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Proto-Cushitic language

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Hypothetical reconstructed proto-language
Proto-Cushitic
Reconstruction ofCushitic languages
RegionNortheast Africa
Eraca. 8000-7000 BC[1]
Reconstructed
ancestor

Proto-Cushitic is thereconstructedproto-language common ancestor of theCushitic language family. Its words and roots are not directly attested in any written works, but have been reconstructed through thecomparative method, which finds regular similarities between languages not explained by coincidence or word-borrowing, and extrapolates ancient forms from these similarities.

There is no consensus regarding the exact location of the Proto-Cushitichomeland;Christopher Ehret hypothesizes that it may have originated in theRed Sea Hills.[2] The Cushitic languages are a branch of the broaderAfroasiatic macro-family.[3][4]

Historical settings

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See also:Proto-Afroasiatic homeland § Northeast African homeland theory

Christopher Ehret argues for a unified Proto-Cushitic language in the Red Sea Hills as far back as the Early Holocene.[5] Based ononomastic evidence, theMedjay and theBlemmyes ofnorthern Nubia are believed to have spoken Cushitic languages related to the modernBeja language.[6] Less certain are hypotheses which propose that Cushitic languages were spoken by the people of theC-Group culture in northern Nubia,[7] or the people of theKerma culture in southern Nubia.[8]

Phonology

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A preliminary phonological reconstruction of Proto-Cushitic was proposed by Ehret (1987).

Consonants

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Proto-Cushitic consonants
LabialDentalPostalveolar
/ Palatal
VelarPharyngealGlottal
NormalFricitatedLateralPlainLabialized
StopsVoiceless(*p)*t(*ts)*tɬ ?*k*kʷ ?
Voiced*b*d(*dz)*dɮ /
*tɬʼ ?
*g*gʷ ?
Ejective(*pʼ)*tʼ*tsʼ*tʃʼ*kʼ*kʼʷ ?
FricativesVoiceless*f*s*ɬ ?*x*xʷ ?*h
Voiced*z*ɣ ?*ɣʷ ?
Nasals*m*n(*ŋ)(*ŋʷ)
Rhotic*r
Approximants*l*j*w

Ehret notes that in particular the affricates *ts, *dz, and the velar nasals *ŋ, *ŋʷ rely on fairly little evidence, and that *p, *pʼ are difficult to distinguish from other consonants in the comparative material; these are shown on a darker background above.

Most of the remaining consonants have exact equivalents in reconstructed Proto-East Cushitic, with the exception of those marked here with following question mark. A system given by Appleyard[9] as "widely accepted" excludes these questioned segments, but includes*tʃ,*dʒ and a contrast of and*tʼ. Bender[10] tentatively supports Ehret's*ts,*dz, and labialized velars, but in his survey does not find unambiguous etymologies for these, nor for lateral, velar and pharyngeal fricatives or any ejectives.

The following basic correspondences ofobstruent consonants follow Sasse (1979), with Beja and Agaw correspondences from Ehret (1987) and Dahalo correspondences from Tosco (2000):[11]

Proto-Cushitic
(Ehret)
BejaProto-Agaw
(Appleyard)
Proto-East
Cushitic(Sasse)
Lowland East Cushitic?H.E.C.DullayYaakuDahalo
Saho–AfarSomaliRendilleArboreOromoKonso
*bb*b*bbbbbbp*bp, b ¹pɓ-, -b-
*dd*d*ddddddt*dt, d ¹tɗ-, -d̪-
*zd-, -y-*dz, *z*zd, z ²djzdt*dz ²s, z ¹s
*tt*t*ttt, -d-tttt*tt, tʃt
*gg*g*ggggggk*gk, g ¹kg
*kk*k*kkk, -g-kkkk, x ³*kx, h ³k, xk
*tʼs*tsɖɖɖɗɗɗ*tʼɗɗ
*kʼk*q*kʼk, ∅qxʛ*kʼkʼ, qq
*ff*f*fffffff*ffpf
*ss*s*sssssf, ss*ssss
ʃ*tssʃ?
hħħħhh, ∅hhħhħ
*h*hhhhh
ʔʕʕʕʔʔ, ∅ʔ, ∅ʔʕʔʕ
*ʔ ⁴ʔʔʔʔ, ∅ʔ
  1. /b/,/d/,/g/,/z/ are preserved inTs'amakko.
  2. /z/ is preserved in northernSaho. Within Highland East Cushitic,/z/ appears inAlaba andKambaata,/d/ in other languages.[12]
  3. *k develops in Konso to/x/ before the vowels*a,*o; in the closely relatedGidole always to/h/. In Dullay,*k develops to/h/ inHarso,/x/ inGawwada.
  4. Word-initially,/ʔ/ usually does not contrast withzero.

Thesonorants*m,*n,*l,*r,*j,*w normally continue unchanged in all Cushitic languages, with the exception of*j,*w >/dʒ/,/v/ in Dahalo and a merger of*l and*r in the Highland East Cushitic languageHadiyya.[12][a]

Major conditional sound laws involvepalatalization, especially in allSomaloid languages as well as Oromo, and several simplifications ofconsonant clusters.

Glottalized consonants

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Ejective andimplosive consonants show multifarious correspondences between the Cushitic languages, particularly in Oromo, theKonsoid languages, theDullay languages and theHighland East Cushitic languages, and it is likely that more segments than*tʼ must be reconstructed, which have however fallen together as/ɗ/ or/ɖ/ in most Lowland East Cushitic languages.

Appleyard[13] does not posit any glottalized consonants for Proto-Agaw, and reconstructsuvular *q, *qʷ for sound correspondences of/kʼ/,/kʼʷ/ inBilin, respectively, with e.g./χ/,/χʷ/ or/q/,/qʷ/ in the rest of the subfamily. Fallon (2009)[14] argues that the Bilin value is preserved from Proto-Cushitic and that *kʼ, *kʼʷ should be reconstructed still for Proto-Agaw.

The glottalizedbilabials//,/ɓ/ are not common in Cushitic. In Oromo,/pʼ/ seems to arise from*b plus a laryngeal consonant, or, e.g. Oromo/ɲaːpʼa/ 'enemy' < PEC *neʕb-, akin to Saho-Afar/-nʕeb-/ 'to hate'; Oromo/supʼeː/ 'clay', Rendille /sub/ 'mud' < PEC *subʔ-.[15] Ehret finds/pʼ/ in Dahalo as grounds to reconstruct*pʼ for Proto-South Cushitic, and finding moreover/ɓ/ in Yaaku, proposes that it occurred as a rare phoneme already in Proto-Cushitic. Most other languages show/b/.[16][b]

Additional consonants

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Sasse[17] tentatively reconstructs*x as Proto-East Cushitic based on Dullay and Yaaku, but finds correspondences elsewhere to be unclear. Ehret identifies these further with*x,*xʷ occurring in South Cushitic and Agaw, and finds in Beja reflexes as the stops/k/,/kʷ/. For corresponding voiced,*ɣʷ in Agaw, which occur only word-medially, he proposes correspondences as Beja/g/,/gʷ/; most East Cushitic*g, but implosive/ɠ/ in Yaaku and Dullay; the voiceless fricatives*x,*xʷ in South Cushitic. A remaining word-initial correspondence of/k-/,/kʷ-/ in Beja and Agaw but again*x,*xʷ in South Cushitic is then assigned to represent Proto-Cushitic,*ɣʷ word-initially.[18]

The following are only proposed in detail by Ehret:

  • *p is based onSouth Cushitic. Ehret proposes it has elsewhere, with a possible exception ofAwngi, fallen together with *b.[19]
  • *ts (in nine examples) differs from *s in being preserved inKw'adza andDahalo, and in yielding/s/ rather than/f/ in Oromo.[20]
  • *dz (four examples) yields Agaw*ts or*tʃ, East Cushitic*s, South Cushitic*dz. One example suggests/s/ in Beja.[20]
  • (ten examples),*ŋʷ (two examples) are again based on South Cushitic, and they merge with*n in most languages, but might be reflected as/ɲ/ in Oromo, Arbore and Yaaku in a few cases. The velar nasal is reconstructed also for Agaw, but Ehret finds it mostly unrelated and seems to arise there mainly from Proto-Cushitic*m.[21][c]

Vowels

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Most Cushitic languages agree on a simple vowel system of/a/,/e/,/i/,/o/,/u/ as well asvowel length. This system is reconstructed as already Proto-Cushitic by Ehret.[24] Bender[25] does not find the mid vowels *e, *ee, *o, *oo to be supported by clear etymologies outside of East Cushitic.

Further instances of long vowels arise in many languages through thevocalization of the laryngeal consonants *ħ, *ʕ, *h, *ʔ and monophthongization of the combinations *ay, *ey, *aw.

A rather different vowel system appears in theAgaw languages,[26] which is identical to the neighboringEthiopian Semitic languages.[27] Ehret proposes the following development:

Proto-Agaw vowel shift
Proto-CushiticProto-AgawProto-CushiticProto-Agaw
*a*ä [ɐ]*aa*a
*e*a*ee*ə [ɨ]
*o*oo
*i*ə [ɨ]*ii*i
*u*uu*u

At least the distinction between *i and *u often remains in theappearance ofpalatalization orlabialization on adjacent consonants.

Grammar

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This sectionneeds expansion. You can help byadding to it.(July 2024)

Personal pronouns

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A personal pronoun system with sixgrammatical persons can be reconstructed, with distinctmasculine and feminine forms for at least the third person singular, as well as two distinct forms: an "independent" form, normally used in the nominative case, as well as a "dependent" form, often used as anoblique stem e.g. for the accusative case. This distinction appears to be inherited already fromProto-Afro-Asiatic.[28]

Anexclusive "we" pronoun has developed in a number of East Cushitic languages, but cannot be reconstructed even for their common ancestor.[28]

Comparative vocabulary and reconstructed roots

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SeeProto-Cushitic reconstructions (Appendix in Wiktionary).

Notes

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  1. ^The result of this merger isl- word-initially,-ll- when geminate,-r- between vowels.
  2. ^Examples of suggested Proto-Cushitic reconstructions with*pʼ include e.g.*ginpʼ- 'heel': Dahalo/gìmo/, Yaaku/kimɓa/; Burunge and Alagwa/gobina/; Arbore/ginɓa/, perhaps a borrowing from pre-Yaaku? —*pʼah- or*pʼaħ- 'dikdik': Yaaku/ɓahɓah/, Beja/baha/*pʼuʕ- 'to revolve': Dahalo/uʕʕud̪-/ 'to drill a hole', Kw'adzapoʔotis- 'to dig a hole', Beja/bʔas-/ 'to turn around'.
  3. ^Two cases are suggested by Ehret to be strong examples of retention of *ŋ in Agaw: Proto-Agaw *ŋaar 'head', compared by him with Arbore/ɲaːr/ 'forehead', Oromo/ɲaːra/ 'eyebrow', and Awngi/ŋɨrdʒi/ 'man', compared with Arbore/ɲerɗe/ 'young man'.[22] For the first of these, Appleyard reconstructs instead Proto-Agaw *ŋata, with irregular development *t > /r/ in Awngi/ŋárí/, and compares these with East Cushitic*matħ- 'head', Beja/mat/ 'crown of the head' (not etymologized by Ehret).[23]

References

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  1. ^Ehret, Christopher (1979-04-12)."On the Antiquity of Agriculture in Ethiopia".The Journal of African History.20 (2):161–177.doi:10.1017/S002185370001700X.ISSN 1469-5138.
  2. ^Fahmy, Ahmed G.; Kahlheber, Stefanie; D'Andrea, A. Catherine (2011).Windows on the African Past: Current Approaches to African Archaeobotany. Africa Magna Verlag. pp. 185–189.ISBN 978-3-937248-32-5.
  3. ^Ehret, Christopher (2023-06-20),"The Deep Background of Ancient Egyptian History, 20,000–6000 BCE",Ancient Africa, Princeton University Press, pp. 83–100,doi:10.1515/9780691244105-016,ISBN 978-0-691-24410-5
  4. ^Appleyard, David (2004-01-01),"BEJA AS A CUSHITIC LANGUAGE",Egyptian and Semito-Hamitic (Afro-Asiatic) Studies in Memoriam Werner Vycichl, pp. 175–194,ISBN 978-90-474-1223-6
  5. ^Stevens, Chris J.; Nixon, Sam; Murray, Mary Anne; Fuller, Dorian Q. (July 2016).Archaeology of African Plant Use. Routledge. p. 239.ISBN 978-1-315-43400-1.
  6. ^Rilly (2019), pp. 132–133. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFRilly2019 (help)
  7. ^Cooper (2017). sfnp error: no target: CITEREFCooper2017 (help)
  8. ^Bechhaus-Gerst (2000), p. 453. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFBechhaus-Gerst2000 (help)
  9. ^Appleyard, David L. (2012). "Semitic-Cushitic/Omotic Relations". In Weninger, Stefan (ed.).The Semitic Languages. An International Handbook. De Gruyter Mouton.
  10. ^Bender 2019, pp. 118.
  11. ^Tosco 2000, p. 105.
  12. ^abHudson, Grover (1989).Highland East Cushitic Dictionary. Hamburg: Helmut Buske. p. 7.
  13. ^Appleyard 2006, pp. 15–16.
  14. ^Fallon, Paul D. (2009). "The Velar Ejective in Proto-Agaw".Selected Proceedings of the 39th Annual Conference on African Linguistics. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. pp. 10–22.
  15. ^Sasse 1979, pp. 14, 23, 53.
  16. ^Ehret 1987, p. 34.
  17. ^Sasse 1979, pp. 20–21.
  18. ^Ehret 1987, pp. 50–51.
  19. ^Ehret 1987, pp. 25–27.
  20. ^abEhret 1987, pp. 139–142.
  21. ^Ehret 1987, p. 100.
  22. ^Ehret 1987, p. 110.
  23. ^Appleyard 2006, p. 81.
  24. ^Ehret 1987, p. 10.
  25. ^Bender 2019, pp. 133, 165.
  26. ^Appleyard 2006, pp. 10–11.
  27. ^Appleyard, David (2012). "Cushitic". In Edzard, Lutz (ed.).Semitic and Afroasiatic: Challenges and Opportunities. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. p. 202.
  28. ^abAppleyard, David (2012). "Cushitic". In Edzard, Lutz (ed.).Semitic and Afroasiatic: Challenges and Opportunities. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. pp. 206–207.

Literature

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