Polish People's Party Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe | |
|---|---|
.svg) | |
| Leader | Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz |
| Founded | 1895; 130 years ago (1895) (original form) 1990; 35 years ago (1990) (current form) |
| Merger of |
|
| Preceded by | United People's Party |
| Headquarters | ul. Kopernika 36/40, 00-924Warsaw |
| Membership(2023) |  73,222[1] |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Centre-right toright-wing[21] Historical: Left-wing[25] |
| National affiliation | Polish Coalition Senate Pact 2023 (for2023 Senate election) Third Way (formerly)[a] |
| European affiliation | European People's Party |
| European Parliament group | European People's Party Group |
| Colours | |
| Anthem | "Rota" |
| Sejm | 28 / 460 |
| Senate | 4 / 100 |
| European Parliament | 2 / 53 |
| Regional assemblies | 58 / 552 |
| City presidents | 1 / 107 |
| Voivodes | 2 / 16 |
| Voivodeship Marshals | 2 / 16 |
| Website | |
| psl.pl | |
ThePolish People's Party (Polish:Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe,PSL) is aconservativepolitical party in Poland.[26] It is currently led byWładysław Kosiniak-Kamysz.
Its history traces back to 1895, when it held the name People's Party, although its name was changed to the present one in 1903. During theSecond Polish Republic, the Polish People's Party was represented by a number of parties that held its name. They were all supportive of agrarian policies, although they spanned from theleft-wing to thecentre-right on the political spectrum. It was reformed to thePeople's Party shortly after theSanacja regime took power. It took part into the formation ofPolish government-in-exile during theWorld War II, and after the war it was again reformed into thePolish People's Party, and soon after into theUnited People's Party. During the existence of thePolish People's Republic, it was seen as asatellite party of the rulingPolish United Workers' Party that promoted rural interests. After thefall of communism, it participated in the governments led by theDemocratic Left Alliance. In the mid-2000s, it began shifting more to thecentre-right and it adopted moreconservative policies. It entered in the government again following the2007 parliamentary election, and since2015 it has served in the opposition. Since 2015, the party abandoned agrarianism and shifted towards an economically liberal and non-ideological character.[27]
Today, it is positioned in the centre-right[31] and leans towards the right-wing;[35] it is alsoChristian democratic,[39]socially conservative,[40]economically liberal,[41] and supports Poland's membership in the European Union.[42] It currently has 19 seats in theSejm and two seats in theSenate. On national level, it heads thePolish Coalition; further, on European level, it is a part of theEuropean People's Party. The sign of this party isFour-leaf clover.
The party's name traces its tradition to an agrarian party inAustrian-controlledKingdom of Galicia, which sent MPs to theparliament in Vienna.[43] The party was formed in 1895 in the Polish town ofRzeszów under the name Stronnictwo Ludowe (People's Party). The party changed its name in 1903 to what it's known as now. The party from July 15 1897 was led byHenryk Rewakowicz and was quite successful, seating representatives in the Galician parliament before the turn of the 19th century. In theSecond Polish Republic there were a few parties named PSL (Polish People's Party "Wyzwolenie",Polish People's Party "Piast",Polish People's Party "Left" and others) until they were removed by theSanacja regime (see alsoPeople's Party).[43]
During this time, there were two parties using the term "Polish People's Party", namelyPolish People's Party "Piast" andPolish People's Party "Wyzwolenie" (which were merged intoPeople's Party withStronnictwo Chłopskie). DuringWorld War II, PSL took part in forming thePolish government in exile.[43]
In June 1945 after the warStanisław Mikołajczyk, a PSL leader who had been Prime Minister of the Polish government in exile, returned to communist-dominated Poland, where he joined theprovisional government andrebuilt PSL. The party hoped to win theYalta Conference-mandated elections and help establish aparliamentary system in Poland. However, the party soon found itself targeted with intimidation, arrests and violence by the communist secret police.[44]
The communists also formed a rival ersatz 'Peasants' party' controlled by them, in order to confuse voters. TheJanuary 1947 parliamentary election was heavily rigged, with the communist-controlled bloc claiming to have won 80% of the vote. The PSL were said to have won just 10% of the vote, but many neutral observers believe the PSL would have won the election had it been conducted fairly.[43]
Mikołajczyk was soon compelled to flee Poland for his life in October 1947. The communists then forced the remains of Mikołajczyk's PSL to unite with the pro-communist People's Party to form theUnited People's Party. The ZSL was a governing partner in theruling coalition.[45]
Around the time of thefall of communism, several PSLs were recreated, includingPeasants' Agreement, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe-Odrodzenie, and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Wilanów faction). In 1989, most merged into one party and took part in forming the first postwar noncommunist government in Poland with theSolidarity grouping; in 1990, the party changed its name to PSL.[46][47]
It remained on the left of Polish politics in the 1990s, entering into coalitions with the postcommunistDemocratic Left Alliance.[48][49][50] In the2001 parliamentary elections, PSL received 9% of votes and formed a coalition with the Democratic Left Alliance, an alliance which later broke down. Since then, PSL has moved towards morecentrist andconservative policies.
The party ran in the2004 European Parliament election as part of theEuropean People's Party (EPP) and received 6% of the vote, giving it four of 54 Polish seats in theEuropean Parliament.[48][51] In the2005 general election, the party received 7% of votes, giving it 25 seats in the Sejm and two in the Senate. In the2007 parliamentary elections, the party placed fourth, with 8.93% of the vote and 31 out of 460 seats, and entered into a governing coalition with the victor, thecentre-rightCivic Platform.[52] In European parliament elections PSL received 7.01% of votes in 2009.[53] In the2011 national parliamentary election, Polish People's Party received 8.36% votes which gave them 28 seats in the Sejm and two mandates in the Senate.[54]
After theparliamentary elections in 2007, PSL won 8.91% of the popular vote and 31 seats,[55] it joined the government coalition led by Civic Platform.Waldemar Pawlak was appointed deputy prime minister,Marek Sawicki was appointed as agriculture minister, andJolanta Fedak was appointed as labor minister. In the2009 European Parliament election, it won 3 seats.[56] After theSmolensk air disaster,presidential elections were held in which Pawlak placed fifth, winning 1.75% of the vote. In the second round they didn't state their support for anyone.[57]
In the 2010 local government elections, PSL obtained 16.3% of the votes in the elections to voivodship assemblies, in which it received 93 seats. In theŚwiętokrzyskie sejmik, the party received the most seats. In all parliamentary assemblies, PSL found itself in ruling coalitions with the PO, in four voivodeships receiving the positions of marshals. In the elections to poviat councils, the PSL committee obtained 15.88%, and in the elections to municipal councils 11% of the votes. The PSL won the largest number of village leaders (428) and mayors in the country, and in Zgierz, the party's candidate won the presidential election. In 2011, a PiS senator defected to PSL.[58]
In theparliamentary elections of 2011, PSL obtained 8.36% of votes on the list of candidates for the Sejm.[59] The party also won two seats in the Senate.[60] Eugeniusz Grzeszczak became the deputy speaker of the Sejm on behalf of the PSL.[61] PSL again became a partner of the PO in the government coalition. On December 7, 2011, as a result of the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, Arkadiusz Bratkowski, a PSL politician, assumed a mandate in the European Parliament.[62]
In July 2012, Stanisław Kalemba replaced Marek Sawicki as the minister of agriculture and rural development. Pawlak was defeated during the presidential election byJanusz Piechociński.[63] Two days later, Waldemar Pawlak announced his resignation as deputy prime minister and minister of economy. He was dismissed from both functions on November 27. On December 6, both these offices were taken over by Janusz Piechociński.
In January 2014, PSL decided to establish cooperation with SKL and Samoobrona, but SKL already in February announced that Jarosław Gowin joined Poland Together, and the PSL talks about a joint election campaign with Samoobrona did not end with an agreement. In March, MP Andrzej Dąbrowski left PSL.[64] The party's candidate in the 2015 presidential election was the marshal of the Świętokrzyskie Province, party vice president Adam Jarubas.[65] He placed 6th, obtaining 238,761 votes.[66] Before the second round, PSL was involved in the campaign of the then-incumbent President Bronisław Komorowski.[67]
At the2015 parliamentary election, the PSL dropped to 5.13% of the vote, just barely over the 5% threshold. With 16 seats, it was the smallest of the five factions in the Sejm.[68]
Since then, PSL has lost even more support to PiS during the2018 Polish local elections when they lost 87 seats and dropped to 12.07% unlike the 23.9% they got at the last local elections. After this, the party became a junior partner in coalition with theCivic Coalition and SLD.
In the2019 European election, PSL won three seats as a part of theEuropean Coalition.[69]
For theparliamentary elections in the same year, PSL decided to create acentrist andChristian-democratic coalition called thePolish Coalition.[70] ThePolish Coalition, apart from PSL, consisted ofKukiz'15,Union of European Democrats and otherliberal,catholic andregionalist organisations.[71][72][73] The coalition managed to get 30 Sejm members elected, 20 of whom were members of PSL.
In November 2020, PSL decided to end coalition withKukiz'15 due to differences on negotiations onEU budget.[74]
Before the 2023 parliamentary electionsPolish Coalition formed abroader alliance with centristPoland 2050 ofSzymon Hołownia.
After theparliamentary elections in 2023,Third Way block won 14.4% of the popular vote and 65 seats, it joined the government coalition with Civic Coalition and The Left.Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz was appointed as the deputy prime minister and as a Minister of National Defense,Czesław Siekierski was appointed as Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development,Dariusz Klimczak was appointed as Minister of Infrastructure andKrzysztof Hetman as Minister of Development and Technology. Because of the electoral success (65 MPs)Third Way block has also participated in2024 local getting 12.07% of the votes in the elections to voivodship assemblies, in which it received 80 seats. The Third Way maintained their alliance for the European parliamentary elections of 2024, and won three seats with 6.9% of the vote, a sharp decline from the national elections in 2023.
On 17 June 2025, the Executive Council of the Polish People's Party announced that it had decided to leave Third Way and run separately in the next parliamentary election. Poland 2050 stated that it accepts the decision of its partner and confirmed that it marks the end of the alliance.[75] Political commentators noted that the decision was likely caused by poor performance in the polls - In June 2025, the Third Way was polling around 4%, way short of the 8%electoral threshold for coalitions running for theSejm.[76] Later, Kosiniak-Kamysz elaborated that the PSL would seek to contest the next parties alone, and not as part of any electoral bloc.[77]
On 23 July 2025 in Tusk's cabinet reshuffle, Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz remained as Minister of National Defense, and Dariusz Klimczak continued as Minister of Infrastructure. However, Czesław Siekierski was replaced byStefan Krajewski as Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, andMiłosz Motyka was appointed as the new Minister of Energy.
The Polish People's Party adhered to the principles ofagrarian socialism andanti-neoliberalism in the 1990s and early 2000s, and had a post-communist character, highlighting the positive sides of the former communist system and rejecting the Polish transformation to capitalism because of its high social cost and inequality.[14][23][24] It was positioned on theleft-wing on the political spectrum during that period. As late as 2011, the party was still described as "a left-wing party, representing an agrarian socialist agenda, although it is also known for its social conservatism".[78] Up to 2008, the party also opposed liberalism, denouncing it as "primitivesocial Darwinism" and warning against a liberal state where "people are subordinated to the market". After 2008, the Polish People's Party started drifting towards centrism, abandoning its criticism of economic liberalism as well as discarding its agrarian socialist vision for the Polish economy.[79] It embraced an ideology of "neoagrarianism" that postulated a third way economic system based on Catholic social teaching, which rejected the downsides of both capitalism and communism.[80] The party then switched to Christian democracy and supported a regulated free market - thesocial market economy.[81][82][83] PSL has drifted once more in the late 2010s and early 2020s towards the political right, adopting a neoliberal economic program based on deregulation and privatization. The party retained its Christian democratic character on social issues, where it continues to adhere to social conservatism.[84]
The party, as it was reformed in 1990, was a direct and formal successor of the socialistUnited People's Party, and it inherited the party's members, political foundations as well as funds.[85] The PSL was one of the two major Polish parties between from the 1990s to late 2000s with communist origins along with theDemocratic Left Alliance; these two parties, along withSelf-Defence of the Republic of Poland, formed the post-communist bloc. Thus the party had a left-wing economic program that promoted agrarian socialism and praised the fallen communist regime, appealing to the communist nostalgia of voters. The party made references to the peasant movement of the Second Polish Republic and the WW2-era PSL led byStanisław Mikołajczyk, but these remained at a figurative level and did not affect the party's socialist alignment. This led to a split in the party; after the anti-communistRoman Bartoszcze was ousted as the party leader and PSL made its communist legacy more explicit, disaffected agrarians who returned to Poland from exile left the party and formedPeasants' Agreement.[86]
In that period, the PSL condemned globalization and capitalist reforms as the driving factors behind the loss of national sovereignty and the growing inequality in the countryside. The party spoke against privatization and instead envisioned a decentralized socialist structure based on state-owned, communal as well as "social" (cooperative) ownership of the Polish economy. The party listed rural poverty, unemployment, lack of affordable housing and limited healthcare access as consequences of the economic liberalization pursued in the 1990s. The party also argued that the 'national interests' necessitates state ownership of most industries, especially that of the banks; the party also proposed a catalogue of protectionist measures that would stop the decline of the Polish agriculture and food industry.[87]
The PSL pointed to liberalism and authoritarian tendencies as its main ideological opponents. The party program from that time argued that "in the name of blind liberalism—the doctrine of the elimination of the state from any influence on the shaping of economic structures, it passively watches as more and more segments of our market are taken over by foreign entities and as domestic companies are eliminated from it, for which, in addition, worse economic conditions are created for economic activity". Liberalism was described an ideology in which the state passively observes the struggle on the market between foreign, powerful concerns and Polish enterprises, which, being weaker and deprived of state support, fail. The party argued that the consequence of this was a high rate of unemployment, giving rise to social problems. The party also noted the existence of social disparities and the lack of prospects for the young generation, which is forced to emigrate in search of work, which caused a weakening of Poland's international role, subject to the uncontrolled game played by global corporations.[80]
The origin of the party's pivot was in the late 2000s, as the party's anti-liberal slogan was overshadowed by the one of right-wing populistLaw and Justice, while agrarian socialism became the staple of the far-leftSelf-Defence of the Republic of Poland, which would form an anti-liberal government together with Law and Justice andLeague of Polish Families in 2005. PSL started cooperating with theCivic Platform at this time, a party based on liberal and conservative ideas; this forced PSL to tone down its rhetoric as to avoid attacking the anticipated future coalition partner.[80] Political analysis of the party's rhetoric in 2006 found that the party would increasingly embrace liberalism in place of its hitherto economically left-wing program, which placed the party closer to the Civic Platform and other centre-right parties. This was in stark contrast to a fellow agrarian party Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland, which espoused conservatively socialist views.[88]
From the late 2000s onwards, the party pivoted away from its once agrarian socialist program in favor of "neoagrarianism", which it defined as the "principle of class solidarity and peasant separatism postulating the necessity of an evolutionary path of social reconstruction on the principles of economic democracy, with particular attention to the interests of agriculture and under the political leadership of the peasant layer." Neoagrarianism of the party also included the concept of a "third way" of social development aiming at the creation of a state system between capitalism and communism. This new form of economic system was to be based onCatholic social teaching and eliminate both "the shortcomings of capitalism and the dangers posed by communism". The neoagrarian economy was also to be based on the principle ofCatholic subsidiarity, " the primacy of labour over capital", as well as rejection of monetarism and neoliberalism. The party then gradually abandoned its criticism of liberalism, eventually embracing it as a result.[80]
In the context of the 2005 election, the party was described as centre-left.[89] In 2006, the Polish People's Party was described as "echoing the socialist rhetoric of its past", being left-wing on economic matters while leaning conservative on social issues.[90] In 2007, the party was still referred to as left-leaning.[91] By 2010, the party was described as centrist instead, with a note that in the previous years the party's program "was rather left–wing with a focus on agricultural issues".[92] Analyzing the party's 2000s ideology, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł argues that PSL combined right-wing worldview with left-wing economic postulates.[93] In 2015, the party was described as centre-right.[94] By 2020, it was referred to as right-wing.[20] In 2024, PSL came to be considered "the most right-wing in its history since the May Coup" (from 1926).[17] In the same year, it was also reported that PSL is turning further to the right,[95] and that it is increasingly accentuating its right-wing identity.[96]
It was also noted that the party started moving away from its agrarian tradition. In 2008, Piotr Borowiec wrote:
The most significant change during this period – although the process had begun before 2005 – was the way politics was conducted by the PSL, the smallest party in parliament between 2005 and 2007. This change mainly consisted of opening up to the world and revising its attitude towards the European Union and, consequently, towards basic economic mechanisms, the market, monetarism and innovation. As a result of these transformations and its political style, which can be described as ‘centrist moderation’, as well as its substantive programme discourse, the party gained many supporters among educated, urban and better-off people. It is therefore no longer a rural party, let alone a ‘peasant’ party.[97]
Polish political scientist Aleksandra Bilewicz wrote that after the 2023 Polish parliamentary election, the party has completely abandoned agrarianism:
There is no reference to agrarianism in the party’s current programme. The current pre-election agreement between the PSL and Polska 2050, called the Third Way (which may be a reference to the peasant tradition), barely mentions its views on agrarian issues, although the coalition's pre-election programme does propose measures to protect small and medium-sized companies. It can therefore be concluded that the PSL today is not continuing the agrarian tradition and that these traditions are not alive within the party. The PSL has earned itself a reputation as a rather ideologically vacuous party.[11]
On social and ethical issues, PSL is attached to moresocial conservative values,[78] as it opposesabortion (although it is against its criminalization, defendingthe current abortion law in Poland[98]), legalisation ofsame-sex marriage,euthanasia,death penalty,[99] and soft drug decriminalisation.[100] It also opposes civil partnerships - both same-sex and different-sex ones.[101] The party is in favour of maintainingreligion lessons in public education.[99] In 2019, the party adopted (as part of an agreement withKukiz'15) in the party's platformdirect democracy's postulates, including introducingsingle-member districts,electronic voting and obligatoryreferendums.[102]
Despite its formerly socialist alignment, the party embraced economic liberalism ever since it entered a coalition with the Civic Platform. The PSL supported economic policies such as increasing the retirement age, privatization of state-owned enterprises, as well as implementing deregulation in order to secure funds from the European Union.[103] Nowadays, the party is considered economically liberal and oriented towards the free market, aligning with the parties such as Civic Platform,Poland 2050 andModern.[104] As part of the Third Way, PSL adopted a neoliberal-conservative program, promoting low taxes, market solutions to the housing crisis and climate change, as well as increased role of the private sector in Polish economy and publis services.[84]
Moreover, during the leadership ofKosiniak-Kamysz, who took over after 2015 elections, PSL has visibly started leaning towardseconomic liberalism in order to gain voters in bigger cities.[105] Kosiniak-Kamysz himself has described party's ideology as "moderately centrist"[106][107] andChristian democratic.[108] After most of the party's MPs voted against a law softening abortion law in Poland in 2024,[109][110] PSL began to visibly present itself as the conservative wing ofa ruling coalition under the premiership of Donald Tusk,[111] which caused criticism fromleft-wing politicians and activists, such asMarta Lempart.[112] Polish political scientistRafał Chwedoruk noted that by 2024, the party has become the most right-wing in its party history, even more than it was when it entered a government with right-wing nationalists in the 1920s.[17] Similarly,Zuzanna Dąbrowska argues that the PSL has become increasingly supportive of cooperation with other right-wing parties.[113]
Under the leadership of Kosiniak-Kamysz, the Polish People's Party abandoned its historical tradition of agrarianism; Kosiniak-Kamysz stressed that the Polish People's Party should be 'universal' rather than agrarian, and oversaw shifts in the party's program towards economic liberalism and positions that are attractive to urban voters. The party's historically left-wing stances were appropriated by a minor partyAGROunia instead.[10] After the creation of the Third Way together with Poland 2050, political scientists noted that the Polish People's Party no longer refers to agrarianism in its program, its economic postulates are pro-business and oriented towards small and middle-sized companies, and the party has abandoned the agrarian tradition in favor of a non-ideological, big tent appeal.[11]
The Party's traditional support base consisted of farmers, peasants and rural voters. Voters are generally moresocial conservative than voters ofCivic Platform.[114] Its main competitor in rural areas is thenational conservativeLaw and Justice (PiS).[115]
In the 2010s, the party started to lose support between rural voters (especially in southeast of Poland, e.g.Subcarpathian Voivodeship). In2019 election PSL gained surprisingly significant support in cities and won mandates (e. g. inWarsaw andWrocław).[116]
| Election year | Candidate | 1st round | 2nd round | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| # of overall votes | % of overall vote | # of overall votes | % of overall vote | ||
| 1990 | Roman Bartoszcze | 1,176,175 | 7.15 (#5) | ||
| 1995 | Waldemar Pawlak | 770,419 | 4.31 (#5) | ||
| 2000 | Jarosław Kalinowski | 1,047,949 | 5.95 (#4) | ||
| 2005 | Jarosław Kalinowski | 269,316 | 1.80 (#5) | ||
| 2010 | Waldemar Pawlak | 294,273 | 1.75 (#5) | No endorsement[117] | |
| 2015 | Adam Jarubas | 238,761 | 1.60 (#6) | ||
| 2020 | Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz | 459,365 | 2.36 (#5) | ||
| 2025 | SupportedSzymon Hołownia | 978,901 | 4.99 (#5) | EndorsedRafał Trzaskowski[118] | |
| Election | Leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Government |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1991 | Waldemar Pawlak | 972,952 | 8.7 (#5) | 48 / 460 | New | PC–ZChN–PSL-PL–SLCh minority(1991–1992) |
| UD–ZChN–PChD–KLD–PSL-PL–SLCh–PPPP(1992–1993) | ||||||
| 1993 | 2,124,367 | 15.4 (#2) | 132 / 460 |  84 | SLD–PSL | |
| 1997 | 956,184 | 7.3 (#4) | 27 / 460 | 105 | AWS–UW(1997–2000) | |
| AWS Minority(2000–2001) | ||||||
| 2001 | Jarosław Kalinowski | 1,168,659 | 9.0 (#5) | 42 / 460 | 15 | SLD–UP–PSL(2001–2003) |
| SLD–UP Minority (2003–2004) | ||||||
| SLD-UP-SDPL Minority (2004–2005) | ||||||
| 2005 | Waldemar Pawlak | 821,656 | 7.0 (#6) | 25 / 460 | 17 | PiS minority(2005–2006); PSL confidence and supply |
| PiS–SRP–LPR(2006–2007) | ||||||
| PiS Minority (2007) | ||||||
| 2007 | 1,437,638 | 8.9 (#4) | 31 / 460 | 6 | PO–PSL | |
| 2011 | 1,201,628 | 8.4 (#4) | 28 / 460 | 3 | PO–PSL | |
| 2015 | Janusz Piechociński | 779,875 | 5.1 (#6) | 16 / 460 | 12 | PiS |
| 2019 | Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz | 972,339 | 5.3 (#4) | 19 / 460 | 3 | PiS |
| As part of thePolish Coalition, that won 30 seats in total | ||||||
| 2023 | Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz | 1,189,629 | 5.5 (#3) | 28 / 460 | 9 | PiS Minority (2023) |
| KO–PL2050–KP–NL (2023–present) | ||||||
| As part of theThird Way coalition, that won 65 seats in total | ||||||
| Election | Seats | +/– |
|---|---|---|
| 1991 | 7 / 100 | New |
| 1993 | 36 / 100 | 29 |
| 1997 | 3 / 100 | 33 |
| 2001 | 4 / 100 | 1 |
| 2005 | 2 / 100 | 2 |
| 2007 | 0 / 100 | 2 |
| 2011 | 2 / 100 | 2 |
| 2015 | 1 / 100 | 1 |
| 2019[119][120] | 2 / 100 | 1 |
| 2023[121] | 4 / 100 | 2 |
| Election | Leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | EP Group |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2004 | Janusz Wojciechowski | 386,340 | 6.34 (#7) | 4 / 54 | New | EPP-ED |
| 2009 | Waldemar Pawlak | 516,146 | 7.01 (#4) | 3 / 50 | 1 | EPP |
| 2014 | Janusz Piechociński | 480,846 | 7.18 (#5) | 4 / 51 | 1 | EPP |
| 2019 | Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz | 617,772 | 4.53 (#4) | 3 / 52 | 1 | EPP |
| As part of theEuropean Coalition, that won 22 seats in total | ||||||
| 2024 | Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz | 813,238 | 6.91 (#4) | 2 / 53 | 1 | EPP |
| As part of theThird Way coalition, that won 3 seats in total | ||||||
| Election | % | Seats | +/– |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1990 | 4.3 (#4) | 160 / 2,468 | 160 |
| 1994 | 18.0 (#2) | 444 / 2,468 | 284 |
| 1998 | 12.0 (#3) | 89 / 855 | 355 |
| As part of theSocial Alliance | |||
| 2002 | 10.8 (#5) | 58 / 561 | 31 |
| 2006 | 13.2 (#4) | 83 / 561 | 25 |
| 2010 | 16.3 (#3) | 93 / 561 | 10 |
| 2014 | 23.9 (#3) | 157 / 555 | 64 |
| 2018 | 12.1 (#3) | 70 / 552 | 87 |
| 2024 | 14.25 (#3) | 58 / 552 | 29 |
| As part of theThird Way | |||
Chairman:
| Name | Image | Voivodeship | Date Vocation |
|---|---|---|---|
| Adam Struzik |  | Masovian Voivodeship | 10 December 2001 |
| Paweł Gancarz | Lower Silesian Voivodeship | 21 Maja 2024 |
W statystykach najsilniejsze jest Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, które w swojej historii odwołuje się do XIX-wiecznego ruchu agrarnego. Obecnie partia liczy 73 222 członków.[In terms of statistics, the strongest is the Polish People's Party, which refers to the 19th century agrarian movement in its history. The party currently has 73 222 members."]
W listopadzie 1989 roku ZSL rozwiązał się i jednocześnie przekształcił w Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe „Odrodzenie". Po pół roku wraz z innymi partiami ludowymi utworzył jednolite PSL, przyjmując konserwatywny i agrarny program polityczny.[In November 1989, the ZSL dissolved and at the same time transformed into the Polish People's Party ‘Rebirth’. Six months later, together with other peasant parties, it formed the unified PSL, adopting a conservative and agrarian political programme.]
The Polish Peasant's Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, PSL) a traditional, conservative-right agrarian party ran together with the former one-hit wonder movement around the ex- pop-rock star Kukiz'15 and received 8.6% of the general vote.
... socially conservative Polish People's Party (PSL) joining the opposition in voting against.
Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz w ostatnich latach próbował nadać swojej partii nową twarz. Gdy w 2015 r. po raz pierwszy obejmował funkcję przewodniczącego partii, podkreślał, że „ludowy nie znaczy wiejski, tylko powszechny, i takie będzie Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe". Próbował zdobywać wyborców w miastach, kierując formację w stronę liberalizmu gospodarczego.[Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz has tried to give his party a new face in recent years.When he took over as party chairman for the first time in 2015, he stressed that ‘people's does not mean agrarian, it means universal, and that is what the Polish People's Party will be’. He tried to win voters in the cities by steering the formation towards economic liberalism.]
Odwołanie do agraryzmu nie pojawia się we współczesnym programie partii. Obecne porozumienie przedwyborcze PSL i Polski 2050 zwane Trzecią Drogą (co być może stanowi nawiązanie do tradycji ludowcowej) w znikomym stopniu komunikuje swoje poglądy na sprawy wiejskie, choć w programie przedwyborczym koalicji wysunięto postulat ochrony małych i średnich gospodarstw. Można więc wysnuć wniosek, iż PSL współcześnie w zasadzie nie jest kontynuatorem tradycji agrarystycznych i nie są one w nim żywe. PSL zapracowała sobie na wizerunek partii raczej bezideowej.[Reference to agrarianism does not appear in the party's contemporary programme. The current pre-election agreement of the PSL and Poland 2050, called the Third Way (which is perhaps a reference to the People's Party tradition), hardly communicates its views on rural affairs, although the coalition's pre-election programme put forward a postulate for the protection of small and medium-sized companies. Thus, one can conclude that the PSL today is basically not a continuation of agrarian traditions and they are not alive in it. The PSL has earned itself the image of a rather non-ideological party.]
Po trzecie Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe było partią sytuującą się na lewicy sceny politycznej. Wyważone elementy programu, nawiązujące do ideologii socjalizmu agrarnego, (...)[Thirdly, the Polish People's Party was a party positioned on the left of the political scene. The balanced elements of its programme, referring to the ideology of agrarian socialism, (...)]
PSL is technically a left-wing party, representing an agrarian socialist agenda, although it is also known for its social conservatism and is the oldest political party in Poland, dating back to before the communist regime. Throughout the 1990s and into the early 2000s, PSL was often a member of the ruling coalition with SLD. However, the coalition between SLD and PSL broke down during the 4th Parliamentary Session (2004), and since that time, the party has shifted to the center.
PSL jest partią piwotalną, która w przeciągu ostatniej dekady przesunęła się w prawą stronę.[The PSL is a pivoting party that has shifted to the right wing over the past decade.]
Ostatnie działania Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego robią wrażenie. - To najbardziej prawicowy PSL od przewrotu majowego (w 1926 roku), gdy jeden z odłamów ruchu ludowego był w rządzie z nacjonalistyczną prawicą - przypomniał prof. Rafał Chwedoruk.[The recent actions of the Polish People's Party are impressive. ‘This is the most right-wing PSL since the May coup (in 1926), when one of the factions of the peasant movement was in government with the nationalist right,’ recalled Professor Rafał Chwedoruk.]
Prawica ma przecież wiele odmian. PiS to eurosceptyczny solidaryzm, PSL – umiarkowanie proeuropejski i umiarkowanie konserwatywny liberalizm, a Konfederacja – paleolibertarianizm z silnym akcentem narodowym i antyunijnym.[After all, there are many shades of right-wing politics. PiS stands for Eurosceptic solidarity, PSL for moderate pro-European and moderate conservative liberalism, and Konfederacja for paleolibertarianism with a strong nationalist and anti-EU stance.]
PSL zostało więc – trochę na życzenie własnego kierownictwa, a trochę ku uciesze aktywnego w zakresie skubania tej partii Donalda Tuska – odgrywać rolę Suwerennej Polski w rządzie Zjednoczonej Prawicy bis (bo nie ma wątpliwości, że obecny rząd zdominowany jest przez partie prawicowe, a lewicowy kwiatek do kożucha nawet nie piśnie, kiedy się mu np. zawinie obiecany wcześniej fotel marszałka Sejmu).[The PSL has therefore remained – partly at the behest of its own leadership, and partly to the delight of Donald Tusk, who is actively involved in undermining the party – to play the role of Sovereign Poland in the United Right government bis (because there is no doubt that the current government is dominated by right-wing parties, and the left-wing token member will not even squeak when, for example, he is robbed of the previously promised seat of Speaker of the Sejm).]
While it's still unclear whether all PiS coalition members will support the project, the country's liberal left party, Lewica, has already announced it will vote support for the bill, while the right-wing Polish People's Party and nationalist Konfederacja are against it.
Początkowo PSL sytuował się po lewej stronie sceny partyjnej, co wynikało z satelickiej przeszłości partii, a także z koalicji z SLD w 1993 i 2001 roku, ale pod koniec drugiej koalicji rządowej z lewicą PSL zaczął coraz bardziej przesuwać się w stronę centrum.[Initially, the PSL was positioned on the left wing of the party spectrum, which was due to the party's satellite past as well as the coalition with the SLD in 1993 and 2001, but at the end of the second coalition government with the left, the PSL began to move more and more towards the centre.]
Polish Peasant Party (PSL): Left-wing party competing with Samoobrona for support in the rural community.
Obserwując dalsze działania ZSL/PSL ,,Odrodzenie", zapoznając się z jego programem i postawą wobec gabinetów wyłanianych przez parlament po wyborach w 1991 r., które były rządami ekipy ,,solidarnościowej" można jednoznacznie stwierdzić, że Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe wywodzące się z ZSL było partią klasową, o lewicowym programie i elektoracie w dużej mierze dobrze oceniającym dawny ustrój.[Observing the further activities of the ZSL/PSL "Odrodzenie", familiarising oneself with its programme and attitude towards the cabinets formed by the parliament after the 1991 elections, which were the governments of the "Solidarity" team, one can state unequivocally that the Polish People's Party derived from the ZSL was a class party, with a left-wing programme and an electorate largely comfortable with the former system.]
Deputy Prime Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, who leads the rural-based, socially conservative Polish People's Party (PSL), said on Tuesday that only a middle-of-the-road proposal devoid of radical ideas to ease abortion rules had a realistic chance of passing in the Sejm, Poland's lower house of parliament.
Nie wydaje się panu, że centroprawicowość PSL-u jest silnie indywidualistyczna, bardziej konserwatywno-liberalna niż chadecka? To PSL najmocniej lobbuje za takimi rozwiązaniami, jak kredyt 0% czy wspomniane już obniżenie składki zdrowotnej.[Don't you think that the PSL's centre-right stance is strongly individualistic, more conservative-liberal than Christian democratic? It is the PSL that is lobbying hardest for solutions such as 0% interest loans and the aforementioned reduction in health insurance contributions.
Akurat wolny rynek i liberalizm gospodarczy pasują do konserwatyzmu całkiem nieźle, dlatego tu problemu nie widzę. Zresztą PSL będzie taki jak dziś, dopóki rządzić będzie nami duopol PO-PiS.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
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