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Singapore is arepresentative democraticparliamentary republic in which thepresident is thehead of state and theprime minister is thehead of government. It has amulti-party system.Executive power is exercised mainly by theCabinet, composed ofMembers of Parliament (MPs), and to a lesser extent, the president. The Cabinet has the general direction and control of the government and isaccountable to Parliament.[1] There are three separate branches of government: thelegislature,executive andjudiciary, resembling theWestminster system.[2]
Legislative power is vested in both the government and theParliament of Singapore. Theparliament is the nationallegislature, consisting of the president as its head and a single chamber whose members are elected by popular vote. The presidency, as the position of the head of state, has historically been largely ceremonial, although the constitution was amended in 1991 to give it limited veto powers in a few key decisions,e.g. the use of thenational reserves and the appointment of key posts in thejudiciary, thecivil service and theSingapore Armed Forces (SAF). The president also exercises powers over civil service appointments andnational security matters.
Singapore has been described as ade factoone-party state, having been governed by thePeople's Action Party (PAP) since 1959.[3][4] In thelast general election held in 2025, the PAP won its 16th consecutive term in government with 87 out of 97 seats and 65.57% of the popular vote.
Singaporean politics have been dominated by thePeople's Action Party (PAP) since the1959 general election, whenLee Kuan Yew became Singapore's first prime minister while it was still aself-governing colony within theBritish Empire. The PAP has been the only ruling party to form the government since then. Under theMalaysia Agreement, Singapore brieflyentered Malaysia asa state in 1963 butbecame independent in 1965 after separation. During Singapore's time in Malaysia, the PAP was the state government andoften clashed with the federal government, which was then led byUMNO as part of theAlliance Party.[5]
To a large extent, "bread-and-butter" politics are used to maintain ideological hegemony, and reflect the basic materialistic orientation of Singapore politics. Opposition parties are used to contesting the PAP under these similar parameters.[6] In spite of the ideological hegemony, a survey byPew Research has demonstrated an increase in perceived political division between people who support different political parties since 2021.[7] In the lastgeneral election, the PAP won 87 out of 97 elected seats in theParliament of Singapore. The remaining seats were won by theWorkers' Party (WP), which won 10 elected seats along with twonon-constituency seats.[8]
Singapore has consistently been rated as theleast-corrupt country in Asia and amongst the top ten cleanest in the world byTransparency International.[9][10] TheWorld Bank's governance indicators have also rated Singapore highly on rule of law, control of corruption and government effectiveness. Despite these achievements, the PAP's long-standing governance has drawn scrutiny from international metrics regarding the extent ofcivil liberties,political pluralism, andlabour rights.[11]The Economist Democracy Index rated Singapore as a "flawed democracy" in 2025.Freedom House deemed Singapore "partly free" in 2025, at 48/100 — 19/40 for political rights, 29/60 for civil liberties.[12]
Scholars analysing the sustained hegemony of the PAP often characterise Singapore as an outlier among nominalliberal democracies due to its administrative longevity and the specific mechanisms employed to maintain political dominance. A primary factor cited in this discourse is the strategic use ofdefamation lawsuits against high-profile political opponents, which frequently results in bankruptcy and subsequent disqualification from parliamentary candidacy.[13] This pattern is exemplified by the legal proceedings against formerWorkers' Party (WP) leaderJ. B. Jeyaretnam andSingapore Democratic Party (SDP) leaderChee Soon Juan, who facedinsolvency in 2001 and 2011 respectively following unfavourable court rulings. Beyond direct political challengers, the PAP has historically pursued legal recourse against journalists and bloggers whose critiques are deemed to undermine the integrity of the ruling party. Consequently, political scientists distinguish the PAP's "soft"authoritarianism from "harder" variants seen around the world that would often rely onelectoral fraud or violentpurges, noting that the PAP instead leverages thejudiciary to marginalise dissenters while hosting free elections.[14] By facilitating the legal and financial disenfranchisement of critics, the PAP effectively renders opposition figures as socialpariahs, thereby significantly raising the personal and professional stakes of political contestation.[15][16]
Singapore's media landscape is tightly controlled by the PAP government, which maintains strict regulations and oversight over press and broadcast content. The government exercises control through licensing laws, majority ownership of major media outlets such asMediacorp andSPH Media Trust, consequently creating a climate whereself-censorship is widespread. Journalists and editors often avoid controversial topics or criticism of government policies to maintain compliance, job security or avoid potential legal repercussions. As a result, while Singapore's media is known for its polished and orderly presentation, it often lacks the investigative depth and critical scrutiny found in more liberal media environments, particularly of local politics. In 2019, theProtection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) was enacted, which allows the government to order corrections or removals of online content it deems "false and harmful". While the government defends it as a tool to protect public interest, critics argue it grants excessive power to authorities, risks censorship, and has highlighted itschilling effect on free speech and democratic discourse.[17]Reporters Without Borders ranked Singapore 123rd in the world for press freedoms in 2025, citing the tight media landscape as well as lawsuits against political opponents, along with attempts at making critical journalists unemployable.[18]
Political analysts frequently identify the strategic use of state resources as a cornerstone of the PAP electoral dominance, particularly through a classic "carrot and stick" approach involvingpublic housing programs. Given that approximately 80% ofSingaporeans reside in government-built apartments due to the country's limited land size, the prioritisation ofHome Improvement Programmes (HIP) and estate upgrading serves as a potent tool for political leverage.[19] Historical rhetoric from party leadership has reinforced this link; in 1998, prime ministerGoh Chok Tong explicitly stated that tying upgrading priorities to electoral support was intended to "focus the minds of voters" on the benefits of government policies.[20] This sentiment persisted into the 21st century, with prime ministerLee Hsien Loong remarking in 2011 that a distinction in housing benefits must exist between constituencies that elect PAP MPs and those that elect opposition MPs.[21] Critics argue that such policies foster a "climate of fear," wherein voters perceive that electing opposition representatives will result in the deliberate neglect or degradation of their living environments, thereby institutionalising a systemic disadvantage for political challengers.[22][23]
The boundaries of electoral constituencies in Singapore are also decided by theElections Department, which is under the control of thePrime Minister's Office.[24] Electoral boundaries are redrawn just a few weeks before the general election, leaving little time for opposition parties to prepare.[24][25] There have been accusations ofgerrymandering via the dissolving and redrawing of marginal constituencies with relatively stronger opposition support, such asCheng San GRC andEunos GRC.[26] TheGroup Representation Constituency (GRC) system, which requires teams of candidates (including at least one from a minority group) to contest in larger electoral areas, has also been criticised for making it more difficult for smaller or newer opposition parties to compete effectively. While the government maintains that these changes are made to reflect population shifts and ensure minority representation, the lack of transparency fuels ongoing concerns about the integrity of the electoral process.
Although Singapore's laws are largely inherited fromEnglish common law due to its history as a former colony of theBritish Empire, the PAP government is also critical of fully embracingliberal democratic values, which it typifies as a "Western concept" and claims that there should not be a 'one-size-fits-all' solution to a democracy. For example, laws restrictingfreedom of speech exist to prohibit speech that may breed ill will or cause disharmony within Singapore'smultiracial,multi-religious society. For example, in 2005, threebloggers were convicted ofsedition for postingracist remarks targeting minorities.[27] In 2021, a formerNgee Ann Polytechnicsenior lecturer was sentenced to five weeks' jail and a $6,000 fine for making racist remarks to an inter-ethnic couple in public.[28]
Public demonstrations in Singapore are tightly controlled under the Public Order Act, requiring police permits for public gatherings. Even at the designatedSpeakers' Corner, strict rules apply and onlySingaporeans are allowed to protest there without a permit. The government justifies these controls as necessary for maintaining public order and harmony in a multi-ethnic society, but critics argue that the laws severely limits freedom of expression and assembly. In addition, some offences that could be deemed as minor crimes in other countries such asonline scams andvandalism can lead to heavy fines orcorporal punishment (caning).[29] In addition,the death penalty formurder anddrug trafficking remains in force. Some critics have also characterised PAP's rule over Singapore as ananny state, although PAP leaders have often embraced the descriptor, viewing a paternalistic approach as a proactive way to ensure social stability and public welfare.[30]
In order to become president, the candidate:
The president now exercises powers over the following:[36]
However, the president must consult the Council of Presidential Advisers before taking a decision on some of these matters. The council consists of
A member of the council serves a six-year term and is eligible for re-appointment for further terms of four years each.[37]
Similar to theSpeech from the Throne given by the heads of state in other parliamentary systems, the president delivers an address written by the government at the opening of parliament about what kind of policies to expect in the coming year. The current president isTharman Shanmugaratnam.
The cabinet forms the executive of the government and it is answerable to parliament. It consist of sitting members of parliament and is headed by a prime minister, the head of government. The current prime minister isLawrence Wong.
Neither the prime minister nor members of the cabinet are elected by parliament. The prime minister is appointed by the president, then Cabinet members, also known as ministers, are appointed by the president on the advice of the prime minister.[38]
The cabinet in Singapore collectively decides the government's policies and has influence over lawmaking by introducing bills.
Ministers in Singapore are the highest paid politicians in the world, receiving a 60% salary raise in 2007 and as a result Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's pay jumped to S$3.1 million, five times the US$400,000 earned byUS PresidentBarack Obama. Although there was a public outcry regarding the high salary in comparison to the size of the country governed, the government's firm stance was that this raise was required to ensure the continued efficiency and corruption-free status of Singapore's "world-class" government.[39] On 21 May 2011, following the 2011 general election, the Prime Minister announced that a committee would be appointed toreview politicians' remuneration, and that revised salaries would take effect from that date.
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Theunicameral Singaporean parliament is the legislature in Singapore with the president as its head.[40] Before independence in 1965, it was known as theLegislative Assembly. The maximum term of any one parliament is five years, after which ageneral election must be held within three months of thedissolution of parliament.
The elected members of parliament (MPs) are elected on aplurality voting basis and represent either single-memberconstituencies (SMCs) or group representation constituencies (GRCs). In GRCs, political parties field a team of between three and five candidates, with at least one candidate in the team must belonging to a minority race. Subsequently, they are elected on ageneral ticket.[41] Formerly, there were no GRCs, and all constituencies of Singapore were represented by one member, but amendments to theParliamentary Elections Act led to the creation of GRCs since the1988 general election, thus creating a plurality voting system in the process.[42][43]
This development has led to some complaints from minor opposition parties that they are often unable to field one, let alone three or more candidates.[44] The constitution also allows for the appointment of additional members of parliament who are not elected during an election. As of 2016, up to 12non-constituency members of parliament (NCMPs) from the opposition political parties can be appointed.[41]
A constitutional provision for the appointment of up to ninenominated members of parliament (NMPs) was made in 1990.[41] NMPs are appointed by the president for a term of two and a half years on the recommendation of aselect committee chaired by thespeaker of Parliament and are not connected to any political parties. The youngest NMP to be sworn into parliament was 26 years old,Yip Pin Xiu. NMPs cannot vote on the following issues, such asamendment of the constitution,public funds,vote of no confidence in the government, as well as removing the president from office.
The office of theLeader of the Opposition (LO or LOTO) was formally established in the aftermath of the2020 general election.Pritam Singh of theWorkers' Party (WP) was the first to be formally designated as such, serving from 24 August 2020 until 15 January 2026.
Before any law is passed, it is first introduced in parliament as a draft known as a bill. Bills are usually introduced by a minister on behalf of the cabinet, known as government bills. However, any member of parliament can introduce a bill, known as a private member's bill. All bills must go through three readings in parliament and receive the president's assent to become anact of Parliament.
Each bill goes through several stages before it becomes a law. The first stage is a mere formality known as thefirst reading, where it is introduced without a debate. This is followed by thesecond reading, where members of parliament debate on the general principles of the bill. If parliament opposes the bill, it may vote to reject the bill.
If the bill goes through the second reading, the bill is sent to a select committee where every clause in the bill is examined. Members of parliament who support the bill in principle but do not agree with certain clauses can propose amendments to those clauses at this stage. Following its report back to parliament, the bill will go through itsthird reading where only minor amendments will be allowed before it is passed.
Most bills passed by parliament are scrutinised by thePresidential Council for Minority Rights which makes a report to the speaker of Parliament stating whether there are clauses in a bill which affects any racial or religious community.[45] If approved by the council, the bill will be presented for the president's assent.
The last stage involves the granting of assent by the president, before the bill officially becomes a law.
The Constitution of Singapore is the supreme law ofSingapore[46] and it is acodified constitution.
The constitution cannot be amended without the support of more than two-thirds of the members of parliament on the second and third readings.[46] The president may seek opinion on constitutional issues from a tribunal consisting of not less than three judges of theSupreme Court. Singaporean courts, like the courts in Australia, cannot offeradvisory opinion on the constitutionality of laws.[47]
Part IV of the constitution guarantees the following:[48]
The sections on liberty of the person and freedoms of speech, assembly, movement, association and religion are all qualified by allowing Parliament to restrict those freedoms for reasons including national security, public health, and "public order or morality". In practice, the courts have given complete discretion to the government in imposing such restrictions.
Part XII of the constitution allows theParliament of Singapore to enact legislation designed to stop or preventsubversion. Such legislation is valid even if it is inconsistent with Part IV of the constitution. TheInternal Security Act (ISA) is a legislation under such provision. In 1966,Chia Thye Poh was detained under the ISA and was imprisoned for 23 years without trial. Afterwards, he was placed under conditions of house arrest for another nine years on the island ofSentosa.
Voting has beencompulsory in Singapore since 1959[49] and there isuniversal suffrage. The legal voting age is 21. TheElections Department Singapore (ELD) is responsible for the planning, preparation and conduct of presidential and parliamentary elections and of any national referendum in Singapore. It is a department under thePrime Minister's Office (PMO).
Paperballots are used in Singapore. Voting is secret, while ballot papers have serial numbers on them to safeguard against counterfeiting and voter impersonation.[50] As stated in the Elections Department website:[51]
TheWorkers' Party (WP) is the largest and oldest opposition party. The party achieved a significant milestone in 1981 whenJ.B. Jeyaretnam won theAnson by-election, becoming the first opposition Member of Parliament since 1965. In 2011, the party won Aljunied Group Representation Constituency (GRC), marking the first-ever opposition victory in a GRC. This was followed by another breakthrough in 2020 with the Sengkang GRC.
The WP claims to advocate for a balanced political landscape, offering constructive and responsible alternatives to the ruling party while championing the rights of Singaporeans.[52]
TheProgress Singapore Party (PSP), founded on 28 March 2019 by former presidential candidate Tan Cheng Bock, is a major opposition party in Singapore.[53] PSP contested its first General Election in 2020, fielding 24 candidates across nine constituencies. While the party did not win any seats, its West Coast GRC team achieved a close 48.31% vote share.[54] This entitled the PSP to twonon-constituency seats (NCMP) in the14th Parliament, which was held byHazel Poa andLeong Mun Wai.[55]
There are other opposition parties such as theSingapore People's Party (SPP),Reform Party (RP), theSingapore Democratic Party (SDP), andRed Dot United (RDU), among others, that do not hold a seat in parliament.
The candidates and supporters of the various political parties tend to wear the following shirt colours while making their rounds in various wards or campaigning.
| Party | Shirt Colour |
|---|---|
| People's Action Party | White |
| Workers' Party | Light Blue |
| Progress Singapore Party | Red and White |
| Singapore People's Party | |
| Singapore Democratic Party | Red |
| National Solidarity Party | Orange |
| Reform Party | Yellow |
| Singapore Democratic Alliance | Bright Green |
| Democratic Progressive Party | White and Orange |
| People's Power Party | Light Purple |
| Peoples Voice | Purple and Black |
| Red Dot United | Navy Blue |
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