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Taiwan, officially theRepublic of China (ROC), is governed in a framework of arepresentative democraticrepublic under a five-power system first envisioned bySun Yat-sen in 1906, whereby under the constitutional amendments, thePresident ishead of state and thePremier (formally president of theExecutive Yuan) ishead of government, and of amulti-party system.Executive power is exercised by theExecutive Yuan.Legislative power is vested primarily in theLegislative Yuan.Taiwan'sjudiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature. In addition, theExamination Yuan is in charge of validating the qualification of civil servants, and theControl Yuan inspects, reviews, andaudits the policies and operations of the government.
The party system is currently dominated by two major parties: theKuomintang (KMT), which broadly favors maintaining the constitutional framework of theRepublic of China Constitution[1] and economic cooperation withmainland China,[2] and theDemocratic Progressive Party (DPP), which broadly favorsde jureTaiwanese independence,[3] and the eventual abolition of the ROC Constitution in favor of creating a "Taiwanese Republic."[3]
Since thede facto end of theChinese Civil War and theretreat of the government of the Republic of China to Taiwan, the modern-day ROC, or the "free area", has consisted ofTaiwan Island,Penghu,Kinmen,Matsu andseveral smaller islands, includingTaiping Island in theSouth China Sea. Taiwan's six major cities,Kaohsiung,New Taipei,Taichung,Tainan,Taipei, andTaoyuan, arespecial municipalities. The rest of the country is divided into 3cities and 13counties.
Prior to theconstitutional reforms in 1991, the political system of Taiwan took place in a framework of aparliamentaryrepresentative democraticrepublic, where the President served a primarily ceremonial role as head of state. Executive power was exercised by the government. Legislative power is formally vested in both the government and itstricameral parliament: theNational Assembly which elects the President andVice President as well as makes major constitutional amendments, theControl Yuan and theLegislative Yuan.
Until the end of themartial law period in 1987, the Taiwanese political system under the KMTDang Guo regime andWhite Terror wasauthoritarian, whereby political opposition was harshly suppressed, all religious activity controlled by the KMT, dissent not permitted, and civil rights curtailed.[4] After democratization in the 1990s, new political parties became legal, and restrictions onfree speech andcivil rights were lifted. TheEconomist Intelligence Unit rated Taiwan 8th place as a "full democracy" in 2022.[5][needs update] According to theV-Dem Democracy indices Taiwan was 2023 the second most electoraldemocratic country in Asia.[6]
Taiwan is governed under theConstitution of the Republic of China, which was drafted in 1947 before the fall of themainland China to theChinese Communist Party (CCP) and thefull retreat of the ROC government to Taiwan. The Constitution outlined a government intended forGreater China, with territorial considerations encompassingmainland China,Mongolia,Taiwan, and otherQing-ruled areas. Significant amendments were made to the Constitution in 1991, and there have been a number of judicial interpretations made to take into account the fact that the Constitution covers amuch smaller area than originally envisioned.
As the Kuomintang (KMT) government continued to insist that it was the only legitimate government ofGreater China, when the KMT retreated toTaipei in 1949, it re-established the full array of central political bodies which existed in mainland China in thede jure capital ofNanjing (Nanking). While much of this structure remains in place, in 1991 PresidentLee Teng-hui unofficially abandoned the government's claim of sovereignty over mainland China by stating that Taiwan does not "dispute the fact that the Communists controlmainland China." However, theNational Assembly has not officially altered the nominal national borders, since to do so might be viewed as a prelude to formalTaiwanese independence. The People's Republic of China has several times threatened to start a war if the government of Taiwan formalizes independence, as codified in itsAnti-Secession Law. Neither the National Assembly nor theSupreme Court has defined the term "existing national boundaries," as stated in the constitution. The latter refused to do so, noting it was a "significant political question."[7]
The ROC currently administers theisland of Taiwan (Formosa),Penghu (Pescadores),Kinmen (Quemoy) andMatsu Islands. The whole country is divided into two streamlined provinces (Taiwan andFukien) and sixspecial municipalities. Since the provinces are streamlined and the de facto dissolution of the provincial governments, thecities andcounties are directly governed by thecentral government, namelyExecutive Yuan. The central governed administrative divisions are listed below.
After the conquest of theKingdom of Tungning byQing admiralShi Lang, Taiwan was brought under Qing rule from 1683 to 1895. The Qing dynasty was aManchu-ledabsolute monarchy with theemperor holding absolute authority.
After theFirst Sino-Japanese War,Qing China ceded Formosa and surrounding islands toJapan. Under Japanese rule, Taiwan had itsgovernor general as its head of government under theconstitutional monarchy led by theEmperor. Taiwanese citizens in Formosa and Pescadores were Japanese citizens until the end ofWorld War II in 1945.
In the 1920s, activists led by theTaiwanese Cultural Association launched aseries of campaigns to petition for a Taiwanese parliament.
 | This section needs to beupdated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(December 2016) |
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Prior to theretreat of the Republic of China to Taiwan in 1949, theKuomintang (KMT) government of theRepublic of China (ROC) took over administration of Taiwan from the Japanese. Escorted byGeorge H. Kerr, KMT officialChen Yi officially acceptedJapan's surrender on 25 October 1945 and proclaimed that day to beRetrocession Day.
In the early years of KMT rule of Taiwan, rampant corruption in the new administration headed by Chen caused high unemployment rates, widespread disease, and severeinflation, which in turn led to widespread local discontent. These domestic problems culminated in the eruption of ananti-government uprising in 1947. The government imposed military repression in what became one of the longestimposition of martial law by any regime in the world, lasting a total of 38 years.
After the death ofChiang Kai-shek in 1975, Vice PresidentYen Chia-kan briefly took over from 1975 to 1978, according to the Constitution, but the actual power was in the hands of PremierChiang Ching-kuo, who was KMT chairman and son of Chang Kai-shek.
In 1977, Taiwan experienced its first mass political protest since the 1940s during theZhongli Incident.[8]: 75 Protesting election fraud by the KMT, a crowd of ten thousand clashed with soldiers and burned down a police station.[8]: 75
In December 1979, a mass demonstration for democracy led to theKaohsiung Incident in which police suppressed the demonstrations with violence, arresting dozens including eight opposition leaders known as theKaohsiung Eight.[8]: 44
During the presidency of Chiang Ching-kuo from 1978 to 1988, Taiwan's political system began to undergo gradual liberalization.
After the lifting of martial law, the oppositionDemocratic Progressive Party was formed and allowed to participate overtly in politics. After Chiang Ching-kuo died in 1988, Vice PresidentLee Teng-hui succeeded him as the first Taiwan-born president and chairman of the KMT. Lee became the first ROC president elected by popular vote in 1996, despite the PRC'smissile tests.
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Changes in the political process were the result of the liberalizing trend that began in the 1980s under PresidentChiang Ching-kuo. In 1987, he lifted the emergency decree, which had been in place since 1948 and which had granted virtually unlimited powers to the president for use in the anti-communist campaign. This decree provided the basis for nearly four decades ofmartial law under which individuals and groups expressing dissenting views were dealt with harshly. Expressing views contrary to the authorities' claim to represent all of China or supporting independentTaiwan independence was treated as sedition. Vice-President Lee Teng-hui succeeded Chiang Ching-kuo as president when Chiang died on 13 January 1988. Lee was elected by the National Assembly to a 6-year term in 1990, marking the final time a president was elected by the National Assembly.
Since endingmartial law, the Republic of China has taken dramatic steps to improve respect for human rights and create a democratic political system. Most restrictions on the press have ended, restrictions on personal freedoms have been relaxed, and the prohibition against organizing new political parties has been lifted.
As theNational Assembly took action in 1994 to allow for the popular election of the president, the LY in 1994 passed legislation to allow for the direct election of the governor ofTaiwan Province and the mayors ofTaipei andKaohsiung Municipalities. These elections were held in December 1994, with the KMT winning the governor and Kaohsiung mayor posts, and theDPP winning the Taipei mayor's position. In March 1996,Lee Teng-hui was elected president and Lien Chan vice president in thefirst direct election by Taiwan's voters. In 1998, the KMT'sMa Ying-jeou wrestled back control of the mayorship ofTaipei from the opposition DPP's most prominent figureChen Shui-bian. In the same elections, however, the DPP'sFrank Hsieh managed to defeat Kaoshiung's KMT incumbent.
The position of elected governor and many other elements of theTaiwan Provincial Government were eliminated at the end of 1998. The stated purpose of this was to streamline administrative efficiency, but some commentators have argued that this was also intended to weaken the power base of GovernorJames Soong. In November 1997 local elections, the DPP won 12 of the 23 county magistrate and city mayor contests to the KMT's 8, outpolling the KMT for the first time in a major election.
In March 2000,Democratic Progressive Party candidate Chen Shui-bian became the first opposition party candidate towin the presidency. His victory resulted in the first-ever transition of the presidential office from one political party to another in the ROC. The election also had the effect of splitting the KMT's support base. James Soong launched an independent bid for the presidency after failing to be nominated by the party. In response the KMT expelled Soong and his supporters. Soong and his supporters blamed then-KMT ChairmanLee Teng-hui of harboring pro-independence sentiments and purposely trying to aid Chen Shui-bian by splitting the KMT's vote by running the less charismatic Lien Chan along with Soong. After losing the vote narrowly to Chen and ahead of Lien, Soong established thePeople First Party. Lee Teng-hui was soon forced out of the KMT Chairmanship amid popular protests and riots demanding he take responsibility for the KMT's defeat.
In the months following the 2000 presidential election, Lee Teng-hui's supporters established theTaiwan Solidarity Union, which advocated a more radical brand ofTaiwan independence than the DPP. For this, Lee was expelled from the KMT and the KMT gradually moved itself to a more conservative and pro-unification position. This permitted the formation of two rival coalitions that have since dominated Taiwanese politics: thePan-Blue Coalition formed by the KMT, People First Party, and New Party and thePan-Green Coalition formed by the Democratic Progressive Party and Taiwan Solidarity Union.
In the2001 LY elections, the DPP won a plurality of seats for the first time. However, the Pan-Blue Coalition held a small majority over the Pan-Green Coalition, causing much of President Chen's agenda to be derailed. This also gave independents in the legislature more power, some of whom founded theNon-Partisan Solidarity Union in 2004.
Inelection on 20 March 2004, President Chen Shui-bian was re-elected by 50.1% of the popular vote to a second term. The election was marred by ashooting incident the day before the election during which President Chen and his running mate Vice President Annette Lu were slightly wounded. While the opposition contested the results and suggested the shooting was staged to win sympathy (as President Chen had previously been slated to lose narrowly), it was the first time that the DPP has won an outright majority in an island-wide election.
The March election also included a "peace referendum". Historically, the issue of referendums has been closely tied to the question ofTaiwan independence, and thus has been a sensitive issue in cross Strait relations. There were two referendums before the voters on 20 March 2004. The first asked in light of the PRC missile threat whether the ROC should purchase anti-missile systems. The second asked whether Taiwan should adopt a "peace framework" for addressing cross Strait differences with the PRC. However both referendums failed to obtain support from over 50% of registered voters, as required to be valid. The Pan-Blue Coalition campaigned against the referendum as unnecessary and urged voters to boycott it.
PresidentChen Shui-bian has called for major constitutional reforms by 2006 aimed at further reducing layers of government, and making other structural changes aimed at improving governance. The People's Republic of China has accused Chen of using the constitution issue to move Taiwan towards independence. He expressed opposition, however, in his 20 May 2004 inaugural address to using constitutional reform to alter the constitution's definition of Taiwan sovereignty.
The Legislative Yuan passed a set of constitutional amendments on 23 August 2004 that halve the number of LY seats and create single-member districts. The revisions also eliminate the role of the National Assembly and permit the public to confirm or reject future revisions passed by the LY. These constitutional amendments were ratified by the National Assembly in 2005.
Prior to the 11 December 2004 elections to the Legislative Yuan, signs indicated that the DPP would for the first time dominate the Legislative Yuan. Polls projected a huge pan-green victory, and the DPP's election tactics were based on them. This over-reliance on polls resulted in a huge setback. The pan-blue opposition managed to maintain their majority status within the Legislative Yuan, winning 114 seats out of the 225 seats. The Pan-Green only managed to win 101 seats. The remaining 10 seats were won by the independent candidates. Although the Pan-Green coalition increased their seats by one and the DPP remained the largest party, because of raised hopes the election was viewed as a disaster, and President Chen resigned his post as Chairman of DPP as a result.
On 3 December 2005, the KMT made major gains in municipal elections, taking 14 of 23 mayor or county magistrate seats, while the DPP retained only six seats of their previous 10. The pan-blue People First Party and New Party each took one seat, and an independent won one seat. The pan-green TSU was completely shut out. DPP chairman Su Tseng-chang had promised to resign to take responsibility for the defeat. This dramatic setback for the DPP and pan-greens was seen as a reaction to recent corruption scandals, and public disapproval of Chen Shui-Bian's apparent refusal to improve cross-strait relations.
A. M. Rosenthal, former executive editor ofThe New York Times accused China of fostering an "apartheid" policy toward Taiwan.[9] Dr Tan Sun Chen, Taiwan's Minister of Foreign Affairs, asserts that China's obstruction in the international community has led to a "political apartheid" which "harms the human rights, interests, and dignity of Taiwan's people.".[10]
In 2000,Chen Shui-bian of the pro-independenceDemocratic Progressive Party (DPP) waselected president, marking the first peaceful democratic shift in governance to an opposition party in ROC history and a decisive end to the KMT's governmenetal monopoly.[11]
In the2004 presidential election, the day afterbeing shot while campaigning, Chen was reelected by a narrow margin of 0.2%.[12] The KMT filed lawsuits to demand a recount, alleged voting fraud and staged huge rallies to demand a new election. The courts ruled that the election was accurate and valid.
In both of Chen's terms, the DPP and theindependence-leaningPan-Green Coalition failed to secure a majority in thelegislature, losing to the KMT and the pro-unification leaningPan-Blue Coalition. This has led to many impasses; the president in the ROC system does not have the power ofveto, so the legislature is not required to obtain the assent of the executive branch in order to make laws.
In January 2008, opposition partyKuomintang won a landslide victory inlegislative election. President Chen Shui-bian's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) lost. In March 2008,Ma Ying-jeou of Kuomintang party waselected as president.[13] In January 2012, PresidentMa Ying-jeou wasre-elected.[14]
In January 2016, Democratic Progressive Party candidateTsai Ing-wen wonpresidential election. She became the first female president of Republic of China.[15] In January 2020, Tsai wasre-elected, and in the simultaneouslegislative election, President Tsai's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won a majority, with 61 out of 113 seats. The Kuomintang (KMT) got 38 seats.[16]
In the 21st century, Taiwan's political system has been moving towardsdigital democracy with increased participation from civil society and greater transparency from the government.[17]
In January 2024,William Lai Ching-te of the ruling Democratic Progressive Party won the2024 Taiwanese presidential election.[18] However, no party won a majority in the simultaneous Taiwan'slegislative election for the first time since 2004, meaning 51 seats for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), 52 seats for the Kuomintang (KMT), and theTaiwan People's Party (TPP) secured eight seats.[19]
| This section needs to beupdated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. Last update: 2006(April 2022) |
The dominant political issue today in Taiwan is its relationship with the Government of thePeople’s Republic of China (PRC) that has jurisdiction overmainland China. Specifically, many people in Taiwan desire the opening of direct transportation links with mainland China, including direct flights, which would aid many Taiwanese businesses that have opened factories or branches in mainland China. The former DPP administration feared that such links will lead to tighter economic and thus political integration with the PRC, and in the 2006 Lunar New Year Speech, Chen Shui-bian called for managed opening of links.
Mainland China and Taiwan resumed regular direct flights or cross-Strait relations on 4 July 2008, after six decades, as a "new start" in their tense relations. Liu Shaoyong, chair ofChina Southern Airlines, piloted the first flight fromGuangzhou toTaipei (Taoyuan International Airport). Simultaneously, a Taiwan-basedChina Airlines flight flew toShanghai. Five mainland Chinese cities will be connected with eight Taiwan airports, with 4 days a week, 36 round-trip flights across theTaiwan Strait, thereby eliminating time-consuming Hong Kong stopovers.[20] Other major political issues include the passage of an arms procurement bill that the United States authorized in 2001.[21] In 2008, however, the United States were reluctant to send over more arms to Taiwan out of fear that it would hinder the recent improvement of ties between China and Taiwan.[22] Another major political issue, is the establishment of a National Communications Commission to take over from the Government Information Office, whose advertising budget exercised great control over the media.[23]
Banking reform, including consumer finance (limiting rates on credit cards) and bank mergers, is also a major issue. Taiwan's financial sector is quite unwieldy, with over 48 banks, none of which have a market share over 10%. In addition, the government controls 50% to 60% of Taiwan's banking assets. The ultimate aim is the creation of large financial institutions that will then have the ability to compete internationally.
One key issue has been thepolitical status of Taiwan itself.[24] With the diplomatic isolation brought about in the 1970s and 1980s, the notion of "recovering themainland" by force has been dropped and theTaiwanese localization movement strengthened. The relationship with the People's Republic of China and the related issues ofTaiwan independence andChinese unification continue to dominate Taiwanese politics.
The political scene in the ROC is divided into two camps, with the pro-unification KMT,People First Party (PFP), andNew Party forming thePan-Blue Coalition; and theDemocratic Progressive Party (DPP) and strongly pro-independenceSocial Democratic Party (SDP), andTaiwan Statebuilding Party (TSP) forming thePan-Green Coalition. Because of the dominance of the unification-independence issue in Taiwan's political scene, it is difficult to categorise either camp as "right" or "left" on the conventional basis of economic or social policies.
Supporters of thePan-Green camp tend to favor emphasizing theRepublic of China as being a distinct country from the People's Republic of China. Many Pan-Green supporters seek formal Taiwan independence and for dropping the title of the Republic of China. However, more progressive members of the coalition, such as former President Chen Shui-bian, have moderated their views and claim that it is unnecessary to proclaim independence because Taiwan is already "an independent, sovereign country" and that the Republic of China is the same as Taiwan. Some members take a much more extreme view about Taiwan's status, claiming that the ROC is nonexistent and calling for the establishment of an independent "Republic of Taiwan". Supporters of this idea have even gone as far as issuing self-made "passports" for their republic. Attempts to use these "passports" however, have been stopped by officials at Chang Kai-shek International Airport.
While the Pan-Green camp favors Taiwan having an identity separate from that of China, some Pan-Blue members, especially former leaders from the older generation, seem to be strongly supportive of the concept of the Republic of China, which remains an important symbol of their links with China. During hisvisit to mainland China in April 2005, former KMT Party ChairmanLien Chan reiterated his party's belief in the "One China" policy that states that there is only one China controlled by two governments and that Taiwan is a part of China. PFP Party ChairJames Soong expressed the same sentiments during his visit in May. In contrast to the positions of these two leaders of the older generation, the more mainstream Pan-Blue position is to pursue negotiations with the PRC to immediately open direct transportation links with China and to lift investment restrictions. With regards to independence, the mainstream Pan-Blue position is to simply maintain the ROC's current state, and being open to negotiations for unification after China is democratized enough to respect human rights.
For its part, the PRC has indicated that it finds a Republic of China far more acceptable than an independent Taiwan. Although it views the ROC as an illegitimate entity, it has stated that any effort on Taiwan to formally abolish the ROC or formally renounce its claim over mainland China would result in a strong and possibly military reaction. However, the defense of Taiwan by the US and Japan is likely, so it is not, in reality, clear what the PRC reaction would be. The US's current position is that the Taiwan issue must be resolved peacefully and that it condemns unilateral action by either side, an unprovoked invasion by China or a declaration of formal independence by Taiwan.[25]
Roughly 84% of Taiwan's population descends from Han Chinese who migrated from mainland China between 1661 and 1895. Another significant fraction descends from Han Chinese who immigrated from mainland China in the 1940s and 1950s. But between 1895 and the present, Taiwan and mainland China have shared a common government for only 4 years. The shared cultural origin combined with several hundred years of geographical separation, some hundred years of political separation and foreign influences, as well as hostility between the rival Taiwan and China have resulted in national identity being a contentious issue with political overtones. Since democratization and the lifting of martial law, a distinct Taiwanese identity (as opposed to Taiwanese identity as a subset of a Chinese identity) is often at the heart of political debates. Its acceptance makes the island distinct from mainland China, and therefore may be seen as a step towards forming a consensus forde jure Taiwan independence.[26] Thepan-green camp supports a distinct Taiwanese identity, while thepan-blue camp supports a Chinese identity only.[27] The KMT has downplayed this stance in the recent years and now supports a Taiwanese identity as part of a Chinese identity.[28][29]
According to a survey conducted in March 2009, 49% of the respondents consider themselves as Taiwanese only, and 44% of the respondents consider themselves as Taiwanese and Chinese. 3% consider themselves as only Chinese.[30] Another survey, conducted in Taiwan in July 2009, showed that 82.8% of respondents consider that Taiwan and China are two separate countries developing each on its own.[31] A recent survey conducted in December 2009 showed that 62% of the respondents consider themselves as Taiwanese only, and 22% of the respondents consider themselves as both Taiwanese and Chinese. 8% consider themselves as only Chinese. The survey also shows that among 18- to 29-year-old respondents, 75% consider themselves as Taiwanese only.[32]
| Survey | Taiwanese | Chinese | Taiwanese and Chinese |
|---|---|---|---|
| Research, Development, and Evaluation Commission, Executive Yuan (April 2008)[33] | 67.1% | 13.6% | 15.2% |
| TVBS Poll Center (June 2008)[33] | 45% | 4% | 45% |
| Common Wealth Magazine (December 2009)[32] | 62% | 8% | 22% |
| National Chengchi University (June 2010)[34] | 51.6% | 3.8% | 40.4% |
| TVBS Poll Center (March 2009)[30][35] | 72% | 16% | (not an option for this question) |
| TVBS Poll Center (March 2009)[30][36] | 49% | 3% | 44% |
Despite the differences betweenTaiwan andmainland China, contact between the two sides of theTaiwan Strait has grown significantly over the past decade. The ROC has continued to relax restrictions on unofficial contacts with the PRC, and cross-strait interaction has mushroomed. Since 1987, when the ban on travel to mainland China was lifted, Taiwan residents have made more than 10 million trips to mainland China. The ROC Bureau of Foreign Trade estimates that indirect trade with mainland China reached about US$61.639 billion, or 18% of the total trade of the ROC, in 2004. This indirect trade runs heavily in Taiwan's favor, providing another outlet for the island's booming economy. In an attempt to facilitate trade, in 1995 the Executive Yuan approved the construction of an offshore transshipment center at the port of Kaohsiung through which direct shipping with the mainland would be permitted. In April 1997 the first sanctioned direct cross-strait shipping began between selected mainland China ports and Kaohsiung for cargo being transshipped through Taiwan.
Beijing has expressed a mixed view of these developments. PRC leaders are pleased at the development of economic ties and exchanges, which they believe helps their cause of unification. However, the increase in contacts, combined with domestic political liberalization on Taiwan, also has resulted in more open discussion in Taiwan of the future of Taiwan, including the option of independence, to which Beijing is strongly opposed.
When Lee Teng-hui visited his alma mater in the US in 1995, this caused harsh criticism from the PRC, which ultimately led to theThird Taiwan Strait Crisis. Lee Teng-hui's characterization in 1999 of relations between the ROC and mainland China as "between two states" was denounced by the Chinese government; Lee partially changed his earlier statement and referred to the1992 Consensus between the ROC and the PRC.[37] Taiwan business representatives have concerns about issues such as safety, corruption, and contract disputes, which have led to increased caution and a search for alternative investment venues but not to pulling out from mainland China altogether. President Chen has yet to revise the previous administration's "no haste, be patient" policy regarding Taiwan-mainland China investment to prevent over-dependence on the PRC. As a result of this policy the ROC placed restrictions on large-scale infrastructure investments on mainland China in 1997.
The development of semi official cross-strait relations has been incremental. Prior to April 1993, when talks were held in Singapore between the heads of two private intermediary organizations – Taiwan'sStraits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the PRC'sAssociation for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) – there had been some lower-level exchanges between the two sides of the Strait. The April 1993 SEF-ARATS talks primarily addressed technical issues relating to cross-strait interactions. Lower-level talks continued on a fairly regular basis until they were suspended by Beijing in 1995 after President Lee's U.S. visit. Unofficial exchanges resumed in 1997 through informal meetings between personnel of the two sides' unofficial representative organizations. Direct SEF-ARATS contacts resumed in April 1998, and the SEF Chairman visited mainland China in October 1998. A planned visit by ARATS ChairmanWang Daohan to Taiwan in the fall, however, was postponed following statements made by then-President Lee Teng-hui that relations between mainland China and Taiwan should be conducted as "state-to-state" or at least as "special state-to-state relations." Since his 20 May 2000 inauguration, President Chen has called for resuming the cross-strait dialogue without any preconditions. President Chen has stated that such talks should be conducted on the basis of the "spirit of 1992," a reference to the agreement to hold the 1993 Singapore talks. The PRC, however, has insisted that President Chen must recognize theone China principle before talks can be held.
| Office | Name | Party | Since |
|---|---|---|---|
| President | Lai Ching-te | Democratic Progressive Party | 20 May 2024 |
| Vice President | Hsiao Bi-khim | Democratic Progressive Party | 20 May 2024 |
| Premier | Cho Jung-tai | Democratic Progressive Party | 20 May 2024 |
| President of the Legislative Yuan | Han Kuo-yu | Kuomintang | 1 February 2024 |
| President of the Judicial Yuan | Shieh Ming-yan (acting) | Independent | 1 November 2024 |
| President of the Examination Yuan | Chou Hung-hsien | Democratic Progressive Party | 20 December 2024 |
| President of the Control Yuan | Chen Chu | Democratic Progressive Party | 1 August 2020 |
The President is thehead of state of the Republic of China andcommander-in-chief of thearmed forces. The president has authority over the five administrative branches (Yuan): Executive, Legislative, Control, Judicial, and Examination.
The National Assembly of the Republic of China was elected in mainland China in 1947 to officially carry out the duties of choosing thepresident, to amend the constitution, and to exercise the sovereignty of the citizens, but in actuality, the Assembly's role in Taipei seemed to reconfirm the executive powers of President Chang Kai-shek. The National Assembly was re-established on Taiwan when the government moved. Because it was impossible to hold subsequent elections to represent constituencies in mainland China, representatives elected in 1947–48 held these seats "indefinitely." In June 1990, however, the Council of Grand Justices mandated the retirement, effective December 1991, of all remaining "indefinitely" elected members of the National Assembly, Legislative Yuan, and other bodies.
The second National Assembly, elected in 1991, was composed of 325 members. The majority was elected directly; 100 were chosen from party slates in proportion to the popular vote. This National Assembly amended the constitution in 1994, paving the way for the direct election of the president and vice president that was held in March, 1996. The National Assembly retained the authority to amend the constitution, to recall or to impeach the president or vice president, and to ratify select senior-level presidential appointments. In April 2000, the members of the National Assembly voted to permit their terms of office to expire without holding new elections. They also determined that such an election would be called in the event the National Assembly is needed to decide a presidential recall or a constitutional amendment. In recent years, the National Assembly has handed most of its powers to the Legislative Yuan, including the power of impeachment. In 2005, the National Assembly permanently abolished itself by ratifying a constitution amendment passed by the Legislative Yuan.
Amending the ROC constitution now requires the approval of three-fourths of the quorum of members of the Legislative Yuan. This quorum requires at least three-fourths of all members of the Legislature. After passing by the legislature, the amendment needs ratification from at least fifty percent of all eligible voters of the ROC regardless of voter turnout.
The Executive Yuan comprises the premier, vice-premier, and the cabinet members who are responsible for policy and administration. The President of the Republic appoints thePremier, who is officially the President of the Executive Yuan.
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The main lawmaking body, the Legislative Yuan (LY), was originally elected in 1947. The first LY had 773 seats and was viewed as a "rubber stamp" institution. Like the National Assembly, representatives elected in 1947–48 held these seats "indefinitely" until the 1991 ruling. The second LY was elected in 1992. The third LY, elected in 1995, had 157 members serving 3-year terms. The fourth LY, elected in 1998, was expanded to 225 members. The LY has greatly enhanced its standing in relation to the Executive Yuan and has established itself as an important player on the central level. Along with increasing strength and size this body is beginning to reflect the recently liberalized political system. In the 1992 and 1995 elections, the main opposition party – theDemocratic Progressive Party (DPP) – challenged the KMT dominance of the Legislature. In both elections the DPP won a significant share of the LY seats, and the KMT held only half the seats in the LY. In 1998, however, the KMT increased its LY majority from 50% to 55% and continued to play a dominant role in the legislature as the leading opposition party. In the 2001 election, the DPP became the largest party after large losses suffered by the KMT. Control of the Yuan swung back to the KMT after the 2008 elections, while in 2016 the DPP regained the status as the largest party and achieved a majority for the first time in history.
The Judicial Yuan administers the ROC's court system. It includes a 15-member Council of Grand Justices that interprets the constitution. Grand Justices are appointed by the President, with the consent of the Legislative Yuan, to eight-year terms.
TheControl Yuan (CY) was elected in 1947 by provincial legislatures. The current form since 1993 monitors the efficiency of public service and investigates instances of corruption. The 29 Control Yuan members are appointed by the president and approved by the Legislative Yuan; they serve 6-year terms. In recent years, the Control Yuan has become more active, and it has conducted several major investigations and impeachments. The current president of the Control Yuan isChen Chu.
The Examination Yuan (ExY) functions as a civil service commission and includes two ministries: the Ministry of Examination, which recruits officials through competitive examination, and the Ministry of Personnel, which manages the civil service. The President appoints the Examination Yuan's President.The current President of the Examination Yuan isChou Hung-hsien.
2024 presidential election results:
| Candidate | Running mate | Party | Votes | % | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lai Ching-te | Hsiao Bi-khim | Democratic Progressive Party | 5,586,019 | 40.05 | |
| Hou Yu-ih | Jaw Shaw-kong | Kuomintang | 4,671,021 | 33.49 | |
| Ko Wen-je | Cynthia Wu | Taiwan People's Party | 3,690,466 | 26.46 | |
| Total | 13,947,506 | 100.00 | |||
| Valid votes | 13,947,506 | 99.28 | |||
| Invalid/blank votes | 100,804 | 0.72 | |||
| Total votes | 14,048,310 | 100.00 | |||
| Registered voters/turnout | 19,548,531 | 71.86 | |||
| Source:Central Election Commission | |||||
2024 legislative election results:
 | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % | Total seats | +/– | |
| Kuomintang | 4,764,293 | 34.58 | 52 | +14 | |
| Democratic Progressive Party | 4,981,060 | 36.16 | 51 | -10 | |
| Taiwan People's Party | 3,040,334 | 22.07 | 8 | +3 | |
| New Power Party | 353,670 | 2.57 | 0 | -3 | |
| Taiwan Obasang Political Equality Party | 128,613 | 0.93 | 0 | 0 | |
| Green Party Taiwan | 117,298 | 0.85 | 0 | 0 | |
| Taiwan Statebuilding Party | 95,078 | 0.69 | 0 | 0 | |
| People First Party | 69,817 | 0.51 | 0 | 0 | |
| MiLinguall Party | 44,852 | 0.33 | 0 | 0 | |
| Taiwan Solidarity Union | 43,372 | 0.31 | 0 | 0 | |
| New Party | 40,429 | 0.29 | 0 | 0 | |
| Judicial Reform Party | 37,755 | 0.27 | 0 | 0 | |
| Institutional Island of Saving the World | 19,691 | 0.14 | 0 | 0 | |
| Unionist Party | 18,425 | 0.13 | 0 | 0 | |
| The People Union Party | 11,746 | 0.09 | 0 | 0 | |
| Taiwan Renewal Party | 10,303 | 0.07 | 0 | 0 | |
| Independents | 2 | 0 | |||
| Vacant | – | – | |||
| Total | 13,776,736 | 100.00 | 113 | – | |
| Source:Central Election Commission | |||||
As of July 2015, there are 277 officially registered parties in Taiwan. The aftermath of the2000 Presidential election and the2001 legislative election left the Taiwan fragmented among several political parties. These parties can be divided into "blue" factions (Pan-Blue Coalition) and "green" factions (Pan-Green Coalition), with the "blue" faction tending toward unification and a national identity that is linked with China and the "green" faction leaning toward a national identity based onTaiwan independence which is separate from the Chinese national identity. The complex structure of the party system in Taiwan was also influenced by the voting system which usessingle non-transferable vote for legislative elections andfirst past the post for executive elections. Starting with the 2008 legislative elections, the SNTV system was discarded in favor of a mixed single member district (SMD) with proportional representation based on national party votes, similar to Japan.
The "blue" faction comes from the color of the KMT and includes the KMT, thePeople First Party, and theNew Party. The "green" faction comes from the color of theDemocratic Progressive Party and includes the Democratic Progressive Party,Social Democratic Party, and theTaiwan Statebuilding Party.
After 1986, the KMT's hold on power was challenged by the emergence of competing political parties. Before 1986, candidates opposing the KMT ran in elections as independents or "nonpartisans." Before the 1986 island-wide elections many "nonpartisans" grouped together to create Taiwan's first opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Despite the official ban on forming new political parties, the government authorities did not prohibit the DPP from operating, and in the 1986 elections DPP and independent candidates captured more than 20% of the vote.
The Civic Organizations Law passed in 1989 allowed for the formation of new political parties, thereby legalizing the DPP, and its support and influence increased. In the 1992 Legislative Yuan elections, the DPP won 51 seats in the 161-seat body. While this was only half the number of KMT seats, it made the DPP's voice an important factor in legislative decisions. Winning the Taipei mayor's position in December 1994, significantly enhanced the DPP's image. The DPP continued its strong showing in the 1995 LY race, winning 45 of the 157 seats to the KMT's 81. The DPP for the first time succeeded in outpolling the KMT in the November 1997 local elections, gaining 12 of the 23 magistrate and mayoral seats as opposed to the KMT's 8 and winning 43% of the vote versus the KMT's 41%.
The DPP membership is made up largely of theHoklo people, the largest ethnic group in Taiwan. The DPP maintains that Taiwan is an entity separate from mainland China and supports an independent "Republic of Taiwan" as part of its platform. The recent downplaying of Taiwan independence by the DPP as a party, however, led to the formation by hard-line advocates of a new political party called the Taiwan Independence Party in December 1996.
Until 1986, Taiwan's political system was effectively controlled by one party, the KMT, the leader of which also was the President. Many top political officials were members of the party. The party claimed over 2 million members, and its net assets were reputed to total more than NT $61.2 billion, making it the richest political party in the world.
The Taiwan People's Party was formed on August 6, 2019 byKo Wen-je, who serves as its first and current chairman. It is a center-left party that considers itself as an alternative to both theDPP and theKMT.
The New Power Party was formed in early 2015. The party emerged from theSunflower Student Movement in 2014, andadvocates foruniversal human rights,civil andpolitical liberties, as well asTaiwan independence/nationalism. The NPP currently had 3 members in the LY.
The Social Democratic Party was formed in early 2015. The party emerged from theSunflower Student Movement in 2014, andadvocates for asocial-democratic andprogressive party, calling for a reduction inincome inequality, the protection oflabour rights, theabolition of the death penalty and the legalisation ofsame-sex marriage. The SDP currently had 1 members in the Taipei City Council.
The Taiwan Statebuilding Party which advocatesde jureTaiwan independence and the party is considered a close ally of theDemocratic Progressive Party. The TSP was formed primarily because the DPP had to moderate its stance with regard to Taiwan independence, leaving a hole in the Taiwanese political spectrum. The party first came to national attention whenChen Po-wei won Taichung District 2 to secure the party’s firstLegislative Yuan seat.[38]
A new opposition party was formed in the wake of the March 2000 presidential election by the runner up, a KMT maverick candidate. The People's First Party is composed primarily of former KMT and NP members who supported former KMT Taiwan Provincial GovernorJames Soong's presidential bid. The PFP currently had 17 members in the LY before the 2001 election, but increased its representation to over 40 in that election.
The New Party was formed in August 1993 by a group made up largely of second-generationmainlander KMT members who were unhappy both with corruption in the KMT and with what they saw as the "Taiwanization" of KMT ideology and leadership. The NP emphasizes "clean government" and the original KMT focus on unification with mainland China. NP influence remains modest and seems on the wane; it won 21 of the 164 LY seats in the 1995 elections but only 11 of 225 seats in 1998. The New Party was almost annihilated in the 2001 election as its members defected to the Peoples First Party.
In 2001, supporters of former President Lee founded the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU). Even though Lee did not join this party, he is named its spiritual leader and most believe he endorsed it. The TSU was formed primarily because, as it took power, the DPP had to moderate its standing as regards to Taiwan independence, leaving a hole in the Taiwanese political spectrum. In a bid to help the "green" side achieve control in the Legislative Yuan, the TSU was formed to attract the radical votes left over from DPP and the localist support for KMT. The TSU had often expressed that it wanted to be the "decisive minority".
Other parties than the parties listed above include:
Although some friction between 1949 Chinese immigrants and native Taiwanese still exists, it has abated with time, and there has been a gradual melding of the two communities. In 1972, then-PremierChiang Ching-kuo began a concentrated effort to bring Taiwanese into more senior position in the central administration and the KMT. Upon his accession to the presidency in January 1988,Lee Teng-hui, who is a native Taiwanese, continued this process. Steps by the government to redress past wrongs such as setting up a memorial to the victims of theFebruary 28 Incident have contributed to this process.
本黨遵守《中華民國憲法》、《中華民國憲法增修條文》及《兩岸人民關係條例》等相關法律規範處理兩岸關係，始終堅決反對「台獨」及「一國兩制」，堅決捍衛中華民國主權及自由地區民主憲政體制。
穩定兩岸關係以強化臺灣經濟，推動恢復兩岸制度性協商，提振兩岸經貿往來，重建爭端解決機制，維護臺灣農漁民權益，促進兩岸「優勢互補，互利雙贏」，共同因應全球區域經濟整合浪潮。
依照台灣主權現實獨立建國，制定新憲，使法政體系符合台灣社會現實，並依據國際法之原則重返國際社會。
The Pan-Blue coalition on the whole favours a Chinese nationalist identity and policies supporting reunification and increased economic links with the People's Republic of China.
For one thing, I believe there is recognition that the awareness of Taiwanese identity is now irreversible. The KMT government did things like rename the "Taiwan Post" to "Chunghwa Post" as soon as it came in. But it did not take much time to perceive that it would cause a backlash among the Taiwan populace. The cross-strait exchanges have also brought about opposition demonstrations from time to time. This appears to be one of the reasons for the abrupt decline in the approval rating of the Ma administration.
I am Taiwanese as well as Chinese.
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