This article is about states ruled by princes in the former British Raj of India and current Republic of India. For the global concept, seePrincipality.
At the time of the British withdrawal, 565 princely states were officially recognized in the Indian Subcontinent,[3] apart from thousands ofzamindari estates andjagirs. In 1947, princely states covered 40% of the area of pre-independence India and constituted 23% of its population.[citation needed] The most important princely states had their own Indian political residencies:Hyderabad of theNizams,Mysore,Pudukkottai andTravancore in the South,Jammu and Kashmir andGwalior in North andIndore in Central India. The most prominent among those – roughly a quarter of the total – had the status of asalute state, one whose ruler was entitled to a set number ofgun salutes on ceremonial occasions.[citation needed]
The princely states varied greatly in status, size, and wealth; the premier 21-gun salute states of Hyderabad and Jammu and Kashmir were each over 200,000 km2 (77,000 sq mi) in size. In 1941, Hyderabad had a population of over 16 million, while Jammu and Kashmir had a population of slightly over 4 million. At the other end of the scale, the non-salute principality ofLawa covered an area of 49 km2 (19 sq mi), with a population of just below 3,000. Some two hundred of the lesser states even had an area of less than 25 km2 (10 sq mi).[4][5]
1765–1805 map of India, shown with a territorial division between Hindus, Muslims and the BritishPolitical subdivisions of the Indian Empire in 1909 with British India (pink) and the princely states (yellow)
The princely states at the time of Indian independence were mostly formed after the disintegration of the Mughal empire. Many Princely states had a foreign origin due to the long period of external migration to India. Some of these were the rulers ofHyderabad (Turks),Bhopal (Afghans) andJanjira (Abyssinian). Among the Hindu kingdoms, most of the rulers wereKshatriya. Only theRajput states and a scattering ofSouth Indian kingdoms could trace their lineage to the pre-Mughal period.[6]
(4.) The expression "British India" shall mean all territories and places within Her Majesty's dominions which are for the time being governed by Her Majesty through the Governor-General of India or through any governor or other officer subordinate to the Governor-General of India. (5.) The expression "India" shall mean British India together with any territories of any native prince or chief under the suzerainty of Her Majesty exercised through the Governor-General of India, or through any governor or other officer subordinate to the Governor-General of India.[7]
TheBritish Crown's suzerainty over 175 princely states, generally the largest and most important, was exercised in the name of the British Crown by the central government of British India under the Viceroy; the remaining approximately 400 states were influenced by Agents answerable to the provincial governments of British India under a governor, lieutenant-governor, or chief commissioner.[10] A clear distinction between "dominion" and "suzerainty" was supplied by the jurisdiction of the courts of law: the law of British India rested upon the legislation enacted by the British Parliament, and the legislative powers those laws vested in the various governments of British India, both central and local; in contrast, the courts of the princely states existed under the authority of the respective rulers of those states.[10]
The Indian rulers bore various titles includingMaharaja orRaja ("king"),Sultan,Emir,Raje,Nizam,Wadiyar (used only by the Maharajas ofMysore, meaning "lord"), Agniraj Maharaj for the rulers of Bhaddaiyan Raj,Chogyal,Nawab ("governor"),Nayak,Wāli,Inamdar,[11]Saranjamdar[12] and many others. Whatever the literal meaning and traditional prestige of the ruler's actual title, the British government translated them all as "prince", to avoid the implication that the native rulers could be "kings" with status equal to that of the British monarch.
More prestigious Hindu rulers (mostly existing before the Mughal Empire, or having split from such old states) often used the title "Raja", or a variant such as Raje,Rai,Rana,Babu,Rao, Rawat, orRawal. Also in this 'class' were severalThakurs or Thai ores and a few particular titles, such asSardar,Mankari,Deshmukh, Sar Desai, Istamuradar,Saranjamdar, Raja Inamdar, etc. The most prestigious Hindu rulers usually had the prefix "maha-" ("great", compare for example "grand duke") in their titles, as inMaharaja, Maharana, Maharao, etc. This was used in many princely states includingMewar,Travancore andCochin. The state ofTravancore also hadqueens regent styledMaharani, applied only tothe sister of the ruler inKerala.
Muslim rulers almost all used the title "Nawab" (the Arabic honorific ofnaib, "deputy") originally used by Mughal governors, who becamede facto autonomous with the decline of the Mughal Empire, with the prominent exceptions of theNizam ofHyderabad & Berar, theWali/Khan ofKalat and theWali of Swat.Other less usual titles includedDarbar Sahib,Dewan,Jam,Mehtar (unique toChitral) and Mir (fromEmir).
TheSikh princes concentrated atPunjab usually adopted titles when attaining princely rank. A title at a level ofMaharaja was used.
There were also compound titles, such as (Maha)rajadhiraj, Raj-i-rajgan, often relics from an elaborate system of hierarchical titles under theMughal emperors. For example, the addition of the adjectiveBahadur (from Persian, literally meaning "brave") raised the status of the titleholder one level.
Furthermore, most dynasties used a variety of additional titles such asVarma in South India. This should not be confused with various titles and suffixes not specific to princes but used by entire (sub)castes. This is almost analogous toSingh title in North India.
The actual importance of a princely state could not be read from the title of its ruler, which was usuallygranted (or at least recognized) as a favor, often in recognition for loyalty and services rendered to theBritish Raj. Although some titles were raised once or even repeatedly, there was no automatic updating when a state gained or lost real power. In fact, princely titles were even awarded to holders of domains (mainlyjagirs) and eventaluqdars andzamindars, which were not states at all. Most of thezamindars who held princely titles were in fact erstwhile princely and royal states reduced to becomingzamindars by the British East India Company. Various sources give significantly different numbers of states and domains of the various types. Even in general, the definition of titles and domains are clearly not well-established.
An 1895 group photograph of the eleven-year-oldKrishnaraja Wadiyar IV, ruler of theprincely state of Mysore inSouth India, with his brothers and sisters. In 1799, his grandfather, then aged five, had been granted dominion of Mysore by the British and forced into asubsidiary alliance. The British later directly governed the state between 1831 and 1881The Govindgarh Palace of the Maharaja ofRewa. The palace which was built as a hunting lodge later became famous for the firstwhite tigers that were found in the adjacent jungle and raised in the palace zooTheNawab of Junagarh Bahadur Khan III (seated centre in an ornate chair) shown in an 1885 photograph with state officials and familyPhotograph (1900) of the Maharani ofSikkim. Sikkim was under thesuzerainty of the Provincial government of Bengal; its ruler received a 15-gun salute
In addition to their titles, all princely rulers were eligible to be appointed to certain British orders of chivalry associated with India, theMost Exalted Order of the Star of India and theMost Eminent Order of the Indian Empire. Women could be appointed as "Knights" (instead of Dames) of these orders. Rulers entitled to 21-gun and 19-gun salutes were normally appointed to the highest rank, Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Star of India.
Many Indian princes served in theBritish Army, theIndian Army, or in local guard or police forces, often rising to high ranks; some even served while on the throne. Many of these were appointed as anaide-de-camp, either to the ruling prince of their own house (in the case of relatives of such rulers) or to British monarchs. Many sawactive service, both on the subcontinent and on other fronts, during both World Wars.
Apart from those members of the princely houses who entered military service and who distinguished themselves, a good number of princes received honorary ranks as officers in the British and Indian Armed Forces. Those ranks were conferred based on several factors, including their heritage, lineage, gun-salute (or lack of one) as well as personal character or martial traditions. After the First and Second World Wars, the princely rulers of several of the major states, includingGwalior,Patiala,Nabha,Faridkort,Bikaner,Jaipur,Jodhpur,Jammu and Kashmir and Hyderabad, were given honorary general officer ranks as a result of their states' contributions to the war effort.
Lieutenant/Captain/Flight Lieutenant or Lieutenant-Commander/Major/Squadron Leader (for junior members of princely houses or for minor princes)
Commander/Lieutenant-Colonel/Wing Commander or Captain/Colonel/Group Captain (granted to princes of salute states, often to those entitled to 15-guns or more)
Commodore/Brigadier/Air Commodore (conferred upon princes of salute states entitled to gun salutes of 15-guns or more)
Major-General/Air Vice-Marshal (conferred upon princes of salute states entitled to 15-guns or more; conferred upon rulers of the major princely states, including Baroda,Kapurthala, Travancore,Bhopal andMysore)
Lieutenant-General (conferred upon the rulers of the largest and most prominent princely houses after the First and Second World Wars for their states' contributions to the war effort.)
General (very rarely awarded; the Maharajas of Gwalior and Jammu & Kashmir were created honorary Generals in the British Army in 1877, the Maharaja of Bikaner was made one in 1937, and the Nizam of Hyderabad in 1941)[citation needed]
It was also not unusual for members of princely houses to be appointed to various colonial offices, often far from their native state, or to enter the diplomatic corps.
Thegun salute system was used to set unambiguously the precedence of the major rulers in the area in which the British East India Company was active, or generally of the states and their dynasties. As heads of a state, certain princely rulers were entitled to be saluted by the firing of an odd number of guns between three and 21, with a greater number of guns indicating greater prestige. Generally, the number of guns remained the same for all successive rulers of a particular state, but individual princes were sometimes granted additional guns on a personal basis. Furthermore, rulers were sometimes granted additional gun salutes within their own territories only, constituting a semi-promotion. The states of all these rulers (about 120) were known assalute states.
AfterIndian Independence, the Maharana ofUdaipur displaced theNizam of Hyderabad as the most senior prince in India, becauseHyderabad State had not acceded to the newDominion of India, and the styleHighness was extended to all rulers entitled to 9-gun salutes. When the princely states had been integrated into the Indian Union their rulers were promised continued privileges and an income (known as thePrivy Purse) for their upkeep. Subsequently, when the Indian government abolished the Privy Purse in 1971, the whole princely order ceased to be recognised under Indian law, although many families continue to retain their social prestige informally; some descendants of the rulers are still prominent in regional or national politics, diplomacy, business and high society.
Asparamount ruler, and successor to the Mughals, the BritishKing-Emperor of India, for whom the style ofMajesty was reserved, was entitled to an 'imperial' 101-gun salute—in the European tradition also the number of guns fired to announce the birth of an heir (male) to the throne.
Coinage of king Manak Pal (1772-1804),Princely State of Karauli. Karauli mint. Struck in the name of the Mughal emperorShah Alam II. Dated 1784-5 CE
There was no strict correlation between the levels of the titles and the classes of gun salutes, the real measure of precedence, but merely a growing percentage of higher titles in classes with more guns.As a rule the majority of gun-salute princes had at least nine, with numbers below that usually the prerogative of Arab Sheikhs of theAden protectorate, also under British protection.
There were many so-called non-salute states of lower prestige. Since the total of salute states was 117 and there were more than 500 princely states, most rulers were not entitled to any gun salute. Not all of these were minor rulers –Surguja State, for example, was both larger and more populous thanKarauli State, but the Maharaja of Karauli was entitled to a 17-gun salute and the Maharaja of Surguja was not entitled to any gun salute at all.[14][15][16]
A number of princes, in the broadest sense of the term, were not even acknowledged as such.[example needed] On the other hand, the dynasties of certain defunct states were allowed to keep their princely status – they were known aspolitical pensioners, such as the Nawab ofOudh. There were also certain estates of British India which were rendered aspolitical saranjams, having equal princely status.[17] Though none of these princes were awarded gun salutes, princely titles in this category were recognised as a form ofvassals of salute states, and were not even in direct relation with the paramount power.
A controversial aspect of East India Company rule was thedoctrine of lapse, a policy under which lands whose feudal ruler died (or otherwise became unfit to rule) without a male biological heir (as opposed to an adopted son) would become directly controlled by the company and an adopted son would not become the ruler of the princely state. This policy went counter to Indian tradition where, unlike Europe, it was far more the accepted norm for a ruler to appoint his own heir.
The doctrine of lapse was pursued most vigorously by the Governor-GeneralSir James Ramsay, 10th Earl (later 1st Marquess) ofDalhousie. Dalhousie annexed seven states, includingAwadh (Oudh), whose Nawabs he had accused of misrule, and theMaratha states ofNagpur,Jhansi,Satara,Sambalpur, andThanjavur. Resentment over the annexation of these states turned to indignation when the heirlooms of the Maharajas of Nagpur were auctioned off in Calcutta. Dalhousie's actions contributed to the rising discontent amongst the upper castes which played a large part in the outbreak of theIndian mutiny of 1857. The last Mughalbadshah (emperor), whom many of the mutineers saw as a figurehead to rally around, was deposed following its suppression.
In response to the unpopularity of the doctrine, it was discontinued with the end of Company rule and theBritish Parliament's assumption of direct power over India.
Photograph (1894) of the 19-year-oldShahaji II Bhonsle Maharajah ofKolhapur visiting the British resident and his staff at the Residency
By treaty, the British controlled the external affairs of the princely states absolutely. As the states were notBritish possessions, they retained control over their own internal affairs, subject to a degree of British influence which in many states was substantial.
By the beginning of the 20th century, relations between the British and the four largest states –Hyderabad,Mysore, Jammu and Kashmir, andBaroda – were directly under the control of thegovernor-general of India, in the person of a Britishresident. Two agencies, forRajputana andCentral India, oversaw twenty and 148 princely states respectively. The remaining princely states had their own British political officers, or Agents, who answered to the administrators of India's provinces. The agents of five princely states were then under the authority ofMadras, 354 underBombay, 26 ofBengal, two underAssam, 34 underPunjab, fifteen under theCentral Provinces and Berar and two under theUnited Provinces.
Chamber of Princes meeting in March 1941
TheChamber of Princes (Narender Mandal orNarendra Mandal) was an institution established in 1920 by aroyal proclamation of theKing-Emperor to provide a forum in which the rulers could voice their needs and aspirations to the government. It survived until the end of theBritish Raj in 1947.[18]
The native states in 1947 included five large states that were in "direct political relations" with the Government of India. For the complete list of princely states in 1947, seelists of princely states of India.
The armies of the princely states were bound by many restrictions that were imposed bysubsidiary alliances. They existed mainly for ceremonial use and for internal policing, although certain units designated as Imperial Service Troops, were available for service alongside the regular Indian Army upon request by the British government.[40]
Since a chief can neither attack his neighbour nor fall out with a foreign nation, it follows that he needs no military establishment which is not required either for police purposes or personal display, or for cooperation with the Imperial Government. The treaty made with Gwalior in 1844, and the instrument of transfer given to Mysore in 1881, alike base the restriction of the forces of the State upon the broad ground of protection. The former explained in detail that unnecessary armies were embarrassing to the State itself and the cause of disquietude to others: a few months later a striking proof of this was afforded by the army of the Sikh kingdom of Lahore. The British Government has undertaken to protect the dominions of the Native princes from invasion and even from rebellion within: its army is organised for the defence not merely ofBritish India, but of all the possessions under thesuzerainty of the King-Emperor.[41]
In addition, other restrictions were imposed:
The treaties with most of the larger States are clear on this point. Posts in the interior must not be fortified, factories for the production of guns and ammunition must not be constructed, nor may the subject of other States be enlisted in the local forces. ... They must allow the forces that defend them to obtain local supplies, to occupy cantonments or positions, and to arrest deserters; and in addition to these services they must recognise theImperial control of the railways, telegraphs, and postal communications as essential not only to the common welfare but to the common defence.[42]
The Imperial Service Troops were routinely inspected by British army officers and had the same equipment as soldiers in theBritish Indian Army.[43] Although their numbers were relatively small, the Imperial Service Troops were employed in China andBritish Somaliland in the first decade of the 20th century, and later saw action in theFirst World War andSecond World War .[43]
In 1920, the Indian National Congress under the leadership ofMahatma Gandhi declared that attainment ofswaraj for Indians was its goal. It asked "all the sovereign princes of India to establish full responsible government in their states". Gandhi assured the princes that the Congress would not intervene in the princely states internal affairs .[44] Congress reiterated their demand at 1928 Calcutta Congress, "This Congress assures the people of the Indian States of its sympathy with and support in their legitimate and peaceful struggle for the attainment of full responsible government in the States."[45]
Jawaharlal Nehru as well as Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel played a major role in pushing Congress to confront the princely states.[45] In his presidential address at Lahore session in 1929,Jawaharlal Nehru declared: "The Indian states cannot live apart from the rest of the (sic) India".[46] Nehru added he is "no believer in kings or princes" and that "the only people who have the right to determine the future of the States must be the people of these States. This Congress which claims self-determination cannot deny it to the people of the states."[45]
After the Congress's electoral victory in 1937 elections, protests, sometimes violent, andsatyagrahas against the princely states were organised and were supported by the Congress's ministries. Gandhi fasted inRajkot State to demand "full responsible government" and added that "the people" were "the real rulers of Rajkot under the paramountcy of the Congress". Gandhi termed this protest as struggle against "the disciplined hordes of the British empire". Gandhi proclaimed that the Congress had now every right to intervene in "the states which are the vassals of the British".[45] In 1937, Gandhi played a major role in formation of federation involving a union between British India and the princely states with an Indian central government.[47]
In 1939, Nehru challenged the existence of the princely states and added that "the states in modern India are anachronistic and do not deserve to exist."[45] In July 1946, Nehru pointedly observed that no princely state could prevail militarily against the army of independent India.[48]
Hindu Mahasabha took funding from theprincely states and supported them to remain independent even after theindependence of India.V. D. Savarkar particularly hailed the Hindu dominated states as the 'bedrock of Hindu power' and defended their despotic powers, referring to them as the 'citadels of organised Hindu power'. He particularly hailed the princely states such asMysore State,Travancore,Oudh andBaroda State as 'progressive Hindu states'.[49][50]
The era of the princely states effectively ended with Indian independence in 1947; by 1950, almost all of the principalities hadacceded to either India or Pakistan.[51] The accession process was largely peaceful, except in the cases ofJammu and Kashmir (whose ruler decided to accede to India following aninvasion by Pakistan-based forces, resulting in a long-standingdispute between the two countries),[52]Hyderabad State (whose ruler opted for independence in 1947, followed a year later bythe invasion and annexation of the state by India),Junagarh and its vassalBantva Manavadar (whose rulers acceded to Pakistan, but wereannexed by India),[53] andKalat (whose ruler declared independence in 1947, followed in 1948 by the state's accession to Pakistan).[54][55][56]
At the time ofIndian independence on 15 August 1947, India was divided into two sets of territories, the first being the territories of "British India", which were under the direct control of theIndia Office in London and thegovernor-general of India, and the second being the "princely states", the territories over whichthe Crown hadsuzerainty, but which were under the control of their hereditary rulers. In addition, there were several colonial enclaves controlled by France and Portugal. The integration of these territories intoDominion of India, that had been created by the Indian Independence Act 1947 by the British Parliament, was a declared objective of theIndian National Congress, which theGovernment of India pursued over the years 1947 to 1949. Through a combination of tactics,SardarVallabhbhai Patel andV. P. Menon in the months immediately preceding and following the independence convinced the rulers of almost all of the hundreds of princely states to accede to India. In a speech in January 1948, Vallabhbhai Patel said:
As you are all aware, on the lapse of Paramountcy every Indian State became a separate independent entity and our first task of consolidating about 550 States was on the basis of accession to the Indian Dominion on three subjects. Barring Hyderabad and Junagadh all the states which are contiguous to India acceded to Indian Dominion. Subsequently, Kashmir also came in... Some Rulers who were quick to read the writing on the wall, gave responsible government to their people; Cochin being the most illustrious example. In Travancore, there was a short struggle, but there, too, the Ruler soon recognised the aspiration of his people and agreed to introduce a constitution in which all powers would be transferred to the people and he would function as a constitutional Ruler.[57]
Although this process successfully integrated the vast majority of princely states into India, it was not as successful in relation to a few states, notably the former princely state ofKashmir, whose Maharaja delayed signing the instrument of accession into India until his territories were under the threat of invasion by Pakistan, and the state ofHyderabad, whose ruler decided to remain independent and was subsequently defeated by theOperation Polo invasion.
Having secured their accession, Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon then proceeded, in a step-by-step process, to secure and extend the central government's authority over these states and to transform their administrations until, by 1956, there was little difference between the territories that had formerly been part of British India and those that had been princely states. Simultaneously, the Government of India, through a combination of diplomatic and economic pressure, acquired control over most of the remaining European colonial exclaves on the subcontinent. Fed up with the protracted and stubborn resistance of the Portuguese government; in 1961 theIndian Armyinvaded and annexedPortuguese India.[58] These territories, like the princely states, were also integrated into the Republic of India.
As the final step, in 1971, the 26th amendment[59] to theConstitution of India withdrew recognition of the princes as rulers, took away their remaining privileges, and abolished the remuneration granted to them byprivy purses.
As per the terms of accession, the erstwhile Indian princes receivedprivy purses (government allowances), and initially retained their statuses, privileges, and autonomy in internal matters during a transitional period which lasted until 1956. During this time, the former princely states were merged into unions, each of which was headed by a former ruling prince with the title ofRajpramukh (ruling chief), equivalent to a state governor.[60] In 1956, the position ofRajpramukh was abolished and the federations dissolved, the former principalities becoming part of Indian states. The states which acceded to Pakistan retained their status until the promulgation of a new constitution in 1956, when most became part of the province ofWest Pakistan; a few of the former states retained their autonomy until 1969 when they were fully integrated into Pakistan. The Indian government abolished the privy purses in 1971, followed by the government of Pakistan in 1972.[citation needed]
In July 1946,Jawaharlal Nehru pointedly observed that no princely state could prevail militarily against the army of independent India.[48] In January 1947, Nehru said that independent India would not accept thedivine right of kings.[61] In May, 1947, he declared that any princely state which refused to join theConstituent Assembly would be treated as an enemy state.[62] There were officially 565 princely states when India and Pakistan became independent in 1947, but the great majority had contracted with the Britishviceroy to provide public services and tax collection. Only 21 had actual state governments, and only four were large (Hyderabad State,Mysore State,Jammu and Kashmir State, andBaroda State). Theyacceded to one of the two new independent countries between 1947 and 1949. All the princes were eventually pensioned off.[63]
During the period of theBritish Raj, there were four princely states in Balochistan:Makran,Kharan,Las Bela andKalat. The first three acceded to Pakistan.[64][65][66][67] However, the ruler of the fourth princely state, theKhan of KalatAhmad Yar Khan, declared Kalat's independence as this was one of the options given to all princely states.[68] The state remained independent until it was acceded on 27 March 1948. The signing of the Instrument of Accession by Ahmad Yar Khan, led his brother,Prince Abdul Karim, to revolt against his brother's decision in July 1948, causing anongoing and still unresolved insurgency.[69]
Bahawalpur from the Punjab Agency joined Pakistan on 5 October 1947. The princely states of theNorth-West Frontier States Agencies. included the Dir Swat and Chitral Agency and the Deputy Commissioner of Hazara acting as the Political Agent for Amb and Phulra. These states joined Pakistan on independence from the British.[citation needed]
^Ramusack 2004, pp. 85Quote: "The British did not create the Indian princes. Before and during the European penetration of India, indigenous rulers achieved dominance through the military protection they provided to dependents and their skill in acquiring revenues to maintain their military and administrative organizations. Major Indian rulers exercised varying degrees and types of sovereign powers before they entered treaty relations with the British. What changed during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries is that the British increasingly restricted the sovereignty of Indian rulers. TheIndian Company set boundaries; it extracted resources in the form of military personnel, subsidies or tribute payments, and the purchase of commercial goods at favorable prices, and limited opportunities for other alliances. From the 1810s onwards as the British expanded and consolidated their power, their centralized military despotism dramatically reduced the political options of Indian rulers." (p. 85)
^Ramusack 2004, p. 87Quote: "The British system of indirect rule over Indian states ... provided a model for the efficient use of scarce monetary and personnel resources that could be adopted to imperial acquisitions in Malaya and Africa."
^The India Office and Burma Office List: 1945. Harrison & Sons, Ltd. 1945. pp. 33–37.
^Zubrzycki, John (2024).Dethroned. Oxford University Press. p. 41.ISBN978-1-80526-053-0.Princely States at the time of Indian independence owed their existence to the slow collapse of the Mughal Empire following the death of Aurangzeb in 1707. Centuries of foreign domination meant that many of the rulers who carved out their own states were outsiders. The Nizams of Hyderabad were of Turkoman stock. Bhopal was established by one of Aurangzeb's Afghan generals. Rampurs first ruler, Nawab Faizullah Khan, was a Pashtun. Tonk in present day Rajasthan was founded by Pindari freebooters. The seaboard state of Janjira was the creation of an Abysinnian pirate. Among the Hindu kingdoms, most of the rulers were Kshatriya. Only the Rajput states and a scattering of South Indian kingdoms could trace their lineage to the pre-Mughal period.
^Interpretation Act 1889 (52 & 53 Vict. c. 63), s. 18
^1.Imperial Gazetteer of India, volume IV, published under the authority of theSecretary of State for India-in-Council, 1909, Oxford University Press. page 5. Quote: "The history of British India falls, as observed by Sir C. P. Ilbert in hisGovernment of India, into three periods. From the beginning of the seventeenth century to the middle of the eighteenth century the East India Company is a trading corporation, existing on the sufferance of the native powers and in rivalry with the merchant companies of Holland and France. During the next century the Company acquires and consolidates its dominion, shares its sovereignty in increasing proportions with the Crown, and gradually loses its mercantile privileges and functions. After the mutiny of 1857 the remaining powers of the Company are transferred to the Crown, and then follows an era of peace in which India awakens to new life and progress."2.The Statutes: From the Twentieth Year of King Henry the Third to the ... byRobert Harry Drayton, Statutes of the Realm – Law – 1770 Page 211 (3) "Save as otherwise expressly provided in this Act, the law of British India and of the several parts thereof existing immediately before the appointed ..."3. Edney, M. E. (1997)Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843, University of Chicago Press. 480 pages.ISBN978-0-226-18488-34. Hawes, C.J. (1996)Poor Relations: The Making of a Eurasian Community in British India, 1773–1833. Routledge, 217 pages.ISBN0-7007-0425-6.
^Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. II 1908, pp. 463, 470 Quote1: "Before passing on to the political history of British India, which properly begins with the Anglo-French Wars in theCarnatic, ... (p. 463)" Quote2: "The political history of the British in India begins in the eighteenth century with the French Wars in the Carnatic. (p.471)"
^"Central India Agency", Indian States and Agencies,The Statesman's Year Book 1947, pg 168, Macmillan & Co.
^"Eastern States", Indian States and Agencies,The Statesman's Year Book 1947, pg 168, Macmillan & Co.
^"Gwalior Residency", Indian States and Agencies,The Statesman's Year Book 1947, pg 170, Macmillan & Co.
^Gupta, Hari Ram (1999) [1980].History of the Sikhs. Vol. III: Sikh Domination of the Mughal Empire (1764–1803) (2nd rev. ed.).Munshiram Manoharlal. p. 11.ISBN978-81-215-0213-9.OCLC165428303. "The real founder of the Rohilla power was Ali Muhammad, from whom sprang the present line of the Nawabs of Rampur. Originally a Hindu Jat, who was taken prisoner when a young boy by Daud in one of his plundering expeditions, at village Bankauli in the parganah of Chaumahla, and was converted to Islam and adopted by him."
^Khan, Iqbal Ghani (2002). "Technology and the Question of Elite Intervention in Eighteenth-Century North India". In Barnett, Richard B. (ed.).Rethinking Early Modern India. Manohar Publishers & Distributors. p. 271.ISBN978-81-7304-308-6. "Thus we witness the Ruhelas accepting an exceptionally talented non-Afghan, an adopted Jat boy, as their nawab, purely on the basis of his military leadership; ..."
^Samad, Yunas (2014). "Understanding the insurgency in Balochistan".Commonwealth & Comparative Politics.52 (2):293–320.doi:10.1080/14662043.2014.894280.S2CID144156399.: "When Mir Ahmed Yar Khan dithered over acceding the Baloch-Brauhi confederacy to Pakistan in 1947 the centre's response was to initiate processes that would coerce the state joining Pakistan. By recognising the feudatory states of Las Bela, Kharan and the district of Mekran as independent states, which promptly merged with Pakistan, the State of Kalat became land locked and reduced to a fraction of its size. Thus Ahmed Yar Khan was forced to sign the instrument of accession on 27 March 1948, which immediately led to the brother of the Khan, Prince Abdul Karim raising the banner of revolt in July 1948, starting the first of the Baloch insurgencies."
^Harrison, Selig S. (1981),In Afghanistan's Shadow: Baluch Nationalism and Soviet Temptations, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, p. 24,ISBN978-0-87003-029-1: "Pakistani leaders summarily rejected this declaration, touching off a nine-month diplomatic tug of war that came to a climax in the forcible annexation of Kalat.... it is clear that Baluch leaders, including the Khan, were bitterly opposed to what happened."
^R. P. Bhargava (1992)The Chamber of Princes,p. 313
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