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1989 Polish parliamentary election

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(Redirected fromPolish legislative election, 1989)

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1989 Polish parliamentary election

← 19854 June 1989 (first round)
18 June 1989 (second round)
1991 →
RegisteredFirst round: 27,362,313
Second round: 27,026,146 (Sejm), 3,104,127 (Senate)
Sejm

All 460 seats in theSejm
161 seats up for free election
231 seats needed for a majority
TurnoutFirst round: 17,156,170 (62.70%)
Second round: 6,843,872 (25.32%)
PartyLeaderSeats
Seats reserved for thePatriotic Movement for National Rebirth (299)
Polish United Workers' PartyWojciech Jaruzelski173
United People's PartyRoman Malinowski76
Alliance of DemocratsJerzy Jóźwiak [pl]27
PAX AssociationZenon Komender [pl]10
Christian-Social Union [pl]Kazimierz Morawski [pl]8
Polish Catholic Social Association [pl]Wiesław Gwiżdż [pl]5
Freely-contested seats (161)
Solidarity Citizens' CommitteeLech Wałęsa161
This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below.
Senate

All 100 seats in theSenate
51 seats needed for a majority
TurnoutFirst round: 17,156,170 (62.70%)
Second round: 1,320,816 (42.55%)
PartySeats
Solidarity Citizens' Committee

99
Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth

1
This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below.
Sejm — results by constituency
Sejm — results by constituency in "non-partisan" contested seats only
Government beforeGovernment after election
Rakowski cabinet
PZPRZSLSD
(Communist regime)
Mazowiecki cabinet[a]
SolidarityZSLSD
(Contract Sejm)

Parliamentary elections were held in Poland on 4 June 1989 to elect members of theSejm and the recreatedSenate, with a second round on 18 June. They were the firstfree and fair elections in the country since thecommunist government abandoned its monopoly of power in April 1989 and the first elections in theEastern Bloc that resulted in the communist government losing power.

Not all seats in the Sejm were allowed to be contested, but the resounding victory of theSolidarity opposition in the freely contested races (the rest of the Sejm seats and all of the Senate) paved the way to theend of communist rule in Poland. Solidarity won all of the freely contested seats in the Sejm, and all but one seat in the Senate, which was scored by a government-alignednonpartisan candidate.[1] Most crucially, the election served as evidence of widespread dissatisfaction with the government. In the aftermath of the election, Poland became the first country of theEastern Bloc in which democratically elected representatives gained real power.[2] Although the elections were not entirely democratic, they led to the formation of a non-communist government led byTadeusz Mazowiecki and apeaceful transition to democracy in Poland and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe.[3][4][5]

Background

[edit]

In May and August 1988massive waves of workers' strikes broke out in the Polish People's Republic. The strikes, as well as street demonstrations, continued throughout spring and summer, ending in early September 1988. These actions shook thecommunist regime of the country to such an extent that it decided to begin talking about recognising Solidarity (Polish: Solidarność), an "unofficial" labor union that subsequently grew into a political movement.[6] As a result, later that year, the regime decided to negotiate with the opposition,[7] which opened the way for the 1989Round Table Agreement. The second, much bigger wave of strikes (August 1988) surprised both the government and top leaders of Solidarity, who were not expecting actions of such intensity. These strikes were mostly organized by local activists, who had no idea that their leaders from Warsaw had already started secret negotiations with the communists.[8]

An agreement was reached by the communistPolish United Workers' Party (PZPR) and the Solidarity movement during the Round Table negotiations. The final agreement was signed on 4 April 1989, ending communist rule in Poland. As a result, real political power was vested in a newly createdbicameral legislature (theSejm, with the recreatedSenate), whilst the office ofpresident was re-established. Solidarity became a legitimate and legal political party: On 7 April 1989 the existing parliament changed the election law and changedthe constitution (through theApril Novelization), and on 17 April, the Supreme Court of Poland registered Solidarity.[9][10] Soon after the agreement was signed, Solidarity leaderLech Wałęsa travelled toRome to be received by the PolishPope John Paul II.[10]

Constituencies used in the election

Perhaps the most important decision reached during the Round Table talks was to allow for partially free elections to be held in Poland.[11] (A fully free election was promised "in four years").[10] All seats in the newly recreated Senate of Poland were to be elected democratically, as were 161 seats (35 percent of the total) in Sejm.[11] The remaining 65% of the seats in the Sejm were reserved for the PZPR and its satellite parties (United People's Party (ZSL),Alliance of Democrats (SD), and communist-aligned Catholic parties). These seats were still technically elected, but only government-sponsored candidates were allowed to compete for them.[11] In addition, all 35 seats elected via thenational electoral list were reserved for the PZPR's candidates provided they gained a certain quota of support.[10] This was to ensure that the most notable leaders of the PZPR were elected.

The outcome of the election was largely unpredictable, and pre-electoral opinion polls were inconclusive.[12] After all, Poland had not had a truly fair election since the 1920s, so there was little precedent to go by.[10] The last contested elections werethose of 1947, in the midst of communist-orchestrated violent oppression and electoral fraud.[11] This time, there would be open and relatively fair competition for many seats, both between communist and Solidarity candidates, and, in some cases, between various communist candidates.[11] Althoughcensorship was still in force, the opposition was allowed to campaign much more freely than before, thanks to a new newspaper,Gazeta Wyborcza, and the reactivation ofTygodnik Solidarność.[9] Solidarity was also given access to televised media, being allocated 23% of electoral time onPolish Television.[13] There were also no restrictions on financial support.[11] Although the Communists were clearly unpopular, there were no hard numbers as to how low support for them would actually fall. A rather flawed survey carried out in April, days after the Round Table Agreement was signed, suggested that over 60% of the surveyed wanted Solidarity to cooperate with the government.[12] Another survey a week later, regarding the Senate elections, showed that 48% of the surveyed supported the opposition, 14% supported the communist government, and 38% were undecided.[12] In such a situation, both sides faced another unfamiliar aspect - theelectoral campaign.[12] The communists knew they were guaranteed 65% of the seats, and expected a difficult but winnable contest; in fact they were concerned about a possibility of "winning too much" - they desired some opposition, which would serve to legitimize their government both internally and internationally.[12] The communist government still had control over most major media outlets and employed sports and television celebrities as candidates, as well as successful local personalities.[13] Some members of the opposition were worried that such tactics would gain enough votes from the less educated[citation needed] segment of the population to give the communists the legitimacy that they craved. Only a few days before June 4, the party Central Committee was discussing the possible reaction of the Western world should Solidarity not win a single seat. At the same time, the Solidarity leaders were trying to prepare some set of rules for the non-party MPs in a communist-dominated parliament, as it was expected that the party would not win more than 20 seats. Solidarity was also complaining that the way electoral districts were drawn was not favourable towards it;[11] indeed, the Council of State allocated more open seats beyond the minimum of one to constituencies where Solidarity was expected to lose.[14]

Participating parties

[edit]

Member parties of the Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth

[edit]
PartyIdeologyLeader(s)Leader sinceLeader's seatCandidates
Sejm (constituency)Sejm (national list)Senate
PZPRPolish United Workers' Party
Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza
CommunismWojciech Jaruzelski18 October 1981Did not run (candidate for President)680[15]17178[16]
ZSLUnited People's Party
Zjednoczone Stronnictwo Ludowe
Agrarian socialismRoman Malinowski1981Ran under theNational list (lost)284[15]987[16]
SDAlliance of Democrats
Stronnictwo Demokratyczne
Democratic socialismJerzy Jóźwiak [pl]18 April 1989Ran under theNational list (lost)84[15]367[16]

Opposition groups

[edit]

As the "leading role" of the Communist Party was not abolished at this time, all opposition candidates formally stood as independents.

PartyIdeologyLeader(s)Leader sinceLeader's seatCandidates
SejmSenate
KO "S"Solidarity Citizens' Committee
Komitet Obywatelski "Solidarność"
Liberal democracy
Anti-communism
Lech Wałęsa18 December 1988
(of political organization)
Did not run161[16]100[16]
KPNConfederation of Independent Poland
Konfederacja Polski Niepodległej
Sanationism
Anti-communism
Leszek Moczulski1 September 1979Ran inKraków-Podgórze [pl] (lost)16[16][17]6[16][17]
SPChristian-Democratic Labour Party
Chrześcijańsko-Demokratyczne Stronnictwo Pracy
Christian democracy
Political Catholicism
Władysław Siła-Nowicki [pl]12 February 1989Ran inWarsaw-Żoliborz [pl] (lost)
GRKK "S"Working Group of the National Commission of Solidarity [pl][16]
Grupa Robocza Komisji Krajowej NSZZ „Solidarność”
Liberal democracy
Anti-communism
Andrzej GwiazdaApril 1987Did not run
UPRReal Politics Union[16]
Unia Polityki Realnej
Classical liberalism
Libertarianism
Janusz Korwin-Mikke14 November 1987Ran for Senator inWrocław Voivodeship (lost)

Electoral System

[edit]

The Sejm was elected using atwo-round system.[18][16] TheCouncil of State was responsible for drawing out constituencies, which would have between two and five seats.[19][16] Each voter had multiple votes, one for each seat in the constituency, and each seat was elected on its own separate ballot.[20][21] In addition, up to 10% of the seats in the Sejm would be reserved to the national list;[22] the final settled number of national list seats was 35.[16]

In the constituencies, only the PZPR and its satellite parties were allowed to nominate candidates in their own name; Solidarity candidates had to formally run as independents.[23][16] The seats in each constituency would be reserved to candidates of one of thePRON member parties or to independent candidates (a category whichde facto also included opposition parties), based on an allocation predetermined by the Council of State "pursuant to the concludedroundtable agreement".[24][25][26][16] The constituencies, as well as the seats within each constituency, were numbered in a single consecutive series.[25][26] At least one seat in each constituency was guaranteed for independent candidates.[24] Within each seat, the elections were multi-candidate, but only between candidates of the category to which the seat was reserved (for example, only PZPR candidates could run in the PZPR-reserved seats). Rather than making a mark next to the name of the candidate which he desired to vote for, a voter had to strike out the names of all other candidates; leaving two or more names unstruck would have spoiled the ballot.[27]

The National list was elected in a similar format to previous Polish elections; voters were presented with a single slate of candidates, all belonging to the PZPR and its satellite parties;[23] Solidarity was invited to submit candidates to the national list, but declined this invitation.[16] However, unlike previous elections, voters could vote against individual candidates on this slate by striking out their name from the ballot, rather than having to reject the slate in its entirety. If a candidate's name was not struck out, a vote was presumed to be cast for him.[27] To be elected, a candidate on the national list had to be supported by at least 50% of the vote.[18] During the campaign, it was also ruled that writing an X over all the names in the National list ballot would count as a vote against all of them.[14] The electoral law made no provision about what would happen in case a candidate is rejected; for that reason, in the second round of the election, new seats, having the same party reservations as the rejected national list candidates, were allocated to the constituencies.[16][28]

The Senate was also elected usingtwo-roundmultiple non-transferable vote under the same electoral law as the Sejm, albeit with modifications:[29] Each voivodeship elected two Senators at-large (with the exception ofWarsaw andKatowice voivodeships, which elected three), seats were open to all candidates running rather than being reserved to parties, and all the seats were elected on a single common ballot.[30]

Candidate selection and campaign

[edit]
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Solidarity

[edit]
Ahow-to-vote card distributed by Solidarity

The Solidarity campaign made use ofhow-to-vote cards that included only the names of the Solidarity candidates, with strikethrough lines taking the place of the other candidates' names. Although the how-to-vote cards concerned only those seats which Solidarity was allowed to contest, the Solidarity campaign also included some degree of campaigning against government candidates on the national list.[14]

On 8 April 1989, the Solidarity Citizens' Committee decided it would field only one candidate for each available seat, to prevent vote-splitting.[14][31] The list of candidates was determined centrally by Solidarity leadership, rather than nominated from local branches.[14]Lech Wałęsa chose not to field his own candidacy, fearing that his chances of winning a seat were low and that the ensuing personal loss would carry with it a loss of authority for all Solidarity MPs.[14]

Results

[edit]
"High Noon, June 4, 1989."
Solidarity Citizens' Committee election poster by Tomasz Sarnecki.
Votes for Solidarity by constituency
Votes for government coalition by constituency

The outcome was a major surprise to both the PZPR and Solidarity.[32] Solidarity's electoral campaign was much more successful than expected.[33] It won a landslide victory, winning all but one of the 100 seats in the Senate, and all of the contested seats in the Sejm; the sole seat in the Senate which was not won by Solidarity was won byHenryk Stokłosa [pl], a non-partisan businessman aligned with the communists.[1][34] Out of 35 seats in the country-wide list in which Solidarity was not allowed to compete, only one was gained by PZPR candidate (Adam Zieliński) and one by a ZSL satellite party candidate in the first round; none of the others attained the required 50% majority.[10] The communists regained some seats during the second round, but the first round was highly humiliating to them,[35] the psychological impact of it has been called "shattering".[10] Government-supported candidates competing against Solidarity members gained 10 to 40% of votes in total, varying by constituency.[36] Altogether, out of 161 seats eligible, Solidarity took all 161 (160 in the first round and one more in the second). In the 161 districts in which opposition candidates competed against pro-government candidates, the opposition candidates obtained 72% of the vote (16,369,237).[37][34] Even in those seats which were reserved for the Communist-aligned parties, three candidates unofficially supported by Solidarity -Teresa Liszcz andWładysław Żabiński of the ZSL andMarian Czerwiński of the PZPR - defeated their own party's "mainstream" candidates and won seats in the Sejm.[16]

While Solidarity having secured the 35% of seats available to it, the remaining 65% was divided between the PZPR and its satellite parties (37.6% to PZPR, 16.5% to ZSL, 5.8% to SD, with 4% distributed between small communist-aligned Catholic parties, PAX and UChS).[11] The distribution of seats among the PZPR and its allies was known beforehand.[11]

Voter turnout was surprisingly low: only 62.7% in the first round and 25% in the second.[34] The second round, with the exception of one district, was a contest between two most popular pro-government candidates. This explains low turnout in the second round as pro-opposition voters (the majority of the electorate) had limited interest in these races; however, Solidarity gave its endorsement to 55 candidates of pro-government parties, including 21 from the PZPR, who ran in opposition to their own party's leadership, and encouraged its supporters to vote for them.[16]

Sejm

[edit]
Party or allianceFirst roundSecond roundTotal
seats
+/–
Votes%SeatsVotes%Seats
Seats reserved for thePatriotic Movement for National RebirthPolish United Workers' Party2171173−72
United People's Party37376−30
Democratic Party02727−8
PAX Association01010+10
Christian-Social Union088+8
Polish Catholic-Social Association055+5
"Non-partisan" contested seatsSolidarity Citizens' Committee1601161+161
Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth000−74
Confederation of Independent Poland0000
Minor opposition[b]0000
Total1652954600
Total votes17,156,1706,843,872
Registered voters/turnout27,362,31362.7027,026,14625.32
Source:[37]

Votes in reserved seats

[edit]
Party or allianceConstituency (first round)National listConstituency (second round)Total
seats
+/–
Votes%SeatsVotes%SeatsVotes%Seats
Patriotic Movement for National RebirthPolish United Workers' Party22,734,34859.261132,845,38547.191171173−72
United People's Party8,865,10223.11274,921,23026.6217376−30
Democratic Party3,961,12410.32024,814,9038.8202727−8
PAX Association1,216,6813.17024,269,7618.6201010+10
Christian-Social Union907,9012.37016,601,8965.90088+8
Polish Catholic-Social Association681,1991.7808,029,9112.85055+5
Total38,366,355100.003281,483,086100.002294299

Votes in contested seats

[edit]
PartyFirst roundSecond roundTotal
seats
+/–
Votes%SeatsVotes%Seats
Solidarity Citizens' Committee16,433,80971.2816063,52755.621161+161
Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth4,937,75021.42041,36636.2200
Confederation of Independent Poland122,1320.53000
Minor opposition[c]171,8660.75000
Against all1,389,5246.039,3178.16
Total23,055,081100.00160114,210100.0011610
Source:[37]

By constituency

[edit]
No.ConstituencyTotal
seats
Seats won
PZPRKO "S"ZSLSDPAXUChSPZKS
1Warszawa-Śródmieście [pl]3111
2Warszawa-Mokotów [pl]52111
3Warszawa-Ochota [pl]4211
4Warszawa-Wola [pl]5221
5Warszawa-Żoliborz [pl]321
6Warszawa-Praga-Północ [pl]52111
7Warszawa-Praga-Południe [pl]532
8Biała Podlaska [pl]4211
9Białystok [pl]41111
10Bielsk Podlaski [pl]41111
11Bielsko-Biała [pl]5221
12Andrychów [pl]5221
13Bydgoszcz [pl]5311
14Chojnice [pl]511111
15Inowrocław [pl]4121
16Chełm [pl]4112
17Ciechanów [pl]52111
18Częstochowa [pl]52111
19Lubliniec [pl]4121
20Elbląg [pl]52111
21Gdańsk [pl]5221
22Gdynia [pl]4121
23Tczew [pl]4211
24Wejherowo [pl]41111
25Gorzów Wielkopolski [pl]51211
26Choszczno [pl]211
27Jelenia Góra [pl]3111
28Bolesławiec [pl]312
29Kalisz [pl]422
30Ostrów Wielkopolski [pl]4211
31Kępno [pl]211
32Katowice [pl]52111
33Sosnowiec [pl]4211
34Jaworzno [pl]4211
35Dąbrowa Górnicza [pl]4211
36Bytom [pl]523
37Gliwice [pl]532
38Chorzów [pl]5311
39Tychy [pl]523
40Rybnik [pl]532
41Wodzisław Śląski [pl]5221
42Kielce [pl]51211
43Skarżysko-Kamienna [pl]532
44Pińczów [pl]4121
45Konin [pl]5221
46Koszalin [pl]431
47Szczecinek [pl]4211
48Kraków-Śródmieście [pl]5212
49Kraków-Nowa Huta [pl]51211
50Kraków-Podgórze [pl]5221
51Krosno [pl]5221
52Legnica [pl]3111
53Lubin [pl]312
54Leszno [pl]4121
55Lublin [pl]511111
56Kraśnik [pl]321
57Puławy [pl]3111
58Lubartów [pl]211
59Łomża [pl]5221
60Łódź-Bałuty [pl]4211
61Łódź-Śródmieście [pl]5311
62Łódź-Górna [pl]312
63Łódź-Widzew [pl]211
64Nowy Sącz [pl]52111
65Nowy Targ [pl]4121
66Biskupiec [pl]3111
67Olsztyn [pl]51211
68Opole [pl]52111
69Kędzierzyn-Koźle [pl]41111
70Brzeg [pl]211
71Ostrołęka [pl]5122
72Piła [pl]5221
73Piotrków Trybunalski [pl]5221
74Bełchatów [pl]3111
75Płock [pl]4121
76Kutno [pl]41111
77Poznań-Grunwald [pl]5221
78Poznań-Nowe Miasto [pl]52111
79Poznań-Stare Miasto [pl]5221
80Przemyśl [pl]5221
81Radom [pl]52111
82Białobrzegi [pl]41111
83Rzeszów [pl]52111
84Mielec [pl]4211
85Garwolin [pl]4121
86Siedlce [pl]4112
87Sieradz [pl]5131
88Skierniewice [pl]5221
89Słupsk [pl]5221
90Suwałki [pl]5221
91Szczecin [pl]5221
92Świnoujście [pl]3111
93Stargard Szczeciński [pl]3111
94Tarnobrzeg [pl]4121
95Stalowa Wola [pl]312
96Tarnów [pl]5122
97Dębica [pl]3111
98Toruń [pl]51211
99Grudziądz [pl]3111
100Wałbrzych [pl]5311
101Świdnica [pl]4121
102Włocławek [pl]52111
103Wrocław-Psie Pole [pl]5221
104Wrocław-Fabryczna [pl]4211
105Wrocław-Krzyki [pl]41111
106Zamość [pl]5221
107Zielona Góra [pl]41111
108Żary [pl]312
National list [pl]211
Total46017316176271085
Source:Sejm,Sejm,Sejm

Senate

[edit]
PartyFirst roundSecond roundTotal
seats
Votes%SeatsVotes%Seats
Solidarity Citizens' Committee20,754,77265.2092959,92758.52799
Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth8,200,94425.760608,94637.1211
Confederation of Independent Poland54,6830.17000
Minor opposition[d]108,4280.34000
Total29,118,827100.00921,568,873100.008100
Total votes17,156,1701,320,816
Registered voters/turnout27,362,31362.703,104,12742.55
Source: Sejm (first round),[38] Sejm (second round)[39]

By voivodeship

[edit]
VoivodeshipTotal seatsKO "S"PRON
Biała Podlaska22
Białystok22
Bielsko22
Bydgoszcz22
Chełm22
Ciechanów22
Częstochowa22
Elbląg22
Gdańsk22
Gorzów22
Jelenia Góra22
Kalisz22
Katowice33
Kielce22
Konin22
Koszalin22
Kraków22
Krosno22
Legnica22
Leszno22
Lublin22
Łomża22
Łódź22
Nowy Sącz22
Olsztyn22
Opole22
Ostrołęka22
Piła211
Piotrków22
Płock22
Poznań22
Przemyśl22
Radom22
Rzeszów22
Siedlce22
Sieradz22
Skierniewice22
Słupsk22
Suwałki22
Szczecin22
Tarnobrzeg22
Tarnów22
Toruń22
Wałbrzych22
Warsaw33
Włocławek22
Wrocław22
Zamość22
Zielona Góra22
Total100991
Source:Sejm,Sejm,Senate

Aftermath

[edit]

The magnitude of the Communist coalition's defeat was so great that there were initially fears that either the PZPR or the Kremlin would annul the results. However, PZPR general secretaryWojciech Jaruzelski allowed the results to stand.[40] He and his colleagues felt secure with the 65% of the seats it was guaranteed for itself and its traditional allies.[34] On 19 July the Sejm elected Jaruzelski as president by only one vote. In turn, he nominated GeneralCzesław Kiszczak for prime minister; they intended for Solidarity to be given a few token positions for appearances.[34] However, this was undone when Solidarity's leaders convinced the PZPR's longtime satellite parties, the ZSL and SD (some of whose members already owed a debt to Solidarity for endorsing them during the second round)[35] to switch sides and support a Solidarity-led coalition government.[34] The PZPR, which had 37.6% of the seats, suddenly found itself in a minority. Abandoned by Moscow, Kiszczak resigned on 14 August. With no choice but to appoint a Solidarity member as prime minister, on 24 August Jaruzelski appointed Solidarity activistTadeusz Mazowiecki as head of a Solidarity-led coalition, ushering a brief period described as "Your president, our prime minister".[2][10][34][35]

The elected parliament was known as theContract Sejm,[34] from the "contract" between the Solidarity and the communist government which made it possible in the first place.

Although the elections were not entirely democratic[citation needed] they paved the way for the Sejm's approval ofMazowiecki's cabinet on 13 September and a peaceful transition to democracy, which was confirmed after thepresidential election of 1990 (in whichLech Wałęsa replaced Jaruzelski as president) and theparliamentary elections of 1991.

On the international level, this election is seen as one of the major milestones in thefall of communism ("Autumn of Nations") in Central and Eastern Europe.[2][3][4][5]

However, Solidarity did not stay in power long, and quickly fractured, resulting in it being replaced by other parties. In this context, the 1989 elections are often seen as the vote against communism, rather than for Solidarity.[41]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^Following the election,Czesław Kiszczak ofPZPR was designated Prime Minister by theCommunist regime ofPresidentWojciech Jaruzelski, however in a surprising move the satellite partiesZSL andSD, together forming 1/5th of theSejm, broke away and gave support toSolidarity which won 1/3rd of seats in the Sejm - all it was allowed to contest - andTadeusz Mazowiecki was designated and sworn in as Prime Minister.
  2. ^includingWorking Group of the National Commission of Solidarity [pl],Labour Party, andReal Politics Union
  3. ^includingWorking Group of the National Commission of Solidarity [pl],Labour Party, andReal Politics Union
  4. ^includingOrange Alternative,Working Group of the National Commission of Solidarity [pl],Labour Party andReal Politics Union

References

[edit]
  1. ^abPaulina Codogni (2012). Wybory czerwcowe 1989 roku.Polish Institute of National Remembrance. p. 297. ISBN 978-83-7629-342-4.
  2. ^abcRonald J. Hill (1 July 1992).Beyond Stalinism: Communist political evolution. Psychology Press. p. 51.ISBN 978-0-7146-3463-0. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  3. ^abGeoffrey Pridham (1994).Democratization in Eastern Europe: domestic and international perspectives. Psychology Press. p. 176.ISBN 978-0-415-11063-1. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  4. ^abOlav Njølstad (2004).The last decade of the Cold War: from conflict escalation to conflict transformation. Psychology Press. p. 59.ISBN 978-0-7146-8539-7. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  5. ^abAtsuko Ichijō; Willfried Spohn (2005).Entangled identities: nations and Europe. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 166.ISBN 978-0-7546-4372-2. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  6. ^Andy ZebrowskiTurning the tables?
  7. ^Pushing back the curtain. BBC News, Poland 1984 - 1988
  8. ^Andrzej Grajewski,Second August
  9. ^ab(in Polish) Wojciech Roszkowski: Najnowsza historia Polski 1980–2002. Warszawa: Świat Książki, 2003,ISBN 83-7391-086-7 p.102
  10. ^abcdefghNorman Davies (May 2005).God's Playground: 1795 to the present. Columbia University Press. pp. 503–504.ISBN 978-0-231-12819-3. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  11. ^abcdefghiMarjorie Castle (28 November 2005).Triggering Communism's Collapse: Perceptions and Power in Poland's Transition. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 146–148.ISBN 978-0-7425-2515-3. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  12. ^abcdeMarjorie Castle (28 November 2005).Triggering Communism's Collapse: Perceptions and Power in Poland's Transition. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 154–115.ISBN 978-0-7425-2515-3. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  13. ^abMarjorie Castle (28 November 2005).Triggering Communism's Collapse: Perceptions and Power in Poland's Transition. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 168–169.ISBN 978-0-7425-2515-3. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  14. ^abcdefWygłosowana niepodległość, polityka.pl
  15. ^abcPaulina Codogni (2012). Wybory czerwcowe 1989 roku.Polish Institute of National Remembrance. pp 189-90. ISBN 978-83-7629-342-4.
  16. ^abcdefghijklmnopqrWybory czerwcowe (June elections),Antoni Dudek [pl], encyklopedia-solidarnosci.pl
  17. ^ab"Gazeta Polska"(PDF). 1989-05-20.
  18. ^ab"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  19. ^"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  20. ^"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  21. ^Jakub Karpiński (2001). Trzecia niepodległość. Najnowsza historia Polski.Świat Książki [pl]. p 48. ISBN 83-7311-156-5.
  22. ^"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  23. ^ab"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  24. ^ab"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  25. ^ab"Document Details".isap.sejm.gov.pl. Retrieved2024-08-20.
  26. ^ab"Document Details".isap.sejm.gov.pl. Retrieved2024-08-20.
  27. ^ab"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  28. ^"Uchwała Rady Państwa z dnia 12 czerwca 1989 r. w sprawie ponownego głosowania do mandatów nie obsadzonych z krajowej listy wyborczej".isap.sejm.gov.pl. Retrieved2024-08-21.
  29. ^"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  30. ^"DTIC ADA335767: JPRS Report East Europe". May 11, 1989 – via Internet Archive.
  31. ^Paulina Codogni (2012). Wybory czerwcowe 1989 roku.Polish Institute of National Remembrance. p. 116. ISBN 978-83-7629-342-4.
  32. ^Samuel P. Huntington (1991).The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 177.ISBN 978-0-8061-2516-9. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  33. ^Marjorie Castle (28 November 2005).Triggering Communism's Collapse: Perceptions and Power in Poland's Transition. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 189.ISBN 978-0-7425-2515-3. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  34. ^abcdefghPiotr Wróbel,Rebuilding Democracy in Poland, 1989-2004, inM. B. B. Biskupski; James S. Pula; Piotr J. Wrobel (25 May 2010).The Origins of Modern Polish Democracy. Ohio University Press. pp. 273–275.ISBN 978-0-8214-1892-5. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  35. ^abcGeorge Sanford (2002).Democratic government in Poland: constitutional politics since 1989. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 55.ISBN 978-0-333-77475-5. Retrieved4 June 2011.
  36. ^Polish National Electoral Commission report on the results of 4 June 1989 legislative election, published on 8 June 1989, Retrieved 23 September 2015
  37. ^abc"Obwieszczenie Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej z dnia 8 czerwca 1989 r. o wynikach głosowania i wynikach wyborów do Sejmu Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej przeprowadzonych dnia 4 czerwca 1989 r."isap.sejm.gov.pl. Retrieved2019-11-20.
  38. ^"Obwieszczenie Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej z dnia 8 czerwca 1989 r. o wynikach głosowania i wynikach wyborów do Senatu Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej przeprowadzonych dnia 4 czerwca 1989 r."
  39. ^"Obwieszczenie Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej z dnia 20 czerwca 1989 r. o wynikach ponownego głosowania i wynikach wyborów do Senatu Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej przeprowadzonych dnia 18 czerwca 1989 r."
  40. ^Sarotte, Mary Elise (7 October 2014).The Collapse: The Accidental Opening of the Berlin Wall.New York City:Basic Books. p. 23.ISBN 9780465064946.
  41. ^Arista Maria Cirtautas (1997).The Polish solidarity movement: revolution, democracy and natural rights. Psychology Press. p. 205.ISBN 978-0-415-16940-0. Retrieved4 June 2011.
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