ThePeshmerga (Kurdish:پێشمەرگه,romanized: Pêşmerge,lit. ''Those Who Face Death'')[27] are the internal security forces of theKurdistan Region. According to theConstitution of Iraq,federal regions (such as the Kurdistan Region) are responsible for "the establishment and organization of the internal security forces for the respective regions, such as police, security forces, and regional guards."[28] Other security institutions of the Kurdistan Region include theZêrevanî (gendarmerie),Asayish (security andcounterterrorism service),Parastin u Zanyarî (intelligence agency) and theKurdish police force. The modern Peshmerga were established in 1946 as thenational army of theMahabad Repbulic. However, the history of Kurdish armed fighters dates back to antiquity and was partly organized in the 16th to 19th century, when they served as soldiers for variousKurdish tribal leaders andprincipalities, as well as tribal paramilitaryborder guards underOttoman andSafavid rule. By the 20th century, these forces had evolved into a more disciplined and organizedguerrilla movement fighting for the independence ofKurdistan, and in the 21st century they were institutionalized under theKurdistan Regional Government (KRG).[29]
Formally, the Peshmerga are under the command of theMinistry of Peshmerga Affairs (MoPA) of the KRG. In practice, however, the Peshmerga's structure is largely divided and controlled separately by the two Iraqi Kurdish political parties: theDemocratic Party of Kurdistan (KDP) and thePatriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Unifying and integrating the Peshmerga under the MoPA has been on the Kurdistan Region's public agenda since 1992, with significant progress under a 2022 U.S.-KRG Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aiming for full unification by 2026, though challenges like partisanship and external threats persist.[30][2][31]
Besides being the official name for the KRG's internal security forces, historically the word Peshmerga has also been used for a variety of Kurdish militias and armed groups, especially inIranian Kurdistan. A few examples are the Peshmerga of theKDPI,PAK andKomala.[32]
The word "Peshmerga" can be translated to "to stand in front of death",[33][34][35] and Valentine states it was first used byQazi Muhammad in the short-livedMahabad Republic (1946–47).[36] The word is understandable toPersian speakers.[37] Because, the name was also used to refer to an elite unit within theSassanid Empire's military, specifically a sub-unit of thePushtigban, called theGyan-avspar.[38] These warriors were renowned for their unwavering loyalty and bravery, often serving as the last line of defense for theSassanid kings.[39][40][41][42]
Long before the establishment of the Peshmerga, Kurdish fighters were known in theMiddle East for their military traditions and use ofguerrilla tactics.[29][43]
In antiquity,Babylonian sources from around the 7th century BC referred to the inhabitants of the mountains of what is nowsouthern Kurdistan asQutil. The term has been suggested to derive from theAkkadian wordqardu and thePersian wordgurd, both of which are associated with meanings such as "hero" or "warrior." Conflicts between these presumed proto-Kurdish mountain communities and the peoples ofLower Mesopotamia are documented in pre-Biblical sources and are regarded as some of the earliest examples of guerrilla-style warfare in the region.[29][43]
Between AD 224 and 226,Ardashir I, founder of theSasanian Empire, fought Kurdish forces but only gained partial control. His successor,Ardashir II, ended their remaining autonomy in the mountains. Ardashir called the Kurdish fightersjânspâr/gyan-avspar, meaning "self-sacrificers," similar to the later Peshmerga.[29]
In the Islamic period, Kurdish soldiers most notably fought underSaladin Ayyub.[29]
From the 16th to the 19th century, Kurdish fighters served under varioustribal leaders andprincipalities, and sometimes as paramilitaryborder guards underOttoman andSafavid rule, while also participating in the regular armies of these empires. Under the KurdishZand dynasty,women were allowed to serve alongside their husbands, reflecting a level of gender equality more common inKurdish societies than in neighboring Muslim communities.[29]
In the 19th century,Badr Khan mobilized 70,000 Kurdish fighters in campaigns against the Ottoman Empire to establish his own dynasty. Similarly,Sheikh Ubeydullah gathered around 20,000 fighters in opposition to Ottoman rule.[29]
In response to increasing Kurdish mobilization and tribal attacks, the Ottoman Empire established theHamidiye Cavalry to secure Kurdish loyalty under the banner ofPan-Islamism. The Hamidiye Cavalry is often considered a precursor to the modern Peshmerga, particularly in terms of military organization and training. The Hamidiye Cavalry provided many Kurds with their first experience in organized, non-tribal warfare, teaching themmilitary tactics and the use of modern equipment. Officers from these units (e.g.:Halis Öztürk andHalid Beg Cibran), but also former members of the regularOttoman army (e.g.:Ihsan Nuri,Ibrahim Heski, and various members of theSociety for the Rise of Kurdistan,Azadî, andXoybûn), later became influential in Kurdish uprisings and helped shape the structure of future Kurdish forces.[29]
The Kurdish revolts of the early 20th century, such as theuprisings led by Sheikh Mahmoud Barzanji, theAli Batı Revolt, theKoçgiri rebellion, theBeytüşşebab rebellion, theSheikh Said rebellion, theArarat Rebellion, and theAhmed Barzani revolt, played an important role in the development of the modern Peshmerga. These events provided early experience inguerrilla andnon-conventional warfare against state authorities and contributed to the spread ofKurdish nationalism among Kurdish fighters. They also strengthened theBarzani tribe, from which key leaders likeAhmed Barzani andMustafa Barzani emerged.[29][44]
Building on the military experience gained during these uprisings, Mustafa Barzani later organized Kurdish forces in order to liberateKurdistan. In 1943, he led approximately 2,000 Kurdish fighters in anuprising against the Iraqi Army and British forces, an event often regarded as a precursor to the modern Peshmerga forces that would later emerge, particularly during the period of theRepublic of Mahabad.[44]
During the brief existence of the self-declaredRepublic of Mahabad (1946–1947), a contingent of Kurdish fighters led by Mustafa Barzani served as its officialnational army after Barzani crossed theIraq–Iran border to support the establishment of the Kurdish state inIranian Kurdistan.[45][46]
According to Kurdish lore, the leaders of Mahabad gathered to choose a name for their army. As the story goes, they struggled to find a suitable word for 'soldier.' A server, overhearing their discussion, suggestedpeshmerga, a slang term from his nearby village. The name was adopted, and the force was formally named the Peshmerga.[47] Furthermore, under presidentQazi Muhammad’s orders, a committee of “hand-picked litterateurs and writers” also developed distinct Kurdish military terminology to define ranks and positions.[48]
The relative ofSimko Shikak,Amr Khan Shikak, along with the tribal leader ofBaneh,Hama Rashid, Khan Banei, and Zero Beg Herki, were appointed asMarshals of the Peshmerga army by the Minister of War, Mohammed Hossein Saif Qazi. Due to his extensive warfare experience Mustafa Barzani was appointed as Marshal andchief of staff[44] of the army. Officers maintained a professional appearance through their Soviet-style uniforms, further advised and organized by theSoviet military officer CaptainSalahaddin Kazimov. The Soviets continued their influence by sending at least 60 Kurdish officers toSoviet Azerbaijan for additional military training. The Mahabad army consisted of about 70officers, 40non-commissioned officers, and 1,200privates. As one of the senior leaders, Mustafa Barzani was responsible for appointing officers within the ranks.[48]
In order to protect the republic's sovereignty, the Peshmerga engaged in their first fight during theBattle of Qahrawa, near the town ofSaqqez. They ambushed anIranian garrison, killing 21 soldiers, wounding 17, and capturing 40. By mid-May 1946 Kurdish forces numbered approximately 12,750 Peshmerga, but most Kurdish offensives were limited to minor skirmishes.[48]
The withdrawal of Soviet support and the subsequentcollapse of the republic, including theexecution of its head of state, Qazi Muhammad, dismantled the Peshmerga's organization, who had agreed with the Iranians to peacefully withdraw from the capital ofMahabad, to avoid civilians casualties.[44][49] Peshmerga forces led by Barzani remained active in rural areas of Iranian Kurdistan for a period following the collapse of the republic and engaged Iranian Army units in March 1947. During these clashes, the Peshmerga reportedly inflicted significant casualties and captured several Iranian officers, particularly during theBattle of Nalos, including Lieutenant Jahanbani, the son of GeneralNader Jahanbani.[29]
Iranian attacks continued against the remaining Peshmerga forces, prompting Barzani to order a retreat toward his home region ofBarzan inIraqi Kurdistan. Upon reaching the Iraqi–Iranian border, several returning Peshmerga officers were arrested by theIraqi Army and executed, despite earlier assurances ofamnesty. In an effort to capture Barzani, Iraqi authorities subsequently deployed large numbers of troops to the region. Anticipating further action, Barzani and his followers fled once again, moving along theTurkish–Iranian border and eventually into the Soviet Union, where they remained inexile until 1958.[29]
Following the1958 Iraqi military coup, exiled Peshmerga fighters led by Barzani and his newly establishedKurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) were permitted to return to Iraq byAbdul-Karim Qasim. In return, Barzani’s Peshmerga initially supported Qasim's efforts to establish a multiethnic Iraqi state againstArab nationalist revolts. However, as Barzani's influence grew, Qasim declined to meet Kurdish demands, leading to increasing tensions between the two sides. By the end of 1961, Barzani had succeeded in uniting many Kurdish tribes under the Peshmerga and controlled large parts of Iraqi Kurdistan. These developments, combined with Qasim’s concerns over Barzani’s expanding power, culminated in the outbreak of theFirst Iraqi–Kurdish War in 1961. The conflict, which lasted until 1970, marked the first major war fought by the Peshmerga in Iraqi Kurdistan, with Barzani and his forces seeking Kurdish independence.[29][46] The war resulted in the signing of theIraqi–Kurdish Autonomy Agreement between the Kurds and theBa'athist regime, whichhad replaced Qasim in 1963. Kurdish autonomy had failed to be implemented by 1974, which led to theSecond Iraqi–Kurdish War in 1975.Jalal Talabani, a leading member of the KDP, left the same year to revitalize the resistance and founded thePatriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). This event created the baseline for the political discontent between the KDP and PUK that divides Peshmerga forces and much of Kurdish society to this day.[50][51] After Mustafa Barzani's death in 1979, his sonMasoud Barzani took over his position.[46] Political tensions increased between the KDP and PUK in the years after, while Peshmerga forces fought to keep Iraqi Kurdistan under their own party's control, whilst also fighting off theIraqi Army's incursions.[52]
In 1988, theBa'athist Iraqi regime launched theAnfal campaigns against the Peshmerga and their civilian supporters in rural areas of Iraqi Kurdistan, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, most of them civilians. During the fighting against the Peshmerga, the Iraqi army was at times supported by Kurdish collaborators, commonly referred to asjash.[53]
Following theFirst Gulf War, the1991 uprisings (Raperîn) broke out, which led toofficial autonomy for theKurdistan Region.[52] Both party-affiliated and non-party-affiliated Peshmerga played a significant role during the uprisings, while their fighting capabilites were greatly enhanced by theIraqi no-fly zones, which stayed in place until 2003.[53][54] Killed Peshmerga were commemorated asmartyrs. The memory of killed, injured andveteran Peshmerga fighters became widespread in public life through paintings, sculptures, and memorials, as well as through regular representation on radio and television and in commemorative rituals. Most Kurdish collaborators were grantedamnesty, and some were subsequently incorporated into the Peshmerga forces of their respective parties.[53]
After gaining autonomy, theKurdish Civil War broke out, a conflict between the rivaling KDP and PUK parties, in which Peshmerga forces were used to fight against each other.[52] The civil war officially ended in September 1998 when the Barzanis and Talabanis signed theWashington Agreement establishing a formal peace treaty.[55] In the agreement, the parties agreed to share oil revenue and power, deny the use of Iraqi Kurdistan to theKurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and to not allow Iraqi troops into the Kurdish regions. By then, around 5,000 Peshmerga and civilians had been killed on both sides, and many more had been evicted for being on the "wrong side".[56]
Throughout the decades of conflict, the Peshmerga were widely considered to be liberators of theKurdish population.[53]
In the years after, tensions remained high, but both parties came closer to each other, and in 2003 both of them, jointly took part in theoverthrowing of the Baathist regime as part of theIraq War and the broaderGlobal War on Terror.[57] TheCIA and otherUS special forces, who arrived in Iraq in early 2002, conductedunconventinal warfare operations with the Peshmerga againstAnsal al-Islam terrorists. Furthermore Peshmerga were organized to form a 'northern Front' againstSaddam Hussein's troops.[58] As the bombing campaign and subsequent invasion of Iraq began, Peshmerga forces, operating alongside U.S. Special Forces, advanced beyond the Kurdistan Region and took control of large areas that were widely regarded as Kurdish but had previously been outside Kurdish control. These areas includedSinjar,Tuz Khurmatu,Khanaqin, andKirkuk.[59] By tying down Saddam Hussein’s5th Division in northern Iraq, the Peshmerga, helped facilitate thecoalition’s invasion ofsouthern Iraq and reduced the number of Iraqi forces available to oppose coalition operations elsewhere, likely saving hundreds if not thousands of lives.[60] The Peshmerga also played a key role in helping the United States on the mission to capture Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein.[61][62]
After the overthrowing, the Peshmerga were politically recognized and obtained a special legal position. This improvement came from theCoalition Provisional Authority (CPA) with issuing orders that recognized the Peshmerga and exempted them from disbandment.[63] However, the decision was preceded by disagreements between Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani and the U.S. Administrator of Iraq,Paul Bremer, who regarded the continued existence of the Peshmerga as a "red line" in the formation of the new Iraqi state. Barzani rejected calls for disbandment, reportedly telling Bremer to "be a man and come to Kurdistan to disband [the] Peshmerga." Bremer subsequently abandoned his efforts to disband the Peshmerga.[64] In August 2003, parts of the Peshmerga were assigned toborder security andoil pipeline protection, while others trained withcoalition troops. Peshmerga units collaborated closely with U.S. forces onpatrols,interrogations, and security missions. At one point, the Peshmerga made up 30% of thenew Iraqi Army.[63]
In 2004,CTG Kurdistan, an elite special forces unit within the Peshmerga, captured Saudi-born Pakistani terroristHassan Ghul, who was operating foral-Qaeda in Iraq. Ghul was turned over to American intelligence officers shortly afterwards, which eventually led to thekilling of Osama bin Laden in a covert American military operation inPakistan in 2011.[65][66][67]
Article 117 of the new2005 Iraqi Constitution allowedfederal regions (such as the Kurdistan Region) to establish their own internal security services; that is, the "police, security forces and guards of the region." The Peshmerga are legally recognized as one of these permissible regional internal security forces.[68]
In 2006, a major conference in Erbil, involving the KRG, Iraqi Government, andMultinational Forces in Iraq, further clarified the Peshmerga's role: defending the Kurdistan Region, supporting federal security efforts, fightingterrorism, and preserving constitutional institutions.[63][69]
Following recognition by international powers and under the Iraqi Constitution, the situation in the Kurdistan Region during theoccupation of Iraq remained relatively stable, allowing the Peshmerga to reorganize and train their forces at military academies in theZakho–Duhok and Qalachulan–Sulaymaniyah areas,[63][69] while staying divided between the KDP and the PUK.
Over the course of the occupation of Iraq, the Peshmerga’s role gradually evolved from primarily providing security to participating in activecounterinsurgency operations, in coordination withIraqi security forces and multinational forces, against former Ba’athist elements, Al-Qaeda, Sunni tribal fighters, and foreign combatants.Anti-terror operations carried out by the Peshmerga contributed to making the Kurdistan Region one of the more stable areas in Iraq.[70]
In 2009 to 2010, growing accusations of corruption against both parties led to the defection of many party-affiliated Peshmerga to theGorran Movement, which called for the dissolution of party militias and the elimination of corruption.[56] Following the death of its leader,Nawshirwan Mustafa, the movement’s popularity declined,[71] and most Peshmerga fighters remained under the control of the KDP and PUK.
In the first half of 2014, during theIslamic State’s (ISIL/ISIS)offensive, theIraqi armed forces rapidly collapsed in much ofSunni-majoritywestern Iraq, leading to thefall of Mosul and other strategic areas. Peshmerga forces, many of whom had not experienced major combat for over a decade, swiftly moved into positions abandoned by Iraqi forces indisputed territories with significant Kurdish populations, includingSinjar,Jalawla,Tuz Khurmatu,Rabia and the oil-rich city ofKirkuk. Most of the Iraqi Kurdistan's southern regions, including Jalawla, Tuz Khurmatu and Kirkuk remained under Peshmerga control until 2017 and weredefended on numerous occasions against ISIS offensives.[70][72]
In the second half of 2014, however, the Peshmerga proved unable to hold their newly gained positions to the Iraqi Kurdistan's west (Nineveh Plains/Nineveh governorate), including Sinjar, which was followed by widespread massacres committed by the Islamic State, including theYazidi genocide. After initially withdrawing, with the regional capitalErbil coming within approximately 30 minutes of an Islamic State advance, the Peshmerga later counterattacked and recaptured the entireErbil governorate, large areas to the Iraqi Kurdistan's west, in Nineveh Governorate, and to the Iraqi Kurdistan's south, in theDiyala andKirkuk governorates. These operations were carried out in coordination with U.S. air support and Kurdish forces from thePeople’s Protection Units (YPG) and theKurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which cooperated with the Peshmerga during several offensives in Nineveh Governorate, including theSinjar offensives. The Sinjar offensives marked one of the first cross-border military collaborations between Kurdish forces from different parts ofKurdistan in the 21st century.[70][72][73]
In September 2014, during theSiege of Kobani, approximately 300 Peshmerga fighters were deployed toSyrian Kurdistan to assist Kurdish forces there, marking the first official deployment of the Peshmerga outside Iraq. Equipped with heavy weaponry, the Peshmerga crossed two international borders and were greeted by large crowds ofKurds in Turkey during their transit.[70]
Special Forces of the Peshmerga were also involved in joint operations with the U.S., like in theHawija prison raid.
According to Myles B. Caggins III, the Senior Spokesperson for theGlobal Coalition to Defeat ISIS at the time, the Peshmerga made the "ultimate sacrifice" in the war Against the Islamic State with over 1,300 Peshmerga fighters being killed, and upwards of 8,000 being wounded.[72] As stated by a report of the GermanFederal Office for Migration and Refugees, the Peshmerga are seen by locals as heroes due to their involvement in the fight against ISIS.[73]
Following the defeat of ISIS in 2017, conflicts with the Iraqi government, supported byShi'ite militas and theIRGC renewed, leading to the2017 Iraqi–Kurdish conflict.[74]
Post-ISIS Peshmerga reforms focused on unification and modernization. In September 2022, the U.S. and KRG renewed a MoU to create a unified, nonpartisan force under MoPA command by 2026, including disbanding partisan Units 70 and 80, establishing two Area Commands and 11 light infantry divisions, and achieving a planned strength of 138,000.[2] By mid-2025, four divisions were operational, biometric enrollment exceeded 85%, and unification entered its final phase, with completion expected by year-end.[75][76] Advancements included the 2025 'Peshmerga Medical Force Readiness Initiative' and proposals for air defense systems.[77][78] Continued Coalition support via CTEF provided stipends, vehicles, and equipment.[2] However, progress has been slowed by KDP-PUK division, ISIS' threat, and disputes with the central government in Baghdad.[79]
The Peshmerga are mostly divided among forces loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those loyal to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK),[80] while other, minor Kurdish parties such as theKurdistan Socialist Democratic Party also have their own small Peshmerga units.[81] TheIslamic Movement of Kurdistan also had its own Peshmerga unit, which became an official Peshmerga branch during the Iran-Iraq war, and was disarmed in 2003.[82] In daily life and the media, Peshmerga are referred to asPeshmerga i parti (KDP) orPeshmerga i yaketi (PUK) – i.e., KDP peshmerga or PUK Peshmerga.[83] The KDP and PUK do not disclose information about the composition of their forces with government or media.[80] Thus there is no reliable number of how many Peshmerga fighters exist.[80] Media outlets have speculated that there are between 150,000 and 200,000 Peshmerga, but this number is highly disputed.[84][85] The Peshmerga are divided into a KDP-governed "yellow" zone coveringDohuk Governorate andErbil Governorate and a PUK-governed "green" zone coveringSulaymaniyah Governorate andHalabja Governorate.[86][80][30] Each zone has its own branch of Peshmerga with their own governing institutions that do not coordinate with the other branch.[30][87]
As a result of the split nature of the Peshmerga forces, there is no central command center in charge of the entire force, and Peshmerga units instead follow separate military hierarchies depending on political allegiance.[88] Multiple unification and depoliticizing efforts of the Peshmerga have been made since 1992. Many deadlines have been missed,[30] reforms have been watered down,[80] and most of the Peshmerga are still under the influence and command of the KDP and the PUK.
After gaining autonomy in 1991 the Kurdistan Region created its own proto-defence ministry:The Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs (MoPA). The Ministry was established to professionalize, unify, and centralize command of the party-affiliated Peshmerga forces, but in its early years it lacked real authority, something that became evident during theKurdish civil war. Following the end of the civil war the KDP and PUK agreed to the re-establishment of the unified Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs, which was favoured by the overallKRG Unification Agreement, and formally took place in 2006. In January 2010, the MoPA created the first, to itself subordinate, integrated Peshmerga brigade, called aRegional Guard Brigade (RGB). Three more RGBs were formed in March of the same year. Mario Fumerton and Wladimir van Wilgenburg commented, "The KDP’s temporary alliance withSaddam Hussein to expel the PUK fromErbil in 1996 is still remembered as a grave betrayal; conversely, many KDP members recall being driven out of other territories by the PUK. In part for these reasons, each side keeps a portion of its own forces under direct party control as a final guarantee to maintain the balance of power."[89][90][91]
In 2016 and 2017, following the events of theIraqi Civil War, theUnited States and severalEuropean nations pressured the PUK and KDP to set up more mixedbrigades as a condition for aid and funding. The PUK and KDP united 12 to 14 brigades under the RGB, which were then placed under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs.[80] TheNetherlands, the US, the UK, andGermany form the Multi-National Advisory Group (MNAG) that supports the project to establish a "modern, effective, affordable, and accountable Peshmerga."[92] In addition, to support reform efforts, theUnited Kingdom appointed a Special Defence Adviser to the MoPA.[93]
In 2022, the KDP's1st Support Force and the PUK's2nd Support Force were integrated into the MoPA, a move described by Col. Todd Burroughs, deputy director of the US-led coalition's Military Advisor Group North, as a 'significant step in the Peshmerga reform process.'[92][94]
A major step towards unification was reached in 2022, when a four-yearmemorandum of understanding (MoU) between theUS Department of Defense and Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs was signed, outlining conditions and timelines for integration into MoPA, effective until September 2026.[72][2]
By 2025, unification was in its final phase, with 10 additional brigades formed, two command regions planned, and salary payments digitialized via the 'MyAccount' system.[95][2] An Inspector General Report forOperation Inherent Resolve report noted progress in establishing four divisions, but highlighted delays in the development of Area Commands and persistent partisanship.[2] As of Q2 2025, 28 Regional Guard Brigades were unified, 4 divisions operational, biometric enrollment exceeded 85%, and a four-year budget was submitted for a 138,000-strong force. Salary digitization via 'MyAccount' was nearing completion.[2][96]
In spite of all reforms, officers partially still continue to report to and take orders from their party leaders who also control the deployment of forces loyal to them and appoint front-line and sector commanders.[30] Critical reforms stalled include the full incorporation of Units 80 and 70, and additional division HQs, amid U.S. frustration over partisanship.[2][97] Peshmerga officials repeatedly affirm that full unification will be completed by 2026, if not sooner and U.S. officials stress that they will continue supporting unifying efforts.[98][99]
Both the KDP and the PUK Peshmerga rely heavily onirregulars in times of conflict to increase their ranks.[100] However, both maintain severalprofessional military brigades. The Peshmerga forces are described as asecular force with aMuslim majority and smallerAssyrian,Chaldean Catholic,Yazidi,Shabak andKaka'i units.[68][101][102][103][104] Though some units are composed of minorities, they are not segregated and serve in regular infantry divisions too.[105] In 2016 the MoPA intended to create a military division for theArabs andTurkmen of Kirkuk Province, but financial difficulties halted the project.[106] Most minority units have been formed, when the Peshmerga took over thedisputed territories in theWar against the Islamic State.[107]
The following units are affiliated with or have been identified within the Peshmerga force:
| Force | Estimated size | Command | Description |
|---|---|---|---|
| MoPA-affiliated units | |||
 Regional Guard Brigades (RGB)[30][80][108] | 73,000 (as of 2025, with 28 unified brigades)[2][109][110] | Şoreş Îsmaîl | MoPA's main force. Supposedly apolitical.[111] |
| 1st Support Forces Command[112] | 10,000 combined with the 2nd Support Forces.[94] | Lt. Gen. Sihad Barzani | Transferred to MoPA from KDP in 2022. Focuses on support roles, includingartillery andofficer training. |
 2nd Support Forces Command[112] | 10,000 combined with the 1st Support Forces.[94] | Maj. Gen. Mariwan Muhammed Amin | Transferred to the MoPA from PUK in 2022. Focuses on support roles. |
| KDP-affiliated units | |||
 80 Unit[30][80][108] | 50,000–60,000 | Najat Ali Salih | KDP. In process of integration into MoPA by 2026.[2][113] |
 Zeravani[30] | 51,000–120,000 active personnel and 250,000reservists[29][114] | Masoud Barzani | KDP'smilitarized police force. |
 Gulan Special Forces[115][116] | 6,000 (2016)[117] | Mansour Barzani | Special forces commanded by Mansour Barzani. |
 Peshmerga Roj[108] | 3,000–6,000 fighters | Ibrahim Biro and Brig. Gen. Mohammed Rejeb Dehdo | Military wing of theENKS. Consists ofKurds from Syria. Located in the KRG, Pro-KDP and takes orders fromMasoud Barzani. |
 Counter Terrorism Department (Kurdistan Region)[118] | N/A | N/A | Counterterrorism unit part of theKurdistan Region Security Council. |
| Barzan Forces[119][120][121] | N/A | N/A | Brigade formation, consisting of men recruited from theBarzani clan. Its also known asBarzan Army. |
| Halo Special Forces[122] | N/A | Rawan Barzani | N/A |
| Black Tiger Battalion[123] | N/A | Sirwan Barzani | Formed to confront the Islamic State in 2014 under Sirwan Barzani, who carries the nickname 'Black Tiger'. |
 Presidential Guard (Kurdistan Region)[30] | N/A | Nechirvan Barzani | Military unit tasked with protecting thePresident of Kurdistan Region. |
| PUK-affiliated units | |||
 70 Unit[30][80][108] | 50,000–60,000 | Sheikh Jaafar Sheikh Mustafa | PUK. In process of integration into MoPA by 2026.[2][113] |
 Defense and Emergency Forces (DEF)[124][125] | 32,000[125] | N/A | PUK's equivalent of KDP's Zeravani. They are also known asBlack Forces. |
 CTG Special Forces[30] | 5,000[126] | Wehab Helebcî | One of the most eliteSpecial Forces unit in Iraq. |
| Hezekani Kosrat Rasul[30] | 2,000–3,000 | Kosrat Rasul Ali | Kosrat Rasul Ali's personal protection brigade, one of the last remaining units to defend during theKirkuk crisis.[127] |
| Kurdistan Commando Forces[128] | 500–10,000 | Diyar Omar | Well-equipped Special OperationsCommando unit.[129] |
 Golden Force[130][131] | N/A | Barham Sheikh Mohammed | Sub-unit of the Kurdistan Commando Forces. |
| Presidential Peshmerga Brigade[30] | N/A | Hero Ibrahim Ahmed (Jalal Talabani formerly) | A unit which was stationed in Baghdad during the presidency ofJalal Talabani.[69] |
| Minority units | |||
 Êzîdxan Protection Force or "Yazidi Peshmerga"[132] | 7,000[133]–8,000[134]–10,000[108] | Haydar Shesho and Qasim Shesho | Pro-KDP. Yazidi Democratic Party. Incorporated into MoPA.[135] |
| Jazeera Brigade[107][108] | 2,000 | Brig. Gen. Bolond Hussayn | Brigade ofEthnic-Arabs fromZummar andRabia. Affiliated with the MoPA. Formed by the KDP. |
| Battalion of the Assyrian Democratic Movement[136][137] | ~ 360 (1993), ~ 2,000 (2014) | William Ishaya (formerly) | Neutral between the KDP and PUK. Affiliated with the MoPA. Military wing of theAssyrian Democratic Movement. |
| Nineveh Plain Guard Forces (NPGF) or "Christian Peshmerga"[108][138][139] | 1,500–2,500 | Sarkis Aghajan Mamendo (unconfirmed) | Pro-KDP. Affiliated with the MoPA.Chaldean Syriac Assyrian Popular Council. |
| Shabak Battalion[104] | ~ 1,000 | Col. Mahmood Shabak | Battalion made up of theShabak minority. |
| Kaka'i Battalion[140][141] | ~ 680 (August 2015) | Nezar and Adel Kakai | Battalion made up of theKaka'i religious minority. Affiliated with the MoPA. |
| Tiger Guards[142][143] | ~ 600 (March 2015) | N/A | Christian brigade under the authority of the KRG.[142] |
| Nineveh Plains Force (NPF)[108][139] | ~ 500 (July 2015) | Romeo Hakari | Pro-KDP. Affiliated with the MoPA.Bet-Nahrain Democratic Party. |
| Dwekh Nawsha[108][137] | ~ 100–250 | Lt. Col. Odisho | Pro-KDP. Military wing of theAssyrian Patriotic Party. Not as clearly acting as official sub-units of Kurdish forces as the NPGF or NPF. |
| Asayish (security force) | |||
 KDPAsayish | Unknown | Barzan Qassab | KDP. Affiliated with the Ministry of Interior. |
 PUKAsayish | Unknown | N/A | PUK. Affiliated with the Ministry of Interior. |
| PUKAsayish SWAT units | Unknown | N/A | PUK. |
| Others | |||
| KDPS Peshmerga[144] | 3,000 | N/A | Peshmerga force of theKurdistan Social Democratic Party. |
The Peshmerga Media Cell is one of the specialized units of the MoPA. Established in January 2022, it was created to professionalize the force's information andmedia operations. The unit acts as the official channel for statements on Peshmerga activities, with responsibilities that include safeguarding operational security, protecting journalists reporting from conflict zones, and ensuring the dissemination of accurate information to local and international audiences.[145] It has also received support from international coalition advisers in developing media and information management practices.[146]
Units reporting to theMinistry of Peshmerga Affairs:
Regional Guard Brigades[147]2nd Support Forces CommandIt is planned that by the end of 2026, the Regional Guard Brigades will make up 11 Peshmerga divisions in total.[147][172]
Due to limited funding and the vast size of the Peshmerga forces, the KRG planned to downsize its forces from large numbers of low-quality forces to a smaller but much more effective and well-trained force.[173] Consequently, in 2009, the KRG andBaghdad engaged in discussions about incorporating parts of the Peshmerga forces into theIraqi Army in what would be the 15th and 16th Iraqi Armydivisions.[174][175] However, after increasing tension betweenErbil and Baghdad regarding thedisputed areas, the transfer was largely put on hold. Some Peshmerga were already transferred but reportedlydeserted again, and there are allegations that former Peshmerga forces remained loyal to the KRG rather than their Iraqi chain of command; regardless, thousands of members of the 80 Unit of KDP and the 70 Unit of PUK are based in Baghdad and cooperate well with other Iraqi forces.[176][177][178]
The Presidential Peshmerga Brigade of the PUK was stationed in Baghdad and paid by the Iraqi government during the presidency ofJalal Talabani.[69]
The Peshmerga, despite wearing a variety of uniform types, consistently maintain proper standards of dress. This includes the correct display ofrank insignia for both enlisted personnel andcommissioned officers, as well as the proper wear of headgear. In addition, they have designated ceremonial and duty uniforms that project a highly professional appearance.[179]
Officers can be promoted by thePresident of the Kurdistan Region for outstanding military and civil achievements.[180]
Peshmerga forces largely rely on old arms captured from battles. The Peshmerga captured large stockpiles of weapons during the1991 Iraqi uprisings.[181] Several stockpiles of weapons were captured from the old Iraqi Army during the 2003 U.S.invasion of Iraq, in which Peshmerga forces were active. Following the retreat of the new Iraqi Army during the June 2014 Islamic State offensive, Peshmerga forces reportedly again managed to get hold of weapons left behind by the Iraqis.[182] Since August 2014, Peshmerga forces have also captured weapons from the Islamic State.[183]
The Peshmerga arsenal is limited and confined by restrictions because the Kurdish Region has to purchase arms through the Iraqi government. Due to disputes between the KRG and the Iraqi government, arms flows from Baghdad to Kurdistan Region have been almost nonexistent, as Baghdad fears Kurdish aspirations for independence.[184][185][80] After the Islamic State offensive of August 2014, multiple governments armed the Peshmerga withlight arms,night-vision devices, andammunition.[186][187] However, Kurdish officials and Peshmerga stressed that they were not receiving enough and Baghdad was blocking arms from reaching the KRG, emphasizing the need for weapons to be sent directly and not through Baghdad.[188][189] Despite this, the United States has maintained that the government of Iraq is responsible for the security of Iraqi Kurdistan and that Baghdad must approve all military aid.[80] As of 2025, continued CTEF support provided vehicles, heavy equipment, small arms, ammunition, and non-lethal aid, with proposals for air defenses in the 2024 NDAA.[2][190]
The Peshmerga lack a propermedical corps andcommunication units.[80] This became apparent during theIslamic State offensive in 2014 where the Peshmerga found itself lacking ambulances and frontlinefield hospitals, forcing wounded fighters to walk back to safety.[80] There is also a lack of communication tools, as Peshmerga commanders are forced to use civilian cellphones to communicate with each other.[80] Under the guidance of theUS-led coalition the Peshmerga started to standardize it's weapons systems, replacingSoviet-era weapons withNATO firearms.[80] In 2015, for the first time, Peshmerga soldiers received urban warfare and military intelligence training from foreign trainers of theCJTF–OIR.[191] Some Peshmerga of the MoPA have also been trained by American private military contractors likeDynCorp.[192] By 2025, advancements included the Peshmerga Medical Force Readiness Initiative to address field hospital shortages.[193]
Peshmerga has been accused ofcorruption,partisanship,nepotism andfraud.[194][195][196][197] The Peshmerga was accused of listing"ghost employees" who do not exist or do not show up for work, but receive salaries. Those setting up the scam split the salary with these employees.[80]
In addition the KDP and PUK have used the Peshmerga to exert amonopoly on the use of force within their zones.[80] In 2011 KDP Peshmerga fired on anti-government protesters inSulaymaniyah, and the PUK later used its own security forces to break up these protests,[30] leading to criticism from all of the opposition parties in theKurdistan Region Parliament. In 2014 the KDP used its Peshmerga forces to stop delegates from theGorran Movement to enter Erbil and attend parliament.[80]
Outside ofKurdistan Region the Peshmerga has been criticized for using force to exert control of localArab,Yazidi andAssyrian communities, particularly during theIraqi Civil War.[198]
concerns about persistent partisanship remain.[2]In 2025, U.S. reports expressed frustration over stalled unification due to party lines, despite commitments.[97]
Women have played a significant role in the Peshmerga since its foundation, compared to otherMiddle Eastern militaries. The KurdishZand tribe was known for allowing women in military roles.[29] During theIraqi–Kurdish conflict the majority of women served within the Peshmerga in supporting roles such as building camps, taking care of the wounded, and carrying munitions and messages.[100] Several women brigades served on the front lines. The PUK started recruiting women during theKurdish Civil War. Women were given a 45-day basic training, which includedparade drills and basicmarksmanship training with various rifles,mortars, andRPGs.[29]
In the months leading up to the2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, the United States launchedOperation Viking Hammer which dealt a huge blow to Islamic terrorist groups in Iraqi Kurdistan and uncovered achemical weapons facility.[199][200][201][202][203] The PUK later confirmed that female Kurdish fighters had participated in the operation.[100]
In 2014 the Peshmerga had at least 600women in their ranks.[204] The number of women increased significantly during the war against ISIS due to a shortage of manpower and the desire for revenge.[204] The Peshmerga have one entirely femalebrigade.[205] In the KDP, these Peshmerga women have been refused access to the frontline and are mostly used in logistics and management positions,[206] while PUK Peshmerga women are deployed on the front lines and are actively engaging in combat.[207][208][29] Women arepaid the same as men.[204]
Margaret George Malik was an iconicAssyrian guerilla fighter and commander within the Peshmerga who was given a leading position in important battles such as theBattle of Zawita Valley.[209][210][211] She was nicknamed "Joan of Arc of Kurdistan" for the courage she displayed in combat. In 1995 ColonelNahida Rashid created the first women's Peshmerga unit. Other well known female Peshmergas areHero Ibrahim Ahmad,Amineh Kakabaveh,Pakhshan Zangana, andKafiya Suleiman.[212]
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The planned end strength for Peshmerga under the MoPA's command is 138,000.
The 2025 Defense Budget Request includes a huge increase in support for the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs.
Despite formal commitments, Peshmerga units remain fragmented along party lines, with little meaningful progress toward true unification.
Media related toKurdish Peshmerga at Wikimedia Commons
