Priyayi (also spelledPriayi;former spelling:Prijaji) was theDutch-era class of thenobles of the robe, as opposed to royalnobility orningrat (Javanese), inJava,Indonesia.Priyayi is a Javanese word originally denoting the descendants of theadipati or governors, the first of whom were appointed in the 17th century by theSultan Agung of Mataram to administer the principalities he had conquered. Initially court officials in pre-colonial kingdoms, thepriyayi moved into the colonial civil service and then on to administrators of the modern Indonesian Republic.^[1]

TheMataram Sultanate, an Islamic polity in south-central Java that reached its peak in the 17th century, developed akraton ("court") culture from which the Sultan emerged as a charismatic figure who ruled over a relatively independent aristocracy.^[2] Namedpara yayi ("the king’s brothers"), nobles, officials, administrators, and chiefs were integrated into a patron-client relationship with the Sultan to preside over the peripheries of the kingdom.^[3] The homeland ofpriyayi culture is attributed to Mataram’s center, namely the Javanese-speaking middle and eastern parts of Java.^[4] Although "Javanized" by Mataram’s political expansion, theSundanese-speaking western part of Java, theeasternmost parts of Java, and the nearby island ofMadura retain ethnic, linguistic, and cultural differences from the Mataramese heartland.^[5]

After the arrival of theDutch East India Company (VOC) and the collapse of Mataram, the Sunanate ofSurakarta andSultanate Yogyakarta became centers of Javanese political power since the 1755Treaty of Giyanti. Although Dutch political influence severely limited their autonomy throughout the colonial period, the two kingdoms continued to serve as symbols of Javanese courtly culture.^[6] In the lowland rural areas of Java, the presence of a centralized indigenous bureaucracy strengthened state control over uncultivated land and helped transform the peasantry from independent smallholders to agricultural laborers.^[7]

Outside of the areas ruled directly by Yogyakarta and Surakarta, Dutch colonial authorities established two civil service bodies: theBinnenlands Bestuur ("Interior Administration"), staffed by Dutch officials, and thePangreh Praja ("Ruler of the Realm"), the indigenous bureaucracy.^[8]

By 1926, the Binnenlands Bestuur in the directly ruled areas of Java and Madura consisted of the following offices with territorial responsibilities, in descending order:^[8]

1. Governor; 3 positions
2. Resident; approximately 20 positions
3. Assistant Resident; approximately 70 positions

In turn, there were three pangreh praja offices with territorial responsibilities, staffed by the indigenouspriyayi, in descending order:[8]

1. Bupati ("Regent"); approximately 70 positions. A bupati is responsible for akabupaten, often a polity with a semi-autonomous history. The position of a bupati was often inherited from father to son, a practice allowed under the 1854 Dutch Constitutions, and families of the bupati often formed a local aristocratic class. The bupati is subordinate to, and usually has a one-to-one correspondence with, the assistant resident ‒ the lowest-ranking official of the Binnenlands Bestuur.
2. Wedana ("District Chief"); approximately 400 positions.
3. Asisten Wedana ("Sub-District Chief"); approximately 1,200 positions.

Other colonial government employees considered to be ofpriyayi stature included tax officials, prosecutors, and officials attached to police units.^[8] By 1931, Europeans accounted only for 10 percent of the entire state apparatus in the Dutch East Indies, and over 250,000 native officials were on the state payroll.^[9] In Java, a class distinction existed betweenpriyagung ("upperpriyayi"), a group well connected to the aristocratic elite in Surakarta and Yogyakarta, andpriyayi cilik ("lowerpriyayi").^[8] Nonetheless, the social distance separating thepriyayi from the peasantry is much greater than that separating the priyagung from thepriyayi cilik.^[10]

In 1901, theDutch East Indies government established the so-calledEthische Politiek ("Ethical Politics") as an official policy.^[11] The Ethical Politics paradigm extended the colonial state control through educational, religious, agricultural, resource extraction, and political surveillance institutions over the native population untilthe Japanese occupation of 1942.^[11] Western-style education became available to the native populace, although only the wealthy could afford tuition at the secondary and tertiary institutions where Dutch was the primary language of instruction.^[12] Among the Javanese,priyayi men were the first to be educated at Western-style institutions before entering the colonial civil service.^[13]

Nationalistic sentiments among Javanese elites who received Dutch education were formative in the era of theIndonesian National Awakening. TheBoedi Oetomo, the first indigenous political society in the Dutch East Indies, was established by a group ofpriyayi doctors and medical students in 1908.^[14] Although the group was confined to a Javanese, malepriyayi following, the Boedi Oetomo was the first in a series of indigenous political activism in the Dutch East Indies.^[14] The Boedi Oetomo gave rise to prominentpriyayi figures such as Soetatmo Soeriekosomo (1888-1924) and Noto Soeroto (1888-1951), who are advocates for ethnic nationalism through the Committee for Javanese Nationalism, as well as advocates of Indies-wide nationalism, such asTjipto Mangoenkoesoemo (1886-1943) who later founded theIndische Party.^[15] The emergence of other ethnic nationalist groups and Indies-nationalist political parties in Java later eclipsed Javanese nationalism and gave rise to the emergence of a broader, Indonesian-language nationalism throughout the 1920s and 30s.^[16]

The recognition of the Republic of Indonesia in 1949 by Dutch authorities resulted in the integration of bureaucratic institutions from Dutch-controlled federal states into the new Republic.^[17] The number of civil servants in Indonesia thus grew from 115,000 in the late 1920s to 400,000 in the early 1950s.^[17] However, the strategic top echelons were dominated by an elite group of 100,000 Dutch-trained senior officials, which were concentrated in the Ministry of Home Affairs.^[17] By the 1980s, Indonesia’s civil service expanded to approximately 2 million members, which amounted to 13.9 civil servants per 1,000 of the population, in contrast to the much lower 3.7 per 1,000 in 1950.^[18]

Although the status of apriyayi does not have a formal presence in post-independence Indonesian law, proximity to the executive branches of the state, which it symbolizes, remained a popular mode of upward socio-political mobility from the 1950s and after.^[19] TheNew Order government ofSuharto encouraged traditionalpriyayi and corporatist values in the Indonesian civil service, especially through the establishment of the Indonesian Civil Servants' Corps (KORPRI) in 1971.^[20]

Thepriyayi class used an elaborate title system. Some of the commonly used titles among Javanese nobility were:^[21]

• Raden Mas: used by male nobility
• Raden Ayu: used by married female nobility
• Raden Ajeng: used by unmarried female nobility
• Tumenggung: additional title, used by nobility who held a Regency office
• Raden: a title used by male nobility lower thanRaden Mas
• Raden Nganten: a title used by married female nobility lower thanRaden Ayu
• Raden Rara (read asRaden Roro): a title used by unmarried female nobility lower thanRaden Ajeng
• Mas: a title for male petty nobility

The order of precedence for male nobility titles is: a simpleMas is the lowest, followed by simpleRaden, and then the higher titles are compound titles ofRaden Mas,Raden Panji,Raden Tumenggung,Raden Ngabehi, andRaden Aria. These titles were hereditary to some extent; a son would inherit a title one level lower than his parent unless it was already of the lowest rank.^[22]

The honorificRaden is related to theMalagasy noble titles ofRandriana orAndriana, both of which are derived from the word "Rahadyan" (Ra-hadi-an), meaning "Lord" or "Master" inOld Javanese.^[23]

American cultural anthropologistClifford Geertz explained two cultural oppositions inpriyayi worldview that characterizes thepriyayi as a social status:alus ("refined") againstkasar ("unrefined"), andbatin ("inner human experience") againstlahir ("outer human behavior").^[24] As a feudalistic subculture in Javanese society distinct from the peasantry,priyayi culture emphasizes the alus over the kasar, and the batin over the lahir.^[24]

The principal religion of the ethnic Javanese populace in the provinces of Central Java, East Java, and the Special Region of Yogyakarta is Islam, although there are minorities of Roman Catholic Christians, Protestant Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and Confucianists, as well as practitioners of traditional religions (theAliran Kepercayaan).^[25] Within Javanese Islam, Geertz identified three alirans, or cultural streams: theabangan, thesantri, and thepriyayi.^[26] Members of the santri stream are more likely to be urban dwellers and tend to be oriented to the mosque, theQur'an, and Islamic canon law. In contrast, the abangan tend to be from village peasant backgrounds and absorb both Hindu and Muslim elements, forming a culture of animist and folk traditions.^[1] Thepriyayi stream is the traditional bureaucratic elite and was strongly driven by hierarchical Hindu-Javanese tradition.^[1] The santri are sometimes referred to asPutihan ("the white ones") as distinct from the 'red' abangan. In general, the religion of thepriyayi is closer to the abangan tradition than the santri, because it combines Indic polytheism and Islamic monotheism.^[27] Public rituals, such asslametan, or the communal feast, are practiced in abangan peasant andpriyayi households alike.^[28] However,priyayi families in the central and eastern parts of the northern coast of the island were probably traditionally closer to the santri in their religious practices than their hinterland counterparts and emphasized genealogical ties to thewali sanga, the nine Islamic saints of Java.^[5]

While the abangan are often peasants, thepriyayi is the class of the landed gentry of towns and urban population centers.^[29] Unlike feudal landlords, however, thepriyayi of the Dutch colonial period are white-collar government employees who work as bureaucrats, teachers, and clerks.^[29] Thepriyayi distinguish themselves from the peasantry and the merchant class by defining their work for the government as alus ("refined"), as opposed to trading, farming, and laboring, which are defined as kasar ("unrefined").^[30] An early 19th-century poem, "Suluk Mas Nganten," written by Jayadiningrat I, aSurakarta courtier, describespriyayi as a charismatic power, and not just socio-economic stature, that merchants cannot achieve:^[31]

Ana maneh nisthane wong memantu

ana ta sudagar cilik

awatara sugihipun

kepengin cara priyayi

Again there is the shame of one who held a wedding

There was a petty merchant

Middling was his wealth

He yearned to follow the style of thepriyayi

Priyayi families, however, also engage in trading through informal channels. Until the 1980s,priyayi women often supplemented their household income by selling homemade textiles and craftswear, although trading in public places is seen as inappropriate for upper- and middle-classpriyayi women.^[32]

Literacy and command of multipleJavanese language registers were sources ofpriyayi prestige during the Dutch colonial era when the majority of Java’s population was illiterate.^[33] The two major levels of discourse in the Javanese language arekrama ("formal") andngoko ("informal").^[33] Mastery of krama, a set of registers primarily spoken up the social hierarchy, requires high levels of education.^[33] Towards the end of the 19th century, when younger cadres ofpriyayi received Dutch-language education, the Javanese "inner elite" began adoptingDutch not only as a language used at work when interacting with the Dutch but also at home and among Javanese circles.^[34] The colonial erapriyayi, therefore, became a largely bilingual class.^[35] Since independence,Indonesian has been adopted as a national language, and new styles of Indonesian and Javanese have emerged as a continuation of the krama and ngoko registers in official publications and popular literature.^[36]

Thepriyayi are patrons and practitioners of classical, courtly Javanese art forms, which they regard as alus and refined in contrast to the peasant art forms:^[37]

1. wayang; the shadow-play that performs Javanese retellings of the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the history of pre-colonial Javanese kingdoms
2. gamelan; the percussion orchestra that accompanies wayang performances or performs independently
3. lakon; dramatizations of wayang stories and myths that are retold orally
4. tembang; rigid forms of poetry that is recited or sung with gamelan accompaniment
5. batik; textile-making with wax and dye

• Hinduism in Java
• Indonesian Esoteric Buddhism
• Javanese Kshatriya
• Javanisation
• Kejawen
• Slametan
• Djajadiningrat family
• Han family of Lasem

• Bertrand, Romain (2005).Etat colonial, noblesse et nationalisme à Java. La Tradition parfaite. Karthala. Paris.ISBN 2-84586-637-2.

• Priyayi
• Social history of Indonesia
• Javanese culture
• Islam in Indonesia

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