officials' homes at the East Rand Proprietary Mines.[4]: 55 At the Witwatersrand Mine, several black workers were shot by a strike commando.[1]: 12
In most of these instances, crowds of civilian bystanders stood and watched the police take action, which sometimes hindered the police officers' ability to take effective action.[4]: 55 Colonel C.N Anderson of the Permanent Force would later tell government officials that"Society is of the opinion that the police acts in a commendable manner, but also that they are hindered by agitated crowds and thousands of spectators." On 7 March, Colonel Godley would issue a command prohibiting the public from being within the vicinity of the strikers.[4]: 55
A general strike had been declared to take place on 7 March 1922 by the Council of Action.[1]: 12 On the day that the general strike began, the strikers and their armed commandos began committing crimes across the Witwatersrand region.[1]: 12 Individuals still working were forcibly removed from their working spaces and their businesses were closed, Non-white South Africans were attacked and killed in great numbers, Police were shot at, Businesses and homes were destroyed and looted, taxis and cars were hijacked, utilities and railway lines were destroyed, and mines were attacked with dynamite.[1]: 12
On 8 March 1922, a meeting between the commando officers and the Council of Action was held at the Johannesburg Trade Hall under the guise of forming a response to "native unrest".[1]: 6 At the meeting, Fisher stated that there was no "native unrest", and then went on to discuss military plans for their upcoming revolt against the government.[1]: 6 When one commando officer immediately tried to resign in disgust, the officer was forced to stay in his position after he was threatened with being shot.[1]: 6
The following day, on 9 March 1922, the strikers unsuccessfully attempted to sabotage the train line between Krugersdorp and Luipaardsvlei in order to capture and kill Jan Smuts, who was believed to be traveling via that railway line.[1]: 9 Wolhulter Mine was besieged and shot at by strikers while in Sophiatown, 2 Black South Africans were killed.[1]: 12 Furthermore, black South Africans in Ferreiratown and Marshall Square were harassed by strikers, while the Durban Light Infantry's mobilization offices in Benoni were burnt down.[1]: 12
At Brakpan Mine on 10 March 1922, a group of strikers belonging to the Brakpan Commando attacked and killed 3 special policemen, 1 black worker, and 4 mine officials.[1]: 9
As the situation in the Witwatersrand region continued to escalate, and after repeated requests for martial law from Colonels Godley and Anderson (which would give the police authority to properly respond to the strikers), Jan Smuts finally declared martial law at 09:00 AM on 10 March, a day which would later be referred to as "Black Friday".[3]: 63
As soon as the declaration of martial law was relayed to Colonel Godley in Johannesburg, Godley immediately ordered squads of police to take control of the post office, the telephone Exchange, and the Johannesburg Town Hall (where the police's position was reinforced by 2 Maxim machineguns).[3]: 64 Simultaneously, Colonel Godley ordered Major Alfred Trigger and a large force of uniformed police officers and detectives to take the Trades Hall, with further orders to confiscate important strike documents and to arrest any participants or leadership of the strike found on the premises.[3]: 64 Members of the Committee of Action had been in a meeting at the Communist Party Offices in the Trades Hall when the building had been raided, and due to a lack of pro-strike guards being placed outside of the Trades Hall, the police were able to arrest Bill Andrews, George Mason, Ernest Shaw, and 6 other party and trade union officials.[3]: 65 As a result of the raid, leadership over the strikers was split between Percy Fisher (with Spendiff as his second in command) and the local commando officers and generals (many of whom were Republican Nationalists, but who were involved in the rebellion with the hopes of eventually establishing a republic free of British influence).[3]: 67 After this raid, there was little to no communication or coordination between officers within the revolutionary commandos' leadership, nor was there any between commando generals and Percy Fisher.[3]: 67
The sole newspaper sympathetic to the strikers,The Transvaal Post, was suppressed by the government under the authority of martial law, while all other newspapers in South Africa were in favour of martial law and government intervention.[3]: 66
Unaware that martial law would be declared on the same day, a commando of strikers approached the Newlands Police Station in the early hours of 10 March and demanded its surrender.[4]: 56 Sergeant Thomas Bell refused to hand over the station to the strikers, and the strikers in turn opened fire on the police. The Officer Commanding, Lieutenant Long, gave the order for the policemen to defend Newlands station, and the police officers then returned fire. During the attack, which lasted a few hours, improvised bombs and hand grenades were thrown at the policemen.[4]: 56 Once the policemen's ammunition was finally depleted, Lieutenant Long ordered his men to stand down, and they were promptly captured by the rebels.[4]: 56
After finding out that Newlands Police Station was attacked, police officials ordered Lieutenant J.W Whyte and a unit of 40 police officers under his command to assist and relieve the defenders of Newlands Station.[4]: 56 As the relief force made it's way to the station, it was ambushed by emboldened rebels and 2 policemen were killed while 3 others were wounded.[4]: 56 A civilian doctor soon approached the ambushed policemen under a white flag in order to treat the wounded, but while the doctor treated the wounded, the revolutionaries advanced onto the police's positions and immediately disarmed and captured the officers.[4]: 56 This "reckless abuse" of the white flag (as newspapers at the time described it) was widely criticized, and the incident served to make the revolutionaries increasingly unpopular amongst most white South Africans.[4]: 56
When martial law was declared on the Witwatersrand on 10 March, amid further reports of the "cold blooded murder of natives", Johannesburg was under the threat of being overrun. Prime MinisterJan Smuts sent 20,000 troops, artillery, tanks, machine-guns, snipers, and bomber aircraft to crush the rebellion. By this time, the rebels had dug trenches acrossFordsburg Square and the air force tried to bomb but missed and hit a local church. Near the end of the rebellion, a pogrom broke out against blacks by enraged rebels.[6] Lieutenant Colonel Llewellyn Andersson's role in creating theUnion Defence Force was instrumental in crushing the rebellion using "considerable military firepower and at the cost of over 200 lives.[7][8] Several Communists and syndicalists, the latter including the strike leadersPercy Fisher and Harry Spendiff, were killed as the rebellion was quelled by the Union Defence Force.[9]
From 15 to 19 March 1922, South African troops cleared the areas of snipers and did house-to-house searches of premises belonging to the rebels. The rebellion was officially declared over on 18 March 1922. Before killing themselves, the two leaders of the strike, Percy Fisher and Harry Spendiff, left a note: "We died for what we believed in - the Cause."[10]
Smuts' actions caused a political backlash, and inthe 1924 elections hisSouth African Party lost to a coalition of theNational Party and Labour Party.[11]: 292 They introduced theIndustrial Conciliation Act 1924, Wage Act 1925 andMines and Works Amendment Act 1926, which recognised white trade unions and reinforced the colour bar.[12] Under instruction from theComintern, the CPSA reversed its attitude toward the white working class and adopted a new 'Native Republic' policy.[13][14]
After the strike, 18 strikers were sentenced to death for murder, of which 14 were reprieved. The four men to not be reprieved, were Carel Christian Stassen, Taffy Long, Herbert Hull, and David Lewis, were all executed by hanging atPretoria Central Prison. Stassen was hanged on 5 October 1922, while the other three men were hanged together on 17 November 1922. He was convicted of killing two men, John Setsuta and John McKenzie, in what witnesses said were racially motivated killings. Long was convicted of killing a police informant, while Hull and Lewis were convicted of killing a soldier. As they marched to the gallows, Long began singing the "Red Flag", the anthem of early socialists and communists in South Africa. He was joined in the song by the other two men. As they walked, all the prisoners sang with them.[15][16]
| Life |  | |
|---|---|---|
| Politics |
| |
| Works |
| |
| Concepts | ||
| Related | ||
Political history ofSouth Africa | |||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Defunctpolities |
| ||||||||||||
| Events |
| ||||||||||||
| Political culture | |||||||||||||
| Defunct organisations |
| ||||||||||||
| Histories of political parties | |||||||||||||
