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Rally 'round the flag effect

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Increased short-run support for a leader in crisis or war
"Rally 'round the flag" redirects here. For other uses, seeRally 'round the flag (disambiguation).
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United States presidentGeorge W. Bush approval rating from 2001 to 2006. Spikes in approval coincide with theSeptember 11 attacks, the invasion ofIraq, and the capture ofSaddam Hussein.

Therally 'round the flag effect, also referred to as therally 'round the flag syndrome, is a concept used inpolitical science andinternational relations to explain increased short-run popular support of a country's government or political leaders during periods ofinternational crisis orwar.[1] Because the effect can reduce criticism of governmental policies, it can be seen as a factor ofdiversionary foreign policy.[1]

Mueller's definition

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Political scientistJohn Mueller suggested the effect in 1970, in a paper called "Presidential Popularity from Truman to Johnson". He defined it as coming from an event with three qualities:[2]

  1. "Is international"
  2. "Involves theUnited States and particularly the President directly"
  3. "Specific, dramatic, and sharply focused"

In addition, Mueller created five categories of rallies. Mueller's five categories are:

  1. Sudden US military intervention (e.g.,Korean War,Bay of Pigs Invasion)
  2. Major diplomatic actions (e.g.,Truman Doctrine)
  3. Dramatic technological developments (e.g.,Sputnik)
  4. US-Soviet summit meetings (e.g.,Potsdam Conference)
  5. Major military developments in ongoing wars (e.g.,Tet Offensive)

These categories are considered dated by modern political scientists, as they rely heavily onCold War events.[3]

Causes and duration

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Since Mueller's original theories, two schools of thought have emerged to explain the causes of the effect. The first, "The Patriotism School of Thought" holds that in times of crisis, the American public sees the President as the embodiment of national unity. The second, "The Opinion Leadership School" believes that the rally emerges from a lack of criticism from members of the opposition party, most often in theUnited States Congress. If opposition party members appear to support the president, the media has no conflict to report, thus it appears to the public that all is well with the performance of the president.[4] The two theories have both been criticized, but it is generally accepted that the Patriotism School of thought is better to explain causes of rallies, while the Opinion Leadership School of thought is better to explain duration of rallies.[3] It is also believed that the lower the presidential approval rating before the crisis, the larger the increase will be in terms of percentage points because it leaves the president more room for improvement. For example,Franklin D. Roosevelt only had a 12pp increase in approval from 72% to 84% following theAttack on Pearl Harbor, whereasGeorge W. Bush had a 39pp increase from 51% to 90% following theSeptember 11 attacks.[5]

Another theory about the cause of the effect is believed to be embedded in theUS Constitution. Unlike in other countries, the constitution makes the President bothhead of government andhead of state. Because of this, the president receives a temporary boost in popularity because his Head of State role gives him symbolic importance to the American people. However, as time goes on his duties as Head of Government require partisan decisions that polarize opposition parties and diminish popularity. This theory falls in line more with the Opinion Leadership School.

Due to the highly statistical nature of presidential polls, University of Alabama political scientist John O'Neal has approached the study of rally 'round the flag using mathematics. O'Neal has postulated that the Opinion Leadership School is the more accurate of the two using mathematical equations. These equations are based on quantified factors such as the number of headlines fromThe New York Times about the crisis, the presence of bipartisan support or hostility, and prior popularity of the president.[6]

Political Scientist fromThe University of California Los Angeles, Matthew A. Baum found that the source of a rally 'round the flag effect is from independents and members of the opposition party shifting their support behind the President after the rallying effect. Baum also found that when the country is more divided or in a worse economic state then the rally effect is larger. This is because more people who are against the president before the rallying event switch to support him afterwards. When the country is divided before the rallying event there is a higher potential increase in support for the President after the rallying event.[7]

In a study by Political Scientist Terrence L. Chapman and Dan Reiter, rallies in Presidential approval ratings were found to be bigger when there was U.N. Security Council supported Militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Having U.N. Security Council support was found to increase the rally effect in presidential approval by 8 to 9 points compared to when there was not U.N. Security Council support.[5]

According to a 2019 study of ten countries in the period 1990–2014, there is evidence of a rally-around-the-flag effect early on in an intervention with military casualties (in at least the first year) but voters begin to punish the governing parties after 4.5 years.[8] A 2021 study found weak effects for the rally-around-the-flag effect.[9] A 2023 study found thatmilitarized interstate disputes, on average, decrease public support for national leaders rather than increase it.[10]

A 2022 study applies the same logic of rally effects tocrisis termination instead of just onset. Using all available public presidential polling andcrisis data from 1953 to 2016, the researchers found that a president received a three point increase to their approval rating, on average, when terminating an international crisis. They suggest that the surge in approvals is as much related to a proof of a president's foreign affairs competency, as it is related to a mutual camaraderie in defense of the nation.[11]Additionally, the suggestion that a president can achieve approval boosts via ending conflict instead of initiating conflict makes less cynical assumptions about the options within a president's toolkit and provide an additional avenue for inquiry intodiversionary war theories.

Historical examples

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The effect has been examined within the context of nearly every major foreign policy crisis sinceWorld War II. Some notable examples:

World War I

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World War II

[edit]

Contemporary history

[edit]

United States

[edit]
  • Cuban Missile Crisis: According toGallup polls, PresidentJohn F. Kennedy's approval rating in early October 1962 was at 61%. By November, after the crisis had passed, Kennedy's approval rose to 74%. The spike in approval peaked in December 1962 at 76%. By June 1963, Kennedy's approval rating had declined to its pre-crisis level of 61%.[3][21]
  • Iran hostage crisis: According to Gallup polls, PresidentJimmy Carter saw his approval rating surge to 61%, up 23 points from his pre-crisis rating,[22] following the initial seizure of theU.S. embassy in Tehran in November 1979. However, Carter's handling of the crisis caused popular support to decrease, and by November 1980 Carter had returned to his pre-crisis approval rating.[23]
  • Gulf War: According to Gallup polls, PresidentGeorge H. W. Bush was rated at 59% approval in January 1991, but following the success of Operation Desert Storm, Bush enjoyed a peak 89% approval rating in February 1991. Bush's approval rating then substantially declined, returning to its pre-crisis level of 61% in October.[3][24]
  • Following theSeptember 11 attacks in 2001, PresidentGeorge W. Bush received an unprecedented increase in his approval rating. On 10 September, Bush had aGallup Poll rating of 51%. By 15 September, his approval rate had increased by 34 percentage points to 85%. Just a week later, Bush was at 90%, the highest presidential approval rating ever. Over a year after the attacks occurred, Bush still received higher approval than he did before 9/11 (68% in November 2002). Both the size and duration of Bush's popularity after 9/11 are believed to be the largest of any post-crisis boost. Many people believe that this popularity gave Bush a mandate and eventually the political leverage toinvade Iraq in 2003.[3][25]
  • Killing of Osama bin Laden: According to Gallup polls, PresidentBarack Obama received a slight uptick in his approving ratings following the 2 May 2011 killing of bin Laden, jumping from 45% in late April to 53% after bin Laden's death was announced.[26] The rally effect did not last long, as Obama's approval ratings were back down to 45% by 15 July.[citation needed]
  • Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting: Following the shooting in December 2012, President Obama received another slight uptick in approval according to Gallup, increasing from 50% before the shooting to 56% shortly after.[27] The rally effect was over by 17 January 2013.[citation needed]
  • Killing of Ayman al-Zawahiri: According to Gallup polls, PresidentJoe Biden received a small uptick in approval (from 38% to 44%) shortly after ordering a drone strike that killed al-Zawahiri on 31 July 2022.[28] Afterwards, his approval ratings declined for the remainder of 2022.[citation needed]

Other countries

[edit]

In a pandemic

[edit]
The incumbentConservative Party's popularity spiked in the weeks following the COVID-19 outbreak in the United Kingdom.

The outbreak of theCOVID-19 pandemic in 2020 briefly resulted in popularity spikes for several world leaders. PresidentDonald Trump's approval rating saw a slight increase during the outbreak in early 2020.[37] In addition to Trump, other heads of government inEurope also gained in popularity.[38] French PresidentEmmanuel Macron, Italian Prime MinisterGiuseppe Conte, Dutch Prime MinisterMark Rutte, and British Prime MinisterBoris Johnson became "very popular" in the weeks following the pandemic hitting their respective nations.[38] Johnson, in particular, who "became seriously ill himself" from COVID-19, led his government to become "the most popular in decades."[38][39] It was uncertain how long their increase in the approval polls would last, but former NATO secretary generalGeorge Robertson opined, "People do rally around, but it evaporates fast."[38]

Controversy and fears of misuse

[edit]

There are fears that a leader will abuse the rally 'round the flag effect. These fears come from thediversionary theory of war in which a leader creates an international crisis in order to distract from domestic affairs and to increase their approval ratings through a rally 'round the flag effect. The fear associated with this theory is that a leader can create international crises to avoid dealing with serious domestic issues or to increase their approval rating when it begins to drop.[40]

In popular culture

[edit]
  • Wag the Dog is a movie released by coincidence a month just before theClinton–Lewinsky scandal with high likenesses to the events of the affair. To divert attention on a sex scandal, the American president fabricates a war with terrorists inAlbania. The movie was also remade two years later.[citation needed]

See also

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References

[edit]
  1. ^abGoldstein, Joshua S.; Pevehouse, Jon C. (2008).International Relations: Eighth Edition. New York: Pearson Longman.
  2. ^Mueller, John (1970). "Presidential Popularity from Truman to Johnson".American Political Science Review.64 (1):18–34.doi:10.2307/1955610.JSTOR 1955610.S2CID 144178825.
  3. ^abcdeHetherington, Marc J.; Nelson, Michael (2003). "Anatomy of a Rally Effect: George W. Bush and the War on Terrorism".PS: Political Science and Politics.36 (1):37–42.doi:10.1017/S1049096503001665.JSTOR 3649343.S2CID 154505157.
  4. ^Baker, William D.; Oneal, John R. (2001). "Patriotism or Opinion Leadership?: The Nature and Origins of the 'Rally 'Round the Flag' Effect".The Journal of Conflict Resolution.45 (5):661–687.doi:10.1177/0022002701045005006.JSTOR 3176318.S2CID 154579943.
  5. ^abChapman, Terrence L.;Reiter, Dan (2004). "The United Nations Security Council and the Rally 'Round the Flag Effect".The Journal of Conflict Resolution.48 (6):886–909.doi:10.1177/0022002704269353.JSTOR 4149799.S2CID 154622646.
  6. ^Lian, Bradley; O'Neal, John R. (1993). "Presidents, the Use of Military Force, and Public Opinion".Journal of Conflict Resolution.37 (2):277–300.doi:10.1177/0022002793037002003.JSTOR 174524.S2CID 154815976..
  7. ^Baum, Matthew A. (1 June 2002)."The Constituent Foundations of the Rally-Round-the-Flag Phenomenon".International Studies Quarterly.46 (2):263–298.doi:10.1111/1468-2478.00232.ISSN 1468-2478.
  8. ^Kuijpers, Dieuwertje (2019)."Rally around All the Flags: The Effect of Military Casualties on Incumbent Popularity in Ten Countries 1990–2014".Foreign Policy Analysis.15 (3):392–412.doi:10.1093/fpa/orz014.hdl:1871.1/52011afd-45e0-4e16-a8dd-f6c924789c25.
  9. ^Myrick, Rachel (2021)."Do External Threats Unite or Divide? Security Crises, Rivalries, and Polarization in American Foreign Policy".International Organization.75 (4):921–958.doi:10.1017/S0020818321000175.ISSN 0020-8183.
  10. ^Seo, TaeJun; Horiuchi, Yusaku (2023)."Natural Experiments of the Rally 'Round the Flag Effects Using Worldwide Surveys".Journal of Conflict Resolution.68 (2–3):269–293.doi:10.1177/00220027231171310.ISSN 0022-0027.Archived from the original on 24 April 2023. Retrieved25 April 2023.
  11. ^Chávez, Kerry; Wright, James (2022)."International Crisis Termination and Presidential Approval".Foreign Policy Analysis.18 (3).doi:10.1093/fpa/orac005.
  12. ^"The Rise and Fall of the Second International".jacobin.com.Archived from the original on 5 July 2022. Retrieved5 July 2022.
  13. ^abcdRobson, Stuart (2007).The First World War (1 ed.). Harrow, England: Pearson Longman. p. 25.ISBN 978-1-4058-2471-2 – via Archive Foundation.
  14. ^"Social Democratic Party | History, Policies, Platform, Leader, & Structure | Britannica".www.britannica.com.Archived from the original on 19 June 2015. Retrieved5 July 2022.
  15. ^Gilbert, Felix (1984).The End of the European Era, 1890 to the Present (3 ed.). New York: W.W. Norton. pp. 126–140.ISBN 0-393-95440-4.OCLC 11091162.
  16. ^Gilbert 1984, pp. 66–67.
  17. ^Gilbert 1984, pp. 47–57.
  18. ^Thorpe, Andrew (2008).A History of the British Labour Party (3 ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 117–119.ISBN 978-0-230-50010-5.OCLC 222250341.
  19. ^"How Churchill Led Britain To Victory In The Second World War".Imperial War Museums.Archived from the original on 5 July 2022. Retrieved5 July 2022.
  20. ^"Winston Churchill - Leadership during World War II | Britannica".www.britannica.com.Archived from the original on 14 June 2022. Retrieved5 July 2022.
  21. ^Smith, Tom W. (2003). "Trends: The Cuban Missile Crisis and U.S. Public Opinion".The Public Opinion Quarterly.67 (2):265–293.doi:10.1086/374575.JSTOR 3521635.
  22. ^Survey Finds Carter's Popularity Has Risen Sharply in Iran CrisisArchived 11 January 2025 at theWayback Machine.The New York Times. 10 December 1979. Retrieved 26 September 2024.
  23. ^Callaghan, Karen J.; Virtanen, Simo (1993). "Revised Models of the 'Rally Phenomenon': The Case of the Carter Presidency".The Journal of Politics.55 (3):756–764.doi:10.2307/2131999.JSTOR 2131999.S2CID 154739682..
  24. ^"Bush Job Approval Reflects Record 'Rally' Effect".Gallup.com.Archived from the original on 19 February 2022. Retrieved27 October 2017.
  25. ^Curran, Margaret Ann; Schubert, James N.; Stewart, Patrick A. (2002). "A Defining Presidential Moment: 9/11 and the Rally Effect".Political Psychology.23 (3):559–583.doi:10.1111/0162-895X.00298.JSTOR 3792592.
  26. ^"Obama Approval Rallies Six Points to 52% After Bin Laden Death".Gallup.com.Archived from the original on 22 March 2022. Retrieved23 October 2017.
  27. ^Newport, Frank (20 December 2012).[1]Archived 12 October 2024 at theWayback Machine.Gallup Organization. Retrieved 27 October 2024.
  28. ^Brenan, Megan (25 August 2022).Biden's Job Rating Rises to 44%, Highest in a YearArchived 11 October 2024 at theWayback Machine.Gallup Organization. Retrieved 29 September 2024.
  29. ^Şahin, Osman (May 2021)."How populists securitize elections to win them: the 2015 double elections in Turkey".New Perspectives on Turkey.64:7–30.doi:10.1017/npt.2020.34.ISSN 0896-6346.Archived from the original on 12 June 2025. Retrieved12 July 2025.
  30. ^Arutunyan, Anna."Putin's move on Crimea bolsters popularity back home".USA TODAY.Archived from the original on 31 March 2022. Retrieved5 July 2022.
  31. ^"Putin's public approval soared as Russia prepared to attack Ukraine. History shows it's unlikely to last".PBS NewsHour. 24 February 2022.Archived from the original on 5 July 2022. Retrieved5 July 2022.
  32. ^"Indicators".Levada Center.Archived from the original on 25 June 2025. Retrieved25 June 2025.
  33. ^"Zelensky versus Putin: the Personality Factor in Russia's War on Ukraine".www.wilsoncenter.org.Archived from the original on 5 July 2022. Retrieved5 July 2022.
  34. ^Kingsley, Patrick; Bergman, Ronen; Odenheimer, Natan (11 July 2025)."How Netanyahu Prolonged the War in Gaza to Stay in Power".The New York Times.ISSN 0362-4331.Archived from the original on 12 July 2025. Retrieved12 July 2025.
  35. ^Eslami, Mohammad; al-Marashi, Ibrahim (18 June 2025)."Why Israel's attacks are backfiring as Iranians rally around the flag".Middle East Eye.Archived from the original on 25 June 2025. Retrieved25 June 2025.
  36. ^"Explainer: Some Iranian dissenters rally round the flag amid war with Israel". BBC Monitoring. 20 June 2025. Retrieved25 June 2025.
  37. ^Silver, Nate (25 March 2020)."Trump's Reelection May Hinge On The Economy — And Coronavirus".FiveThirtyEight.Archived from the original on 20 December 2021. Retrieved31 March 2020.
  38. ^abcdErlanger, Steven (16 April 2020)."Popular support Lifts Leaders Everywhere. It May Not Last".The New York Times. p. A6.Archived from the original on 15 April 2020.
  39. ^"Patient number one; Missing Boris: The illness of a man who once divided the nation has united it".The Economist. 11–17 April 2020. pp. 34–36.Archived from the original on 9 April 2020.
  40. ^Tir, Jaroslav (2010). "Territorial Diversion: Diversionary Theory of War and Territorial Conflict".The Journal of Politics.72 (2):413–425.doi:10.1017/s0022381609990879.JSTOR 10.1017/s0022381609990879.S2CID 154480017.
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