The platform of theRepublican Party of the United States has historically been based onAmerican conservatism, contrasting with themodern liberalism of the Democratic Party.[1][2][3] The positions of the Republican Party haveevolved over time.
Until recently, the party'sfiscal conservatism included support for lower taxes, smaller government,[4]free marketcapitalism,free trade,[5]deregulation of corporations, and restrictions onlabor unions. However, starting under thefirst presidency of Donald Trump and dramatically accelerating in thesecond presidency of Donald Trump, there has been a major realignment away from the free market and towardsstate capitalism andprotectionism through the imposition of large-scale tariffs on the U.S. import of goods from countries around the world, including to raise tax revenue.[6][7] During Trump's second term, tariffs were used to raise over $100 billion in customs revenue by July 2025, and are estimated to reach $300 billion in total revenue by the end of 2025.[8]
The party'ssocial conservatism includes support forgun rights outlined in theSecond Amendment, thedeath penalty, and othertraditional values, often with aChristian foundation, includingrestrictions on abortion.[9] In foreign policy, Republicans usually favor increasedmilitary spending, strongnational defense, andunilateral action. Other Republican positions include opposition toillegal immigration,drug legalization, andaffirmative action,[10] as well as support forschool choice, andschool prayer.
The Republican Party since the 1920s has adhered to an ideology offiscal conservatism. Republicans strongly believe thatfree markets andindividual achievement are the primary factors behind economic prosperity. To this end, they historically advocated in favor oflaissez-faire economics,limited government,free markets andfree trade,tax cuts, reducedgovernment spending,privatization, and the reduction of government run welfare programs in favor of private-sector nonprofits and encouraging personal responsibility. However, beginning with thefirst presidency of Donald Trump, some Republicans have switched their support of free trade totrade protectionism in the lead-up to the imposition of nearly global tariffs in 2025 during thesecond presidency of Donald Trump.[11] By 2025, Trump and Republicans largely abandoned traditional Republican orthodoxy about protecting and promoting the free market,[12][13][14][15] instead, in one case, favoringstate capitalism by taking direct government equity stakes in a major US corporation, Intel, in a shift described as a seeming embrace ofsocialism,[16][17]Marxism orMaoism.[18][19][20][21][22]
According toRoss Douthat, the party always had strong bases in the local business community, as well as the national Big Business corporations that emerged in theGilded Age after the Civil War. That has been changing in the 21st century, as much of Big Business has moved left.[23]
The Republican Party in the Trump era remained a mostly pro-business party in its policies but its constituencies and rhetoric have tilted more working class and populist, with many Romney Republicans drifting into the Democratic coalition....much of corporate America has swung culturally into liberalism’s camp. That process was well underway a decade ago, but it’s been accelerated by anti-Trump backlash, the more left-leaning commitments of big business’s younger customers and (especially) younger employees, and the relative ease with which the radical-sounding language of identity politics can be assimilated to corporate management techniques. As a consequence, today’s G.O.P. is most clearly now the party of local capitalism — the small-business gentry, the family firms.... Much of the party elite wish to continue doing business with big business as before. But the party’s base regards corporate institutions — especially in Silicon Valley, but extending to more traditional capitalist powers — as cultural enemies, with too much consolidated power and too much interest in pressuring, censoring, and propagandizing against socially conservative views and policy.[citation needed]
A leading economic theory advocated by modern Republicans issupply side economics. Some fiscal policies influenced by this theory were popularly known asReaganomics, a term popularized during theRonald Reaganadministration. This theory holds that reduced income tax rates increaseGDP growth and thereby generate the same or more revenue for the government from the smaller tax on the extra growth.[24] This belief is reflected, in part, by the party's long-term advocacy of tax cuts. Many Republicans consider the income tax system to be inherently inefficient and oppose graduated tax rates, which they believe are unfairly targeted at those who create jobs and wealth.[citation needed] They also believe private spending is usually more efficient than government spending. Republicans generally oppose theestate tax.[25]
Between the 19th century and the early-20th century,Republicans favored tariffs toprotect and encourage American industry and industrial workers.[citation needed] In 1896, the GOP platform pledged to "renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection, as the bulwark of American industrial independence, and the foundation of development and prosperity. This true American policy taxes foreign products and encourages home industry. It puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the American market for the American producer. It upholds the American standard of wages for the American workingman."[26]
The Republican Party opposes government runwelfare programs for the poor, believing that it encourages laziness and dependence on the government. They instead advocate personal responsibility and self-reliance to empower citizens to take responsibility for their own lives. Republicans introduced and strongly supported thewelfare reform of 1996, which was signed into law by Democratic PresidentBill Clinton and limited eligibility for welfare for thousands of American households.[27][28]
Most Republicans supportschool choice throughcharter schools andschool vouchers for private schools; many have denounced the performance of the public school system and teachers unions.[29] The party has insisted on a system of greater accountability for public schools, most prominently in recent years with theNo Child Left Behind Act of 2001. The act received bipartisan support in Congress and was signed by PresidentGeorge W. Bush. Many Republicans, however, opposed the creation of theUnited States Department of Education when it was initially created in 1979.[30]
The party opposes a government-runsingle-payer health care system, claiming it constitutessocialized medicine. It favors a personal or employer-based system of insurance supplemented byMedicare for the elderly andMedicaid which covers approximately 40% of the poor.[citation needed][31][failed verification] In 2003, Congress passed theMedicare Modernization Act with bipartisan support creatingMedicare Part D covering prescription drugs. It was signed into law by PresidentGeorge W. Bush.
Republicans have a mixed record of supportingSocial Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.[citation needed] Congressional Republicans and the Bush administration supported to reduce Medicaid's growth rate;[32] however, congressional Republicans expanded Medicare, supporting a new drug plan for seniors starting in 2006.[citation needed]House Republicans overwhelmingly voted for a proposal known asThe Path to Prosperity and for major changes to Medicare, Medicaid, andthe Affordable Care Act. Many Republicans support increased health insurance portability, laws promoting coverage of pre-existing medical conditions, a cap on malpractice lawsuits, implementing a streamlinedelectronic medical records system, an emphasis on preventative care rather than emergency room care, and tax benefits aimed to make health insurance more affordable for the uninsured and to promote universal access.[citation needed] They generally oppose government funding for elective abortions.[33]
By 2020, Republican officials have increasingly adoptedanti-vaccine activism and policy.[34]
Since the 1920s Republicans have generally been opposed tolabor unions, which comprise a major component of the DemocraticNew Deal coalition. Although unions have lost membership in the private sector since the 1970s, they have gained among public sector unions (such as school teachers).[citation needed] Republicans at the state level generally support variousright to work laws that weaken unions. At the national level, Republicans supported theTaft–Hartley Act of 1947, which gives workers the right not to participate in unions, as opposed to aclosed shop, which prohibits workers from choosing not to join unions in workplaces. Most Republicans are opposed to increases in theminimum wage, believing that such increases hurt many businesses by forcing them to cut jobs and services, export jobs overseas, and raise the prices of goods to compensate for the decrease in profit.[35] As Taylor Dark has emphasized in his analysis of the enduring alliance between labor unions and the Democrats, the unions' "most virulent opponents have moved into the Republican Party".[36]
Republicans elected withTea Party support in 2010, most notably GovernorScott Walker of Wisconsin, have launched major efforts againstpublic sector unions due in part to state governmentpension obligations along with the allegation that the unions are too powerful.[37] Walker was challenged by a coalition of unions and Democrats, but beat back a recall effort and was reelected in 2014.[38]
Historically,more progressive leaders in the Republican party supportedenvironmental protection. For example, Republican PresidentTheodore Roosevelt was a prominentconservationist whose policies eventually led to the creation of the modernNational Park Service.[39] Republican PresidentRichard Nixon was responsible for establishing theEnvironmental Protection Agency in 1970.[40]
In 2006,Arnold Schwarzenegger, then the RepublicanGovernor of California, signed into law a set of carbonemission regulations that were the country's first cap ongreenhouse gases, and includedvehicle emissions standards higher than those of the Federal Government. These regulations were opposed by the Bush administration.[41] PresidentGeorge W. Bush publicly opposed ratification of theKyoto Protocol on the claim that they unfairly targeted Western industrialized nations such as the United States while favoring major polluters such asChina andIndia.[42]
In 2000, the Republican Party adopted as part of its platform support for the development of market-based solutions to environmental problems. According to the platform, "economic prosperity and environmental protection must advance together, environmental regulations should be based on science, the government's role should be to provide market-based incentives to develop the technologies to meet environmental standards, we should ensure that environmental policy meets the needs of localities, and environmental policy should focus on achieving results processes."[47]
TheBush administration,[48] along with several of thecandidates that sought the Republican presidential nomination in 2008,[49][50][51] supported increased Federal investment into the development of cleanalternative fuels, increasednuclear power, as well as fuels such asethanol, as a way of helping the U.S. achieveenergy independence, as opposed to supporting less use of carbon dioxide-producing methods of generating energy. The Republican party rejectscap-and-trade policy.[52] Some Republicans support increasedoil drilling in protected areas such as theArctic National Wildlife Refuge,[53] a position that has drawn sharp criticism from some environmental activists.
Republican voters are divided over the human causes of climate change and global warming.[54] Since 2008,[55] many members of the Republican Party have been criticized for beinganti-environmentalist[56][57][58] and promotingclimate change denial[59][60][61] in opposition to the generalscientific consensus, making them unique even among other worldwide conservative parties.[61]
Younger Republicans express higher levels of concern about climate change. When the College Republican National Committee proposed an anti-carbon tax resolution at its 2019 annual meeting, 25 presidents of statewide college Republican groups responded by forming "an advocacy organization to lobby Congress for conservative solutions to the climate crisis."[62]
Green conservatism manifests itself as a movement in groups such asConservAmerica, which seeks to strengthen the Republican Party's stance on environmental issues and support efforts to conserve natural resources and protect human and environmental health.[63] Nevertheless, because it requires two-thirds of the Senate to agree, the US is the onlyUN member state which has not ratified theConvention on Biological Diversity.[64]
The Republican Party has generally associated withsocially conservative policies, although it does have dissenting centrist andlibertarian factions. Social conservatives advocate for laws that uphold traditionalfamily values, often rooted inChristianity. Such laws include opposition toabortion,same-sex marriage,transgender rights,comprehensive sex education, andrecreational drug use.[65] Most conservative Republicans also opposegun control,affirmative action,critical race theory, andillegal immigration.[65][66]
A majority of the party's national and state candidates are at the very least moderatelyanti-abortion and oppose electiveabortion on religious or moral grounds. However, many hold exceptions in the case ofrape,incest or the mother's life being at risk while others may accept early-stage abortions (firmly opposing "partial-birth" abortion still).[citation needed] When Congress voted on thePartial-Birth Abortion Ban Act in 2003, congressional Republicans voted overwhelmingly to support the ban. Recently, many Republicans have shifted their position and now hold exceptions only if the mother's life is at risk.[67][68]
Although Republicans have voted for increases in government funding of scientific research, some members actively oppose the federal funding ofembryonic stem cell research beyond the original lines because it involves the destruction of humanembryos, while arguing for applying research money intoadult stem cell or amniotic stem cell research.[citation needed][69][70][71][failed verification] The stem cell issue has garnered two vetoes on research funding bills from President George W. Bush, who said the research "crossed a moral boundary".[72]
The text of the 2012 party platform specifically stated that "the unborn child has a fundamental individual right to life which cannot be infringed." It also opposed using public revenues to promote abortions, to perform them, or to fund organizations that do either such things.[73]
Not all Republicans support abortion restrictions and the human life amendment. Though anti-abortion planks have been part of the party platform since 1976,[74][failed verification] before 1988 there was little difference between Republicans and other voters regarding abortion, and in 2015, 40 percent of Republicans supported legal abortion.[75] Despite their divergence from the party platform, pro-abortion rights Republicans are unlikely to switch parties.[76] Pro-abortion rights ideology has been present in the Republican Party since before theRoe v. Wade decision in 1973, and the pro-abortion rights ideology is still present today.[citation needed]
According to some pro-abortion rights Republican groups, the Republican belief in limited government and individualism should extend to social issues, such as abortion rights.[77] Research indicates that supporters of pro-abortion rights Republican organizations are motivated bylibertarianism.[78] Supporters of pro-abortion rights organizations may hold less conservative views on abortion, but tend to hold relatively conservative views on other political issues.[79]
Support for abortion rights ranges. The 1992 American National Election study asked respondents about their support for the legal rights of abortion. Respondents either believe abortion should only be allowed in cases of rape, incest, and to save the mother's life, abortion should be allowed if there is a "clear need," or that abortion should not be restricted in any way.[80]
There are several organizations and Political Action Committees that support pro-abortion rights republican candidates. The most prominent areRepublican Majority for Choice,Republicans for Choice, andThe Wish List. These organizations provide money, endorsements, and training to candidates who support abortion rights.Republican Main Street Partnership has shown support for pro-abortion rights legislation.
The Republican Party's shift to an anti-abortion stance was a gradual change and was not caused by one election or event.[81]
Early abortion laws only allowed the procedure when the woman's life was in danger. At this time many Republicans and Democrats supported less strict abortion laws.[82] Between 1974 and 1978, studies showed that political ideology had a very weak correlation with support for abortion rights. The correlation between political party identification and support for abortion rights was even weaker.[83]Mary Louise Smith, the chairwoman of theRepublican National Committee from 1974 to 1977, was pro-abortion rights.[82]Justice Harry Blackmun wrote the Supreme Courts decision onRoe v. Wade. Blackmun had been conservative Justice appointed by President Nixon, who came out against abortion.[82] AfterRoe v. Wade, though, Blackmun gradually evolved into a liberal. Some say[who?] this issue was the symbolic move of Blackmun to becoming a liberal.
During his presidency,President Gerald R. Ford took a moderately conservative stance on abortion, despite First LadyBetty Ford's urges for him to take a liberal stance on the issue. Ford believed abortions should be allowed in certain circumstances, such as rape and incest, and opposed a human life amendment to the Constitution.[82] After winning the primary, Ford stated he was also unconditionally anti-abortion and fully supported the Republican platform in 1976. Still, Ford later stated that he was pro-abortion rights after he had left office[84] andBetty Ford was supportive of the decision made by the court inRoe v. Wade.[82]
The 1976 Republican Party Platform was the first to include an anti-abortion stance. This came during the same year that theHyde Amendment was passed.[85]Ronald Reagan's run in the primary for the nomination played a role in getting an anti-abortion plank along with some other positions on other issues into the platform.[clarification needed][citation needed]
Democratic and Republican Party elites and elected officials became more divided on the issue of abortion in the 1980s. Still, Ronald Reagan ran and won the election in 1980, stating he was against all abortions except for saving the life of the mother. He firmly supportedRoe v. Wade being overturned and a constitutional amendment banning abortion.Bob Dole, who ran in the primary for president in 1980, also firmly opposed abortion.[citation needed]George H. W. Bush, who also ran in the primary, was firmly pro-abortion rights. Bush wound up being Reagan's vice presidential running mate and after that, he distanced himself from that issue.[86] It was not until after Republicans in Congress started consistently voting against abortion in the 1980s that polls showed Republican opposition to abortion.[87]
Until 1988, there was little difference in pro-abortion rights attitudes among Democratic and Republican voters.[88] George H.W. Bush entered politics with a reputation as a moderate on social issues. However, during a 1988 presidential debate he stated after some reflection he came to the conclusion abortion was morally wrong and should only be legal for rape, incest, and to save the life of the mother. He choseDan Quayle as his running mate, who also opposed abortion.[86]
During the 1992 election, President Bush and Vice President Quayle tended to downplay the importance of abortion during the election so they would not risk turning away Republican voters who supported abortion rights.[89] A substantial number of Pro-abortion rights republicans in the 1992 election did not vote for President Bush because of his stance on abortion. Most of these pro-abortion rights Republicans voted for Perot.[89] While President Bush and the Republican Party took an anti-abortion stance in 1992, First Lady Barbara Bush stated that she believed abortion to be a "personal choice."[90]
In an interview in 2001, First LadyLaura Bush stated that she believedRoe v. Wade should not be overturned[91] and later stated that abortion should remain legal because she believes "it's important for people, for medical reasons and other reasons."[92] George W Bush though stated he was still anti-abortion and while he would be appointing conservative judges abortion would not be used as a litmus test.[citation needed]
In 2005, TheStem Cell Research Enhancement Act was passed by congress with the help of theRepublican Main Street Partnership. However, President George W. Bush vetoed this legislation in 2006.[93]
After the 2012 election, SenatorJohn McCain, who is anti-abortion, advised his fellow Republicans to "leave the issue [abortion] alone." He warned against going beyond stating one's anti-abortion belief and actions could hurt the Republican party with women voters and young voters.[94] Like Bush I & II, Dole, Reagan, and Ford, McCain promised conservative constructionist judges but again stated he would not use abortion as a litmus test.Mitt Romney as governor ofMassachusetts was firmly pro-abortion rights but he became anti-abortion running for president in 2012 and stated the same thing about conservative judges but not using abortion as a litmus test.[citation needed]
Donald Trump has shifted his position on abortion. For decades as aDemocrat and independent he was firmly pro-abortion rights, but by at least 2011 (when he was considering running for president), Trump often iterated a pro-life stance. Trump said during his2016 campaign he would appoint pro-life judges to the US Supreme Court and lower courts.[95] He later said he was not allowed to ask a judge for their personal positions on issues, but affirmed he would appoint judges that interpret rather than make law and on abortion they would hopefully see it as a constitutional issue, turning the rulings over to the states and overturningRoe v. Wade. Trump did state he believed in exceptions of rape and incest as well as to saving the life of the mother on his anti-abortion stance.[citation needed]
Republicans, especially Republican women,[citation needed] are generally againstaffirmative action for women and some minorities, often describing it as a 'quota system', and believing that it is notmeritocratic and that it is counter-productive socially by only further promotingdiscrimination. Many Republicans support race-neutral admissions policies in universities, but support taking into account the socioeconomic status of the student.[96][97]
The Republican Party supports stronglaw and order policies to control crime. The vast majority of Republicans supportcapital punishment.[98] Official party platforms have consistently argued that the death penalty is an effective deterrent to crime and ensures safer neighborhoods, citing the rising crime rates in recent decades. Republicans do not view capital punishment ascruel and unusual punishment nor unconstitutional, therefore opposing any attempts atcriminal justice reform aimed at repealing the penalty.[99]
Republicans generally supportgun ownership rights and oppose laws regulating guns and other related topic areas such asbump stocks andlarge-capacity magazines.[101] However, recently[when?], some moderate Republicans have started to be an exception to this.[citation needed] On the evening of Wednesday, November 28, 2018, PresidentDonald Trump announced thathis administration would be banning bump stocks.[102] Some Republicans support this and some do not, causing some divide within the party.[citation needed]
Republicans have historically supported thewar on drugs and oppose thelegalization of drugs.[103][104] In recent years, the opposition to the legalization of marijuana is not as strong as it used to be, with some Republicans members of Congress advocating for decriminalization or legalization of marijuana, as well ascriminal justice reform in the context of drug crimes.[103][105]
Republicans are divided on how to confrontillegal immigration between a platform that allows for migrant workers and easing citizenship guidelines, and border enforcement-first approach. In general, pro-growth advocates within the Republican Party and it support more immigration, and traditional or populist conservatives oppose it.[citation needed] In 2006, the White House supported and Republican-led Senate passedcomprehensive immigration reform that would eventually allow millions of illegal immigrants to become citizens, but the House, also led by Republicans, took an enforcement-first approach, and the bill failed to pass theconference committee.[106][failed verification]
Lately,[when?] after the defeat in the 2012 presidential elections, and considering the low percent of Latino Americans that voted for Republicans, several Republicans are advocating a friendlier approach to immigrants. Former U.S. Secretary of CommerceCarlos Gutierrez is promoting the creation of aSuperPAC for immigration reform.[107]
Proposals calling for systematic reform of the U.S. immigration system such that residents that have come into the U.S. illegally have a pathway to legal citizenship have attracted broad Republican support in some polls. For example, the Public Religion Research Institute found in late 2013 that 60% of Republicans supported the pathway concept, compared to 63% of Americans as a whole.[108]
The 2024 party platform called for the mass deportation of all illegal immigrants in the United States, the construction of a border wall along theMexico–United States border, stricter vetting, and a merit-based immigration system while opposing sanctuary cities andfamily-sponsored immigration.[109][110]
The Republican platform, as of to date, is officially opposed tosame-sex marriage and other LGBT issues.[111][112] Groups advocating for LGBT issues inside the party include theLog Cabin Republicans,Young Conservatives for the Freedom to Marry, andCollege Republicans. In the aftermath of theU.S. Supreme Court's ruling inObergefell v. Hodges that ended bans onsame-sex marriage nationwide, the Republican Party is divided as to whether to accept the ruling or to fight it by measures such as a possible amendment to theConstitution. Individuals such as2016 presidential candidatesTed Cruz andScott Walker have supported an amendment to re-expand government and re-ban same-sex marriages, while other Republican figures such asJeb Bush (also a 2016 presidential candidate) have disagreed.[113] The 2016 platform, however, condemned the Supreme Court's ruling and defined marriage as "natural marriage, the union of one man and one woman."[111]
A November/December 2013Public Religion Research Institute poll sponsored by theFord Foundation found that Republicans are divided in their perceptions of their own party: 45% think Republicans are friendly toward LGBT people, while 41% think the party is unfriendly toward them.[114] A May 2012 poll found that 37% of Republicans supported a constitutional amendment defining marriage between a man and a woman.[115] A November/December 2013 poll found that 63% of Republicans believe same-sex marriage should be left up to individual states to decide.[114] In 2017,Pew Research polling found that for the first time a majority of Republicans weren't opposed to same-sex marriage, with 48% against and 47% in favor.[116]
The 1992 Republican Party platform adopted support for continuing toexclude homosexuals from the military as a matter of good order and discipline.[117] The support for the exclusion of homosexuals from military service would remain in the Republican Party platform until the 2012 Republican Party platform, which removed that language from it.[118] A May 2012United Technologies/National Journal Congressional Connection Poll found that only 41% of Republicans supported restoring the prohibition against gays serving openly in the military.[115]
The 1992 Republican Party platform adopted opposition to includingsexual preference into anti-discrimination statutes.[117] The 2000 Republican Party platform included the statement: "We support the First Amendment right offreedom of association and stand united with private organizations, such as theBoy Scouts of America, and support their positions."[119] The 2004 Republican Party platform removed both parts of that language from the platform and stated that the party supports anti-discrimination legislation.[120] The 2008 and 2012 Republican Party platform supported anti-discrimination statues based on sex, race, age, religion, creed, disability, or national origin, but both platforms were silent onsexual orientation andgender identity.[118][121]
A November/December 2013Public Religion Research Institute poll sponsored by theFord Foundation found that 61% of Republicans support laws protecting gay and lesbian people against employment discrimination, with only 33% opposing such laws.[114] A 2007Gallup poll showed 60% of Republicans supported expanding federal hate crime laws to include sexual orientation and gender identity, with only 30% opposing such laws.[122]
The Republican Party supportsschool-sanctioned school prayer, which has been banned in public schools ever sinceEngel v. Vitale.[citation needed] They have continued to challenge such decisions for pushingChristianity out of America's public schools.[123] Many also support the right of teachers to teachcreationism orintelligent design alongside evolution to public school students.[124][123]
In modern times, the Republican Party has beenmilitaristic andnationalistic in its foreign policy. Republicans, in general, tend to be more pro-military than their Democratic counterparts,[125] however, the factions of the Republican party do not see eye-to-eye on this.Neoconservative Republicans and subscribers to other such ideologies tend to advocate for a moreinterventionist foreign policy, a bigger military, and using the military to promoteAmerican values around the world, while the morelibertarian andpaleoconservative factions of the party advocate fornon-interventionism. Libertarian Republicans call for less government spending on defense,[126] but paleoconservatives usually are pro-strong national defense, and therefore sometimes are in favor of more defense spending.[127]
Republicans supportedWoodrow Wilson's call forAmerican entry into World War I in 1917, complaining only that he was too slow to go to war. Republicans in 1919 opposed his call for entry into theLeague of Nations.[citation needed] A majority supported the League with reservations; a minority opposed membership on any terms. Republicans sponsored world disarmament in the 1920s, and isolationism in the 1930s.[128] Most Republicans staunchly opposed intervention inWorld War II until the Japaneseattack on Pearl Harbor in 1941.[citation needed] By 1945, however, internationalists became dominant in the party which supported theCold War policies such as theTruman Doctrine, theMarshall Plan, andNATO.[citation needed]
Many liberal Democrats in the 1960s and 1970s who became disenchanted with the leftward movement of their party often became "neoconservatives" ("neocons").[129] Many became politically prominent during the five cumulative presidential terms under Reagan, and the father-son presidency from the Bush family. They played a major role in promoting and planning the2003 invasion of Iraq.[130] Vice PresidentDick Cheney and Secretary of DefenseDonald Rumsfeld, while not identifying themselves as neoconservatives, listened closely to neoconservative advisers regarding foreign policy, especially the defense of Israel, the promotion of democracy in the Middle East, and the buildup of American military forces to achieve these goals. Neocons show a preference for unilateral American activism, along with skepticism regarding theUnited Nations. The neocons had little influence in the Obama White House, but neoconservatism remains a staple in Republican Party arsenal.[131] Neoconservatives were more likely than other Republicans to oppose the presidency of Donald Trump.[132]
Many in the Republican Party supportunilateralism on issues of national security, believing in the ability and right of the United States to act without external support in matters of its national defense. In general, Republican thinking on defense andinternational relations is heavily influenced by the theories ofneorealism andrealism, characterizing conflicts between nations as struggles between faceless forces of international structure, as opposed to being the result of the ideas and actions of individual leaders. The realist school's influence shows in Reagan'sEvil Empire stance on theSoviet Union and George W. Bush'sAxis of evil.[citation needed]
Republicans secured gains in the2002 and2004 elections, with thewar on terror being one of the top issues favoring them. Since theSeptember 11, 2001 attacks, some in the party supportneoconservative policies with regard to the war on terror, including the2001 war in Afghanistan and the2003 invasion of Iraq.
The doctrine ofpreemptive war, wars to disarm and destroy potential military foes based on speculation of future attacks rather than in defense against actual attack, has been advocated by prominent members of the Bush administration, but the war within Iraq has undercut the influence of this doctrine within the Republican Party.Rudy Giuliani, mayor of New York at the time of the September 11 terrorist attacks, and a candidate for theRepublican presidential nomination in 2008, has stated his support for that policy, saying America must keep itself "on the offensive" against terrorists.[citation needed]
The George W. Bush administration took the position that theGeneva Conventions do not apply tounlawful combatants, saying they apply to soldiers serving in the armies ofnation states and notterrorist organizations such asAl-Qaeda. The Supreme Court overruled this position inHamdan v. Rumsfeld, which held that the Geneva Conventions were legally binding and must be followed in regards to all enemy combatants. Some prominent Republicans such asJohn McCain,Mike Huckabee,Ted Cruz andRon Paul strongly oppose the use ofenhanced interrogation techniques, which they view as torture.[133]
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The Republican Party has taken widely varying views oninternational trade throughout its history. It currently largely opposes free trade, though it supports maintaining existingfree trade agreements.[135] At its inception, the Republican Party supportedprotective tariffs, with theMorrill Tariff being enacted during thepresidency of Abraham Lincoln.[136][134] In the1896 presidential election, Republican presidential candidateWilliam McKinley campaigned heavily on high tariffs, having been the creator and namesake for theMcKinley Tariff of 1890.[137] In the early 20th century the Republican Party began splitting on tariffs, with the great battle over the highPayne–Aldrich Tariff Act in 1910 splitting the party and causing a realignment.[138] Democratic presidentWoodrow Wilson cut rates with the 1913Underwood Tariff and the coming of World War I in 1914 radically revised trade patterns due to reduced trade. Also, the new revenues generated by thefederal income tax due to the16th amendment made tariffs less important in terms of economic impact and political rhetoric.[139] When the Republicans returned to powerin 1921 they again imposed a protective tariff. They raised it again with theSmoot–Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 to meet theGreat Depression in the United States, but the depression only worsened and DemocratFranklin D. Roosevelt became president from 1932 to 1945.[140]
TheReciprocal Tariff Act of 1934 marked a sharp departure from the era ofprotectionism in the United States. American duties on foreign products declined from an average of 46% in 1934 to 12% by 1962, which included the presidency of Republican presidentDwight D. Eisenhower.[141] After World War II, the U.S. promoted theGeneral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) established in 1947, to minimize tariffs and other restrictions, and to liberalize trade among all capitalist countries.[142][143] During theReagan andGeorge H. W. Bush administrations, Republicans abandoned protectionist policies[144] and came out against quotas and in favor of the GATT and theWorld Trade Organization policy of minimal economic barriers to global trade. Free trade with Canada came about as a result of theCanada–U.S. Free Trade Agreement of 1987, which led in 1994 to theNorth American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) based on Reagan's plan to enlarge the scope of the market for American firms to include Canada and Mexico. PresidentBill Clinton, with strong Republican support in 1993, pushed NAFTA through Congress over the vehement objection of labor unions.[145][146]
In the 21st century, opinions on trade and protectionism have fluctuated, more recently splitting roughly on partisan lines. In 2017, only 36% of Republicans agreed that free trade agreements are good for theUnited States, compared to 67% of Democrats. When asked if free trade has helped respondents specifically, the approval numbers for Democrats drop to 54%, however approval ratings among Republicans remain relatively unchanged at 34%.[147] The 2016 election marked the beginning of the trend of returning to protectionism, an ideology incorporated into Republican presidentDonald Trump's platform.[148][149] During his presidency, Trump withdrew the United States from theTrans-Pacific Partnership, initiated atrade war with China, and negotiated theUSMCA as a successor to NAFTA.[149][150]
The 2012 Republican Party platform opposes the Obama administration from attempting to impose what it considers a "cultural agenda", including a "homosexual rights agenda" in other countries by restricting foreign aid.[118] However, Republicans themselves have also frequently advocated for restricting foreign aid as a means of asserting the national security and immigration interests of the United States.[151][152][153]
Republicans support the construction of theKeystone Pipeline, which would connect theAthabasca oil sands inCanada to refineries in the United States. American and Canadian environmentalists have strongly opposed the pipeline's construction, although the Canadian government has lobbied for it.[154]
The Republican Party generally supports a strong alliance withIsrael and efforts to secure peace in theMiddle East between Israel and itsArab neighbors.[155][156]
The 2016 Republican Party Platform declares: "We support the right of the United States citizens ofPuerto Rico to be admitted to the Union as a fully sovereign state. We further recognize the historic significance of the 2012 local referendum in which a 54 percent majority voted to end Puerto Rico's current status as a U.S. territory, and 61 percent chose statehood over options for sovereign nationhood. We support the federally sponsored political status referendum authorized and funded by an Act of Congress in 2014 to ascertain the aspirations of the people of Puerto Rico. Once the 2012 local vote for statehood is ratified, Congress should approve an enabling act with terms for Puerto Rico's future admission as the 51st state of the Union".[157]
The Republican party argues that withRussia, the U.S. must show resilience and patience.[citation needed] It also argues that Russia must stop encouraging the proliferation ofweapons of mass destruction.[158] The party stresses the common interests of the two countries, which include endingterrorism, combatingnuclear proliferation, promotingbilateral trade.[159] Leading Republicans have been split on how to respond to the Russian military interventionsin Ukraine andSyria, with some advocating a morehawkish approach, and others urging a more cautious and conciliatory response.[160]
In June 2014, theQuinnipiac Poll asked Americans which foreign policy they preferred:
Democrats, Republicans, and Independents all chose A over B by 65% to 32%, by 56% to 39%, and by 67% to 29%, respectively.[161]
Many contemporary Republicans voice support ofstrict constructionism ortextualism, the judicial philosophy that the Constitution should be interpreted narrowly and as close to the original intent as is practicable rather than a more flexible "living Constitution" model.[162] Most Republicans point toRoe v. Wade as a case ofjudicial activism, where the court overturned most laws restricting abortion on the basis of aright to privacy inferred from theBill of Rights and theFourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Some Republicans have actively sought to block judges whom they see as beingactivist judges and have sought the appointment of judges who claim to practicejudicial restraint.[citation needed] The issue ofjudicial deference to the legislature is a matter of some debate—like the Democrats, most Republicans criticize court decisions that overturn their own (conservative) legislation as overstepping bounds and support decisions that overturn opposing legislation. Some commentators have advocated that the Republicans take a more aggressive approach and support legislative supremacy more firmly.[163]
The Republican Party has supported various bills within the last decade to strip some or all federal courts of the ability to hear certain types of cases, in an attempt to strengthen the power of individual state's rights. Thesejurisdiction stripping laws have included removing federal review of the recognition of same-sex marriage with theMarriage Protection Act,[164] the constitutionality of the Pledge of Allegiance with thePledge Protection Act, and the rights of detainees in Guantanamo Bay in theDetainee Treatment Act. The Supreme Court overruled the last of these limitations inHamdan v. Rumsfeld. Compared to Democrats, many Republicans believe in a more robust version offederalism with greater limitations placed uponfederal authorities and a larger role reserved for those of the individual States. Following this view on federalism, Republicans often take a less expansive reading of congressional power under theCommerce Clause, such as in the opinion ofWilliam Rehnquist inUnited States v. Lopez. Many Republicans on the more libertarian wing wish for a more dramatic narrowing of Commerce Clause power by revisiting, among other cases,Wickard v. Filburn, a case that held that growing wheat on a farm for consumption on the same farm fell under congressional power to"regulate commerce ... among the several States".[citation needed]
President George W. Bush was a proponent of theunitary executive theory and cited it within hisSigning statements about legislation passed by Congress.[165] The administration's interpretation of the unitary executive theory was called seriously into question byHamdan v. Rumsfeld, where the Supreme Court ruled 5–3 that the President does not have sweeping powers to override or ignore laws through his power as commander in chief,[166] stating "the Executive is bound to comply with the Rule of Law that prevails."[167] Following the ruling, the Bush administration sought congressional authorization for programs started only on executive mandate, as was the case with theMilitary Commissions Act, or abandoned programs it had previously asserted executive authority to enact, as in the case of theNational Security Agencydomestic wiretapping program.
Ideologically, the GOP typically supports a smaller federal government. Historically, this translated into keeping power in the hands of powerful state governments, as in the cases of civil rights, abortion laws, regulations on marriage, and mapping of voting districts.[168][page needed] However, some conservatives in recent years have demanded federal intervention to oppose state laws with respect to theFederal Marriage Amendment, theTerri Schiavo case, theKelo case regarding eminent domain, and in cases involvingassisted suicide laws andmedical marijuana. To a certain extent, this is contingent upon the faction in question. For example, the paleoconservative and social conservative factions would be far more inclined to favor federal drug regulations trumping states' rights, while the libertarian faction would be more inclined to see such power devolved to the states or even further.
In 2020, the Republican Party decided not to write a platform for that presidential election cycle;[169] instead, the party simply expressed its support forDonald Trump's agenda,[170] and criticizing "the media" for biased reporting.[171] This was cited by critics as an example of how the Republican Party "became acult of personality".[172][173]
The election of Trump in 2016 saw the Republican Party shift to embrace and bring formerlyfar-right, fringe, and extreme ideas and organizations into the mainstream.[174][175][176][177] His election shifted traditional Republican beliefs and ideology into a new leadership style and political agenda referred to asTrumpism.[178][179][180]
Trump explicitly and routinely disparages racial, religious, and ethnic minorities,[181] and scholars consistently find that racial animus regarding blacks, immigrants, and Muslims are the best predictors of support for Trump.[182] By 2025,The New York Times reported that congressional Republicans had increasingly used overtly bigoted language and offensive tropes against the racial and religious identity of their political opponents with little to no pushback from GOP leadership.[183]
The second presidency of Trump saw him nominate several White House officials with ties toantisemitic extremists.[184] His administration promoted social media content promotingremigration and containing antisemetic slurs,[185] and was criticized as promotingwhite nationalism andNazism.[186][187] TheSouthern Poverty Law Center found that some "images and language appear to come directly from antisemitic and neo-Nazi publications and a white Christian nationalist website".[186]
In late 2025,Politicorevealed leaked group chats among high-ranking leaders of the "Young Republicans" that included language praising Adolf Hitler and promoting Nazism, encouraging the rape and killing of political opponents, extensive use of antisemitic and racial slurs, and favorable opinions onslavery.[188] The messages drew bipartisan condemnation, andanother incident involving the display of an American flag with aswastika in Republican CongressmanDavid Taylor's office a day later spurred significant political commentary about the future of the GOP and condemnation about the prominence of Nazi ideology within the Republican Party.[189][190][191][192] The same month,Politico posted more leaked messages from Republican Office of Special Council nomineePaul Ingrassia where he stated he had "aNazi streak", that he wanted white men in positions of leadership, used ethnic slurs for Black people and Italians, and proposed makingKwanzaa and all celebrations of Black culture illegal.[193]
In the United States, the Democratic Party represents itself as the liberal alternative to the Republicans, but its liberalism is for the most the later version of liberalism—modern liberalism.
Modern liberalism occupies the left-of-center in the traditional political spectrum and is represented by the Democratic Party in the United States.
In the corporate governance area, the center-left repositioned itself to press for reform.
By demanding a cut of a private company's sales, in exchange for the right to do business, Trump is defying the traditionally Republican gospel of free-market capitalism.
Trump continues to bulldoze through long-held norms regarding government and business, departing from the free-market ethos that has long prevailed in both major U.S. political parties.
From tariff carveouts to pro bono legal work from white-shoe law firms, Trump is exerting power over U.S. businesses in ways that go beyond even Sen. Bernie Sanders's (I-Vt.) aspirations. His ability to inject his agenda into private enterprises and dealmaking has shaken the guardrails that protect businesses from sudden political shifts and defied the free-market orthodoxy that was a hallmark of Republican economic policymaking.
Thankfully, Mr Trump only dabbles in state capitalism. Even so, his approach is damaging.
Trump's realignment of American business also bears similarities to China's model of "state capitalism" — a mix between socialism and classic free-market capitalism in which the state is involved in, but doesn't directly own, private businesses.
Source: Guardian/Vice/CCN/YouGov poll. Note: ±4% margin of error.
Only statistically significant differences shown.
The Republican Party's fast journey from debating how to combat human-caused climate change to arguing that it does not exist is a story of big political money, Democratic hubris in the Obama years and a partisan chasm that grew over nine years like a crack in the Antarctic shelf, favoring extreme positions and uncompromising rhetoric over cooperation and conciliation.
republican party anti-environmental.
The U.S. Republican Party is an anomaly in denying anthropogenic climate change.
Of all the major conservative parties in the democratic world, the Republican Party stands alone in its denial of the legitimacy of climate science. Indeed, the Republican Party stands alone in its conviction that no national or international response to climate change is needed. To the extent that the party is divided on the issue, the gap separates candidates who openly dismiss climate science as a hoax, and those who, shying away from the political risks of blatant ignorance, instead couch their stance in the alleged impossibility of international action.
The platform is even more nationalistic, more protectionist and less socially conservative than the 2016 Republican platform that was duplicated in the 2020 election.
Throughout the twentieth century, many evangelicals accepted theistic evolution ... Some Christian right organizations supported the teaching of creationism, along with evolution, in public schools.
Analysts and strategists see Mr. Trump's pivot toward the far right as a tactic to re-create political momentum [...] Mr. Trump has long flirted with the fringes of American society as no other modern president has, openly appealing to prejudice based on race, religion, national origin and sexual orientation, among others [...] Mr. Trump's expanding embrace of extremism has left Republicans once again struggling to figure out how to distance themselves from him.
Trump has amplified social media accounts that promote QAnon, which grew from the far-right fringes of the internet to become a fixture of mainstream Republican politics [...] In his 2024 campaign, Trump has ramped up his combative rhetoric with talk of retribution against his enemies. He recently joked about the hammer attack on Paul Pelosi and suggested that retired Gen. Mark Milley, a former Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman, should be executed for treason.
Trump, however, managed to achieve electoral success in 2016 despite routinely using racial appeals that openly and categorically disparaged racial, religious, and ethnic minorities, or what the racial priming literature refers to as explicit racial appeals. ... Throughout his campaign and subsequent presidency, Trump continued to traffic in similar explicit racial appeals
In the United, States scholars consistently find that "racial animus," or attitudes regarding "blacks, immigrants, Muslims" are the best predictors of support for President Trump
The responses to Mr. Mamdani's electoral triumph were the latest examples of how far-right Republicans in Congress have become overt in their use of bigoted language and ethnically offensive tropes, in both casual comments and official statements. (..) But the kind of language that Mr. Ogles used on social media and the questions he raised in his letter these days have become commonplace among some Republicans. And they almost always go without any real condemnation from G.O.P. leaders.
