Plaek Phibunsongkhram | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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แปลก พิบูลสงคราม | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
.jpg) Official portrait,c. 1940s | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 3rd Prime Minister of Thailand | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| In office 8 April 1948 – 16 September 1957 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Monarch | Bhumibol Adulyadej | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Deputy | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Preceded by | Khuang Aphaiwong | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Succeeded by | Sarit Thanarat(de facto) Pote Sarasin | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| In office 16 December 1938 – 1 August 1944 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Monarch | Ananda Mahidol | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Deputy | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Preceded by | Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Succeeded by | Khuang Aphaiwong | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Born | Plaek[a] (1897-07-14)14 July 1897 Nonthaburi, Siam | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Died | 11 June 1964(1964-06-11) (aged 66) Tokyo, Japan | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Party | Seri Manangkhasila Party | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Other political affiliations | Khana Ratsadon (1927–1954) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Spouse | La-iad Bhandhukravi | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Children | 6, includingNitya | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Relatives | Krissanapoom Pibulsonggram (great-grandson) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Branch/service | Royal Thai Army | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Commands | Royal Thai Armed Forces | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Plaek Phibunsongkhram[b] (14 July 1897 – 11 June 1964) was a Thai military officer and politician who served as the thirdprime minister of Thailand from 1938 to 1944 and again from 1948 to 1957. He rose to power as a leading member of theKhana Ratsadon, becoming prime minister in 1938 and later consolidating his influence as amilitary dictator. His regime allied with theEmpire of Japan duringWorld War II, and his administration was marked by authoritarian policies and the promotion ofThai nationalism. He was closely involved in both domestic reforms and foreign policy during the war and played a central role in shaping modern Thai state ideology.[1]
Born inNonthaburi, Phibun graduated from theRoyal Military Academy in 1914 before continuing his studies in France. After returning to Siam, he became involved in theKhana Ratsadon, a group that led the1932 Siamese Revolution, which replaced the country'sabsolute monarchy with aconstitutional monarchy. Phibun emerged as a prominent military figure following the revolution, gradually consolidating power within the armed forces.
In 1938, Phibun became prime minister while serving asCommander of the Royal Siamese Army. Inspired by the Italian leaderBenito Mussolini, his government established anauthoritarian regime run along fascist lines, launcheda series of cultural mandates aimed at modernizing Thai society. These policies included changing the country's name from "Siam" to "Thailand", promoting Western-style dress, emphasizing theThai language, and encouraging Thai nationalism andSinophobia. During World War II, Phibun aligned Thailand with Imperial Japan, allowingJapanese forces to pass through Thai territory and later declaring war on theAllies. This alliance was controversial and led to internal resistance, most notably theFree Thai Movement and RegentPridi Banomyong, a former associate within the Khana Ratsadon. As the war progressed and Japan's position weakened, Phibun lost political support and was forced to resign by theNational Assembly in 1944. Following the war, he facedwar crime accusations, though he was later acquitted.
Phibun returned to power in 1948 through amilitary-backed coup and ruled during the earlyCold War period. His second premiership adopted a stronglyanti-communist stance and aligned Thailand closely with theUnited States. Despite economic development and continued modernization efforts, his government was plagued bypolitical instability and several attempts to launch a coup against him were made, including theArmy General Staff plot (1948), thePalace Rebellion (1949), and theManhattan Rebellion (1951). Phibun attempted to transform Thailand into an electoral democracy from the mid-1950s onward, but he was overthrown by his subordinateSarit Thanarat during acoup in 1957 and went into exile in Japan until his death in 1964. His legacy remains contested, as he is viewed both as a modernizer and as a symbol of military authoritarianism in Thai political history.
Phibun was bornPlaek on 14 July 1897 inMueang Nonthaburi, Nonthaburi Province, in theKingdom of Siam todurian farmers.[2] His family began using the surnameKhittasangkha (Thai:ขีตตะสังคะ) after a 1913 decree on surnames.[3]
He received his given name – meaning "strange" or "weird" in English – because of his unusual appearance as a child where his ears were positioned below his eyes, rather than above his eyes like others.[2]
Plaek's paternal grandfather was aChinese immigrant fromGuangdong ofCantonese descent. However, the family was completely assimilated, being consideredCentral Thai people, since most of the Chinese in Thailand are from theTeochew dialect group, Plaek did not pass the criteria for being considered Chinese as well,[4] enabling him to successfully conceal and deny his Chinese roots.[5]
He studied in Buddhist temples[2] before joining theRoyal Military Academy; upon graduation in 1914, he was commissioned into theRoyal Siamese Army as asecond lieutenant in theartillery. FollowingWorld War I, he was sent to France to study artillery tactics at theÉcole d'application d'artillerie. In 1928, as he rose in rank, he received the noble titleLuang fromKing Prajadhipok, and became known asLuang Phibunsongkhram. He would later drop hisLuang title but permanently adopted Phibunsongkhram as his surname.
In 1932, Phibun was one of the leaders of theRoyal Siamese Army branch of thePeople's Party (Khana Ratsadon), a political organization that staged acoup d'état which overthrew Siam'sabsolute monarchy and replaced it with aconstitutional monarchy. Phibun, at the time alieutenant colonel, quickly rose to prominence in the military as a "man-on-horseback".[6] The 1932 coup was followed by thenationalization of several companies and increasedstate control of the economy.[citation needed]
The following year, Phibun and his military allies successfully crushed theBoworadet Rebellion, a royalist revolt led byPrince Boworadet. The new king,Ananda Mahidol, was still a child studying inSwitzerland, and theParliament appointedColonel Prince Anuwatjaturong,Lieutenant Commander PrinceAditya Dibabha, andChao Phraya Yommaraj (Pun Sukhum) as hisregents.[citation needed]
On 16 December 1938, Phibun replacedPhraya Phahon asPrime Minister of Thailand and as theCommander of the Royal Siamese Army. Phibun became ade facto dictator, and established amilitary dictatorship, consolidating his position by rewarding several members of his own army clique with influential positions in his government.[citation needed]
After the revolution of 1932, the Thai government of Phraya Phahol was impressed by the success of theMarch on Rome ofBenito Mussolini'sItalian fascist movement. Phibun, also an admirer of Italian fascism, sought to replicate fascist-style propaganda tactics, valued in Italy as one of the most powerful propaganda instruments of political power. In Italy, its main purpose was to promotenationalism andmilitarism, strengthen the unity and harmony of the state, and glorify the policy of ruralisation in Italy and abroad. As a consequence of the fascist leanings of Thai political leaders, Italian propaganda films including newsreels, documentaries, short films, and full-length feature films, such asIstituto Luce Cinecittà, were shown in Thailand during theinterwar period. Phibun adopted thefascist salute, modelled on theRoman salute, using it during speeches. The salute was not compulsory in Thailand, and it was opposed byLuang Wichitwathakan and many cabinet members as they believed it inappropriate for Thai culture. Together with Wichitwathakan, the Minister of Propaganda, he built aleadership cult in 1938 and thereafter. Photographs of Phibun were to be found everywhere, and those of the abdicated King Prajadhipok were banned. His quotes appeared in newspapers, were plastered on billboards, and were repeated over the radio.[citation needed]
Phibun immediately promotedThai nationalism (to the point ofultranationalism), and to support this policy, he launched a series of major reforms, known as theThai Cultural Revolution, to increase the pace of modernisation in Thailand. His goal aimed to uplift the national spirit and moral code of the nation and instil progressive tendencies and a newness into Thai life. A series ofcultural mandates were issued by the government, which encouraged all Thais to salute the flag in public places, learn thenew national anthem and use the standardisedThai language (not regionaldialects or languages). People were encouraged to adopt Western-style attire as opposed to traditional clothing styles, and eat with Western-style utensils, such asforks andspoons, rather than with their hands as was customary in Thai culture at the time. Phibun saw these policies as necessary, in the interest ofprogressivism, to change Thailand's international image from that of an undeveloped country into a civilized and modern nation.[7]
Phibun's administration encouragedeconomic nationalism and espoused staunchanti-Teochew sentiment. Sinophobic policies were imposed by the government to reduce the economic power of Siam'sTeochew-Hoklo population and encouraged theCentral Thai people to purchase as many Thai products as possible. In a speech in 1938, Luang Wichitwathakan, himself of one-quarter Chinese ancestry, followedRama VI's bookJews of the East in comparing the Teochew in Siam to the Jews in Germany, who at the time were harshly repressed.
On 24 June 1939, Phibun changed the country's official English name from "Siam" to "Thailand"[8][9] at Wichitwathakan's urging.[citation needed] The name "Siam" was anexonym of unknown and probably foreign origin, which conflicted with Phibun's nationalist policies.[citation needed]
In 1941, in the midst ofWorld War II, Phibundecreed 1 January as the official start of the new year instead of the traditionalSongkran date on 13 April.[citation needed]
Phibun exploited theFall of France in June 1940 and theJapanese invasion of French Indochina in September 1940 to advance Thai interests inFrench Indochina following a border dispute withFrance. Phibun believed Thailand could recover territories ceded to France by KingRama V because the French would avoid armed confrontation or offer serious resistance. Thailand fought againstVichy France over the disputed areas from October 1940 to May 1941. The technologically and numerically superior Thai force invaded French Indochina and attacked military targets in major cities. Despite Thai successes, the French tactical victory at theBattle of Ko Chang prompted intervention from theJapanese, who mediated anarmistice where the French were forced to cede the disputed territories to Thailand.
Phibun and the Thai public viewed the outcome of the Franco-Thai War as a victory, but it resulted in the rapidly expanding Japanese gaining the right to occupy French Indochina. Although Phibun was ardently pro-Japanese, he now shared a border with them and felt threatened by a potential Japanese invasion. Phibun's administration also realised that Thailand would have to fend for itself if a Japanese invasion came, considering its deteriorating relationships with Western powers in the area.[citation needed]
When the Japanese invaded Thailand on 8 December 1941, (because of theInternational Date Line this occurred an hour and a half before theattack on Pearl Harbor), Phibun was reluctantly forced to order a general ceasefire after just one day of resistance and allow the Japanese armies to use the country as a base for their invasions of theBritish colonies ofBurma andMalaya.[10][11] Hesitancy, however, gave way to enthusiasm after the Japanese rolled through theMalayan Campaign in a "Bicycle Blitzkrieg" with surprisingly little resistance.[12][13] On 21 December Phibun signed amilitary alliance with Japan. The following month, on 25 January 1942, Phibun declared war on Britain and the United States.South Africa andNew Zealand declared war on Thailand on the same day. Australia followed soon after.[14] Phibun purged all who opposed the Japanese alliance from his government.Pridi Banomyong was appointed acting regent for the absent KingAnanda Mahidol, whileDirek Jayanama, the prominent foreign minister who had advocated continued resistance against the Japanese, was later sent to Tokyo as an ambassador. The United States considered Thailand to be apuppet state of Japan and refused to declare war on it. When theAllies were victorious, the United States blocked British efforts to impose a punitive peace.[15]
In 1944, as the Japanese neared defeat and the underground anti-JapaneseFree Thai Movement steadily grew in strength, theNational Assembly ousted Phibun as prime minister and his six-year reign as the militarycommander-in-chief came to an end. Phibun's resignation was partly forced by two grandiose plans: one was to relocate the capital fromBangkok to a remote site in the jungle nearPhetchabun in north central Thailand, and another was to build a "Buddhist city" inSaraburi. As early as 1939, his government had been looking to relocate the capital to Lopburi, and then to Saraburi before settling on Phetchabun.[16] Announced at a time of severe economic difficulty, these ideas turned many government officers against him.[17] After his resignation, Phibun went to stay at the army headquarters inLopburi.[citation needed]
Khuang Aphaiwong replaced Phibun as prime minister, ostensibly to continue relations with the Japanese, but, in reality, to secretly assist the Free Thai Movement. At the war's end, Phibun was put on trial at Allied insistence on charges of having committedwar crimes, mainly that of collaborating with theAxis powers. However, he was acquitted amid intense pressure as public opinion was still favourable to him, as he was thought to have done his best to protect Thai interests. Phibun's alliance with Japan had Thailand take advantage of Japanese support to expand Thai territory into Malaya and Burma.[18]
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In November 1947, Royal Thai Army units under the control of Phibun known as theCoup Group carried out the1947 Thai coup d'état which forced then-Prime MinisterThawan Thamrongnawasawat to resign. The rebels installedKhuang Aphaiwong again as prime minister as the military coup risked international disapproval. Pridi Phanomyong was persecuted but was aided by British and US intelligence officers, and thus managed to escape the country. On 8 April 1948, Phibun assumed the position of Prime Minister after the military forced Khuang out of office.
Phibun's second premiership was notably different, abandoning the fascist styling and rhetoric that characterised his first premiership, and instead promoted a façade of democracy. The beginning of theCold War saw Phibun align Thailand with theanti-communist camp.
Phibun supported UN action in theKorean War and dispatched an expeditionary force of 4,000 troops.[8] and received large quantities of US aid following Thailand's entry into theKorean War as part of theUnited Nations Command's multi-national allied force against thecommunist forces ofNorth Korea and the People's Republic of China.[citation needed] Phibun's anti-Chinese campaign was resumed, with the government restricting Chinese immigration and undertaking various measures to restrict economic domination of the Thai market by those of Chinese descent. Chinese schools and associations were once again shut down. Despite open pro-Western and anti-Chinese policies, in the late 1950s Phibun arranged to send two of the children ofSang Phathanothai, his closest advisor, to China with the intention of establishing a backdoor channel for dialogue between China and Thailand.Sirin Phathanothai, aged eight, and her brother, aged twelve, were sent to be brought up under the assistants of PremierZhou Enlai as hiswards. Sirin later wroteThe Dragon's Pearl, an autobiography telling her experiences growing up in the 1950s and 1960s among the leaders of China.
Phibun was reportedly thrilled by the democracy andfreedom of speech he had witnessed during a long trip abroad to the United States and Europe in 1955. Following the example ofHyde Park in London, he set up a "Speakers' Corner" at theSanam Luang in Bangkok. Phibun began to democratize Thailand by allowing the formation of new political parties,amnestied political opponents, and plannedfree elections. Phibun founded and became chairman of his own new political party, theSeri Manangkhasila Party, which was dominated by the most influential in the military and the government. The Employment Act of January 1957 legalized trade unions, limited weekly working hours, regulated holidays andovertime, and instituted health and safety regulations. TheInternational Workers' Day became a public holiday.
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Phibun's second premiership was longer but plagued withpolitical instability, and there were numerous attempts to oppose his rule and remove him from power. Unlike his first premiership, Phibun faced noticeable opposition from people connected to the Free Thai Movement due to his alliance with the Japanese, including from within the military. Additionally, Phibun was indebted to the powerful Coup Group that had returned him to power.
On 1 October 1948, the unsuccessfulArmy General Staff Plot was launched by members of the army general staff to topple his government, but failed when discovered by the Coup Group. As a result, more than fifty army and reserve officers and several prominent supporters of Pridi Phanomyong were arrested.
On 26 February 1949, thePalace Rebellion was another failed coup attempt against Phibun to restore Pridi Phanomyong by occupying theGrand Palace in Bangkok and declaring a new government led byDirek Jayanama, a close associate of Pridi. The civilian rebels were quickly ousted from the palace, but fighting broke out between military rebels and loyalists which lasted for over a week.
On 29 June 1951, Phibun was attending a ceremony aboard theManhattan, a USdredge boat, when he was takenhostage by a group ofRoyal Thai Navy officers, who then quickly confined him aboard the warshipSri Ayutthaya. Negotiations between the government and the coup organizers swiftly broke down, leading to violent street fighting in Bangkok between the navy and the army, which was supported by theRoyal Thai Air Force. Phibun was able to escape and swim back to shore when theSri Ayutthaya was bombed by the air force, and with their hostage gone, the navy were forced to lay down their arms.
"...tell your father [Pridi] that I want [him] to come back [and] help me work for the nation. I alone can no longer contest Sakdina."[19]
On 29 November 1951, theSilent Coup was staged by the Coup Group and it consolidated the military's hold on the country. It reinstated theConstitution of 1932, which effectively eliminated theSenate, established aunicameral legislature composed equally of elected and government-appointed members, and allowed serving military officers to supplement their commands with importantministerial portfolios.
In 1954 Phibun allied Thailand further with the West in theCold War by helping establishSEATO.[8]
In 1956, it became clearer that Phibun, allied to Phao, was losing to another influential group led by Sarit which consisted of "Sakdina" (royalties and royalists). Both Phibun and Phao intended to bring homePridi Banomyong to clear his name from the mystery around the death of King Rama VIII. However, the US government disapproved, and they cancelled the plan.[19]
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In February 1957, public opinion turned against Phibun at the end of his second term when his party was suspected of fraudulent practices during an election, including the intimidation of the opposition, buying votes, andelectoral fraud. In addition, critics of Phibun accused him of a lack of respect for theThai monarchy, as the anti-aristocratic prime minister had always sought to limit the role of the monarchy to a constitutional minimum and had taken on religious functions that traditionally belonged to the monarch. For example, Phibun led the celebrations of the 2500th anniversary of Buddhism in 1956–57 instead of the KingBhumibol Adulyadej, who was openly critical of Phibun. On 16 September 1957, Phibun was eventually overthrown in a coup d'etat by members of the Royal Thai Army under the command of Field MarshalSarit Thanarat, who had earlier sworn to be Phibun's most loyal subordinate. Sarit was supported by many royalists who wanted to regain a foothold, and there were rumours that the United States was "deeply involved" in the coup.[20]
Phibun was then forced into exile after the coup, first fleeing toCambodia, but later settled in Japan after Sarit's new regime rejected his requests to allow him to return to Thailand. In 1960, Phibun briefly travelled to India to be amonk in the Buddhist temple inBodhgaya.[citation needed]
Phibun died on 11 June 1964 from heart failure in Tokyo, Japan.[21][22]
After his death, Phibun's ashes were transferred to Thailand in anurn and decorated withmilitary honours in Wat Phra Sri Mahathat (also called "The Temple of Democracy") he had founded inBang Khen.[citation needed]
Plaek Phibunsongkhram received the following royal decorations in theHonours System of Thailand:[25]
_ribbon.svg)
Knight of The Ancient and AuspiciousOrder of the Nine Gems
TheRatana Varabhorn Order of Merit_ribbon.svg)
Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of The Most IllustriousOrder of Chula Chom Klao_ribbon.svg)
Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most ExaltedOrder of the White Elephant_ribbon.svg)
Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most NobleOrder of the Crown of Thailand_ribbon.svg)
Bravery Medal_ribbon.svg)
Victory Medal –Franco-Thai War with flames_ribbon.svg)
Victory Medal –Pacific War_ribbon.svg)
Safeguarding the Constitution Medal.svg)
Dushdi Mala Medal Pin Service to the Nation (Military).svg)
Dushdi Mala Medal Pin of Arts and Science (Military)_ribbon.svg)
Medal for Service Rendered in the Interior -Pacific War_ribbon.svg)
Border Service Medal_ribbon.svg)
Chakra Mala Medal_ribbon.svg)
King Rama VIII Royal Cypher Medal, 1st_ribbon.svg)
King Rama IX Royal Cypher Medal, 1st_ribbon.png)
King Rama VI Coronation Medal_ribbon.svg)
King Rama VII Coronation Medal
Commemorative Medal on the Occasion of the 150th Years ofRattanakosin Celebration
Nazi Germany:
Order of the German Red Cross
1st Class of theOrder of the German Eagle[26]
Kingdom of Italy:
Knight Grand Cross of theOrder of Saints Maurice and Lazarus
Grand Officer of theOrder of the Crown of Italy
Francoist Spain:
Grand Cross with White Decoration of theOrder of Military Merit[27]_pasador.svg)
Grand Cross White Decoration of theCross of Naval Merit
Empire of Japan:
Grand Cordon of theOrder of the Rising Sun
Philippines:
Grand Cross of theOrder of Sikatuna[27]
UK:
Knight Grand Cross of theOrder of St Michael and St George
USA:
Chief Commander of theLegion of Merit
France:
Grand-Croix of theLegion of Honour
Belgium:
Grand Cordon of theOrder of Leopold
Netherlands:
Knight Grand Cross of theOrder of the Netherlands Lion
Denmark:
Grand Commander of theOrder of the Dannebrog
Italian Republic:
Knight Grand Cross of theOrder of Merit of the Italian Republic
Kingdom of Laos:
Grand Cross of theOrder of the Million Elephants and the White Parasol
Cambodia:
Knight Grand Cross of theRoyal Order of Cambodia
Kingdom of Greece:
Grand Cross of theOrder of George I
Germany:
Grand Cross 1st Class of theOrder of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
Union of Burma:.png)
Order of the Order of Sirisudharman. A man, usually a military leader, whose popular influence and power may afford him the position of dictator, as in a time of political crisis
Though outnumbered two-to-one, the Japanese never stopped to consolidate their gains, to rest or regroup or resupply; they came down the main roads on bicycles.
Even the long-legged Englishmen could not escape our troops on bicycles.
Judith A. Stowe,Siam becomes Thailand (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1991), pp. 228–283
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