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Portal:Socialism

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Socialism is aneconomic andpolitical philosophy encompassing diverseeconomic andsocial systems characterised bysocial ownership of themeans of production, as opposed toprivate ownership. It describes theeconomic,political, andsocial theories andmovements associated with the implementation of such systems. Social ownership can take various forms, includingpublic,community,collective,cooperative, oremployee. As one of the main ideologies on thepolitical spectrum, socialism is the standardleft-wing ideology in most countries. Types of socialism vary based on the role of markets and planning inresource allocation, and the structure of management in organizations.

The socialistpolitical movement includes political philosophies that originated in the revolutionary movements of the mid-to-late 18th century and out of concern for thesocial problems that socialists associated with capitalism. By the late 19th century, after the work ofKarl Marx and his collaboratorFriedrich Engels, socialism had come to signifyanti-capitalism and advocacy for apost-capitalist system based on some form of social ownership of the means of production. By the early 1920s,communism and social democracy had become the two dominant political tendencies within the international socialist movement, with socialism itself becoming the most influential secular movement of the 20th century. Many socialists also adopted the causes of other social movements, such asfeminism,environmentalism, andprogressivism. (Full article...)

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Blanquism refers to a conception of revolution generally attributed toLouis Auguste Blanqui (1805–1881) which holds that socialist revolution should be carried out by a relatively small group of highly organised and secretive conspirators. Having seized power, the revolutionaries would then use the power of the state to introducesocialism. It is considered a particular sort of 'putschism' – that is, the view that political revolution should take the form of aputsch orcoup d'état.

Blanquism is distinguished from other socialist currents (especiallyMarxist ones) in various ways; on the one hand, contrary to Marx, Blanqui did not believe in the predominant role of the working class, nor did he believe in popular movements. Instead he believed that revolution should be carried out by a small group of professional, dedicated revolutionaries, who would establish a temporary dictatorship by force. This dictatorship would permit the implementation of the basis of a new order, after which power would then be handed to the people. In another respect, Blanqui was more concerned with the revolution itself rather than the future society that would result from it; if his thought was based on precise socialist principles, it rarely goes so far as to imagine a purely socialist society. For Blanquists, the overturning of thebourgeois social order and the revolution are ends sufficient in themselves, at least for their immediate purposes. He was one of the non-Marxist socialists of his day.


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Bernsteinc. 1890s

Eduard Bernstein (German:[ˈeːduaʁtˈbɛʁnʃtaɪn]; 6 January 1850 – 18 December 1932) was a Germansocial democratic politician andsocialist theorist. A member of theSocial Democratic Party (SPD), Bernstein is best known for hisreformist challenge toMarxism known as evolutionary socialism orrevisionism, in which he questioned the revolutionary predictions ofKarl Marx and advocated for a gradual, parliamentary path to socialism. His political and theoretical work played a significant role in the development of social democracy and democratic socialism.

Born into a lower-middle-class Jewish family inBerlin, Bernstein became active in socialist politics in his early twenties. He spent years in exile inSwitzerland andLondon during the period of theAnti-Socialist Laws in Germany, where he became a close associate ofFriedrich Engels. During his time in London, his interactions with the reformistFabian Society and his observation of the stability of lateVictorian capitalism led him to question key tenets oforthodox Marxism. (Full article...)

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What was this recent “Spartacus week” inBerlin? What has it brought? What does it teach us? While we are still in the midst of battle, while thecounterrevolution is still howling about their victory, revolutionaryproletarians must take stock of what happened and measure the events and their results against the greatyardstick ofhistory. The revolution has no time to lose, it continues to rush headlong over still-opengraves, past “victories” and “defeats,” toward its great goal. The first duty of fighters forinternational socialism is to consciously follow the revolution’s principles and its path.

Was the ultimate victory of the revolutionary proletariat to be expected in thisconflict? Could we have expected the overthrow Ebert-Scheidemann and the establishment of asocialist dictatorship? Certainly not, if we carefully consider all the variables that weigh upon the question. The weak link in the revolutionary cause is the political immaturity of the masses ofsoldiers, who still allow theirofficers to misuse them, against the people, for counterrevolutionary ends. This alone shows that no lasting revolutionary victory was possible at this juncture. On the other hand, the immaturity of the military is itself a symptom of the general immaturity of the German revolution.

Thecountryside, from which a large percentage of rank-and-file soldiers come, has hardly been touched by the revolution. So far, Berlin has remained virtually isolated from the rest of the country. The revolutionary centers in the provinces – theRhineland, the northern coast,Brunswick,Saxony,Württemburg – have been heart and soul behind the Berlin workers, it is true. But for the time being they still do not march forward in lockstep with one another, there is still no unity of action, which would make the forward thrust and fighting will of the Berlin working class incomparably more effective. Furthermore, there is – and this is only the deeper cause of the political immaturity of the revolution – the economic struggle, the actual volcanic font that feeds the revolution, is only in its initial stage. And that is the underlying reason why the revolutionary class struggle, is in its infancy.

— Rosa Luxemburg,Order Prevails in Berlin, 1919

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