Preposition stranding orp-stranding is thesyntactic construction in which a so-calledstranded,hanging, ordanglingpreposition occurs somewhere other than immediately before its correspondingobject; for example, at the end of a sentence. The termpreposition stranding was coined in 1964, predated bystranded preposition in 1949.[1][2] Linguists had previously identified such a construction as asentence-terminal preposition[3] or as apreposition at the end.[4]
Preposition stranding is found in English and otherGermanic languages,[5][6][7][8] as well as in Vata and Gbadi (languages in theNiger–Congo family), and certain dialects ofFrench spoken in North America.[citation needed]
P-stranding occurs in various syntactic contexts, includingpassive voice,[9]wh-movement,[10][11] andsluicing.[10][11]
Wh-movement—which involveswh-words likewho,what,when,where,why andhow—is a syntactic dependency between a sentence-initialwh-word and the gap that it is associated with.Wh-movement can lead to P-stranding if the object of the preposition is moved to sentence-initial position, and the preposition is left behind. P-stranding fromwh-movement is observed in English and Scandinavian languages. The more common alternative is calledpied piping, a rule that prohibits separating a preposition from its object, for instances in Serbo-Croatian and Arabic languages. English and Dutch useboth rules, providing the option of two constructions in these situations.
An open interrogative often takes the form of awh- question (beginning with a word likewhat orwho).
P-stranding in English allows the separation of the preposition from its object, while pied piping allows carrying the preposition along with thewh- object.[11] From the examples below, we can see the two options.

P-stranding in Danish is banned only if thewh-word is referring to nominative cases.[12] "Peter has spoken with <whom>", thewh-word <whom> is the accusative case. Therefore, p-stranding is allowed.
Hvem
whom
har
has
Peter
Peter
snakket
speak.PP
med?
with
Hvem har Peter snakketmed?
whom has Peter speak.PPwith
'Whom has Peter spoken with?'
Welk
which
bosi
foresti
liep
walked
hij
he
___i
___i
in?
into?
Welkbosi liep hij ___iin?
whichforesti walked he ___iinto?
'What forest did he walk into?'
Waar
where
praten
talked
wij
we
over?
about?
Waar praten wijover?
where talked weabout?
'What did we talk about?'
Qui
who
ce-que
that
t’as
fait
made
le
the
gâteau
cake
pour?
for
Qui ce-que t’as fait le gâteau pour?
who that 2SG.have made the cake for
'Who did you make the cake for?'
Wh-movement in Greek states that the extracted PP must be in Spec-CP,[14] which means the PP (me) needs to move with thewh-word (Pjon). It can thus be seen that Greek allowspied piping in wh-movement but not prepositional stranding.
Pied-piping is the only grammatical option in Spanish to construct oblique relative clauses.[15] Since pied-piping is the opposite of p-stranding, p-stranding in Spanish is not possible (* indicates ungrammaticality).
*Qué
which
chica
girl.SG
ha
has
hablado
talk.PP
Peter
Peter
con?
with
*Qué chica ha hablado Petercon?
which girl.SG has talk.PP Peterwith
'Who has Peter talked with?'
P-stranding in EA is possible only by using which-NPs that strand prepositions and follow them with IP-deletion.
ʔaj
which
Mʊkaan
place
laag-et
met-2MS
John
John
fi?
at
ʔaj Mʊkaan laag-et Johnfi?
which place met-2MS Johnat
'Which place did you meet John at?'
The preposition (fi) should be moved together with thewh-word (ʔaj) to make this sentence grammatical.[11]
It should be:
f-ʔaj
at-which
Mʊkaan
place
laag-et
met-2MS
John?
John
f-ʔaj Mʊkaan laag-et John?
at-which place met-2MS John
'At which place did you meet John at?
P-stranding in wh-movement sentences is normally banned in LA. However, a recent study found that a preposition seems to be stranded in a resumptivewh-question.[16]
man
who
Ali
Ali
tekəllem
talked.3MS
mʕa?
with
man Ali tekəllemmʕa?
who Ali talked.3MSwith
'Who did Ali talk with?'
Sluicing is a specific type of ellipsis that involveswh-phrases. In sluicing, thewh-phrase is stranded while the sentential portion of the constituent question is deleted. It is important to note that the preposition is stranded inside the constituent questions before sluicing. Some languages allow prepositional stranding under sluicing, while other languages ban it.[10][11] The theory of preposition stranding generalization (PSG) suggests that if a language allows preposition stranding underwh-movement, that language will also allow preposition stranding under sluicing.[17] PSG is not obeyed universally; examples of the banning of p-stranding under sluicing are provided below.

Prepositional stranding under sluicing is allowed in English because prepositional phrases are not islands in English.[18]
Peter
Peter
har
has
snakket
talk.PP
med
with
en
one
eller
or
anden,
another
men
but
jeg
I
ved
know.PRES
ikke
not
hvem
who
Peter
Peter
har
has
snakket
talk.PP
med.[11]
with
Peter har snakket med en eller anden, men jeg ved ikke hvemPeterharsnakketmed.[11]
Peter has talk.PP with one or another but I know.PRES not whoPeterhastalk.PPwith
'Peter was talking with someone, but I don't know who.'
Juan
Juan
ha
has
hablado
talk.PP
con
with
una
a
chica
girl
pero
but
no
not
sé
know
cuál
which
Juan
Juan
ha
has
hablado
talk.PP
con.[10]
with
Juan ha hablado con una chica pero no sé cuálJuanhahabladocon.[10]
Juan has talk.PP with a girl but not know whichJuanhastalk.PPwith
'Juan talked with a girl, but I don't know which.'
John
John
ʃərab
drank
gahwa.
coffee
wijja
with
sˤadiq,
friend
bəs
but
maa
not
ʕərf
ʔaj
which
sˤadiq
friend
John
John
ʃərab
drank
gahwa
coffee
wijja.[11]
with
John ʃərab gahwa. wijja sˤadiq, bəs maa ʕərf ʔaj sˤadiqJohnʃərabgahwawijja.[11]
John drank coffee with friend but not 1.know which friendJohndrankcoffeewith
'John drank coffee with a friend, but I don't know which friend.'
Ali
Ali
tekəllem
talked.3MS
mʕa
with
waħed
someone
lakin
but
man
who
(hu)
illi
that
Ali
Ali
tekəllem
talked.3MS
mʕa-ah.[11]
with-him
Ali tekəllem mʕa waħed lakin ma-ʕrafna-š man (hu)illiAlitekəllemmʕa-ah.[11]
Ali talked.3MS with someone but NEG-knew.1P-NEG who (PN.he)thatAlitalked.3MSwith-him
'Ali talked with someone, but we didn't know who.'
A number of common Dutch adpositions can be used either prepositionally or postpositionally, with a slight change in possible meanings. For example, Dutchin can mean eitherin orinto when used prepositionally, but only meaninto when used postpositionally. When postpositions, such adpositions can be stranded:
[...]
[...]
dat
that
hij
he
zo'n
such-a
donker
dark
bos
forest
niet
not
in
into
durft
dares
te
to
lopen
walk
[...]
[...]
[...] dat hijzo'ndonkerbos nietin durft te lopen [...]
[...] that hesuch-adarkforest notinto dares to walk [...]
'[...] that he doesn't dare walk into such a dark forest [...]'
Pseudopassives (prepositional passives or passive constructions) are the result of the movement of the object of a preposition to fill an empty subject position for apassive verb. The phenomenon is comparable to regular passives, which are formed through the movement of the object of the verb to subject position. In prepositional passives, unlike inwh-movement, the object of the preposition is not awh-word but rather a pronoun or noun phrase:
Relative clauses in English can exhibit preposition stranding with or without an explicit relative pronoun:
To standard French ears, all of those constructions sound quite alien and are thus considered barbarisms oranglicismes.
However, not all dialects of French allow preposition stranding to the same extent. For instance,Ontario French restricts preposition stranding to relative clauses with certain prepositions. In most dialects, stranding is impossible with the prepositionsà 'to' andde 'of'.
A superficially-similar construction is possible in standard French in cases where the object is not moved but implied, such asJe suis pour 'I'm all for (it)' orIl faudra agir selon 'We'll have to act according to (the situation)'.
Dutch prepositions generally do not take the ordinary neuter pronouns (het,dat,wat, etc.) as objects. Instead, they become postpositional suffixes for the correspondingr-pronouns (er,daar,waar, etc.): hence, not *over het ('about it'), buterover (literally 'thereabout'). However, ther-pronouns can sometimes be moved to the left and thereby strand the postposition:[20]
Wij
We
praatten
talked
er
there
niet
not
over.
about.
Wij praattener nietover.
We talkedthere notabout.
'We didn't talk about it.'
Some regional varieties ofGerman show a similar phenomenon to some Dutch constructions withda(r)- andwo(r)- forms. That is called asplit construction (Spaltkonstruktion). Standard German provides composite words for the particle and the bound preposition. The split occurs easily with a composite interrogative word (as shown in the English example) or with a composite demonstrative word (as shown in the Dutch example).
For example, the demonstrativedavon ('of that / of those / thereof'):
Ich
I
kann
can
mir
me
davon
thereof
nichts
nothing
leisten.
afford.
Ich kann mirdavon nichts leisten.
I can methereof nothing afford.
'I can't afford any of those.'
Ich
I
kann
can
mir
me
da
there-[clipped]
nichts
nothing
von
of
leisten.
afford.
Ich kann mirda nichtsvon leisten.
I can methere-[clipped] nothingof afford.
'I can't afford any of those.'
Again, although the stranded postposition has nearly the same surface distribution as a separable verbal prefix (herbekommen is a valid composite verb), it would not be possible to analyze these Dutch and German examples in terms of the reanalyzed verbs *overpraten and *vonkaufen, for the following reasons:
Although preposition stranding has been found in English since the earliest times,[21] it has often been the subject of controversy, and some usage advisors have attempted to form a prescriptive rule against it. In 1926,H. W. Fowler noted: "It is a cherished superstition that prepositions must, in spite of the incurable English instinct for putting them late [...] be kept true to their name & placed before the word they govern."[22]
The earliest attested disparagement of preposition stranding in English is datable to the 17th-century grammarian Joshua Poole,[3] but it became popular after 1672, when the poetJohn Dryden objected toBen Jonson's 1611 phrase "the bodies that those souls were frighted from". Dryden did not explain why he thought the sentence should be restructured to front the preposition.[23][24] In his earlier writing, Dryden himself had employed terminal prepositions but he systematically removed them in later editions of his work, explaining that when in doubt he would translate his English into Latin to test its elegance.[4] Latin has no construction comparable to preposition stranding.
Usage writerRobert Lowth wrote in his 1762 textbookA Short Introduction to English Grammar that the construction was more suitable for informal than for formal English: "This is an Idiom which our language is strongly inclined to; it prevails in common conversation, and suits very well with the familiar style in writing; but the placing of the Preposition before the Relative is more graceful, as well as more perspicuous; and agrees much better with the solemn and elevated Style."[25] However Lowth used the construction himself, including a humorously self-referential example in this passage ("is strongly inclined to"), and his comments do not amount to a proscription.
A stronger view was taken byEdward Gibbon, who not only disparaged sentence-terminal prepositions but, noting that prepositions and adverbs are often difficult to distinguish, also avoidedphrasal verbs which puton, over orunder at the end of the sentence, even when these are clearly adverbs.[4][b] By the 19th century, the tradition of English school teaching had come to deprecate the construction, and the proscription is still taught in some schools at the beginning of the 21st century.[26]
However, there were also voices which took an opposite view. Fowler dedicated four columns of hisDictionary of Modern English Usage to a rebuttal of the prescription:
The fact is that the remarkable freedom enjoyed by English in putting its prepositions late & omitting its relatives is an important element in the flexibility of the language. [...]That depends on what they are cut with is not improved by conversion intoThat depends on with what they are cut; & too often the lust of sophistication, once blooded, becomes uncontrollable, & ends with,That depends on the answer to the question as to with what they are cut.
Criticizing the controversy over preposition stranding, American linguistDonald Ringe stated:
The original reason for the objection, apparently, was that Latin has no such construction (or, with a bit more sophistication, that few other languages have such a construction). In other words, people who objected to preposition stranding were insisting that English grammar should be like Latin. That's perverse - English isn't Latin and isn't even descended from Latin...
— Donald Ringe, An Introduction to Grammar for Language Learners, Epilogue
Overzealous avoidance of stranded prepositions was sometimes ridiculed for leading to unnatural-sounding sentences, including the quip apocryphally attributed toWinston Churchill:This is the sort of tedious nonsense up with which I will not put.[28]
Today, most sources consider it to be acceptable in standard formal English.[26][29][30] As O'Conner and Kellerman point out: "Great literature from Chaucer to Milton to Shakespeare to the King James version of the Bible was full of so called terminal prepositions."[29]Mignon Fogarty ("Grammar Girl") says, "nearly all grammarians agree that it's fine to end sentences with prepositions, at least in some cases."[31]
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