ThePeshmerga (Kurdish:پێشمەرگه,romanized: Pêşmerge,lit. ''Those Who Face Death'')[28] are the internal security forces ofKurdistan Region. According to theConstitution of Iraq, regional governments are responsible for "the establishment and organization of the internal security forces for the region such as police, security forces, and guards of the region".[29] Other Kurdish security agencies include theZêrevanî (gendarmerie),Asayish (security andcounterterrorism service), and theParastin u Zanyarî (intelligence agency). The Peshmerga's history dates back to the 18th century, when they began as a tribal paramilitary border guard under theOttoman Turks and theSafavidKurds. By the 19th century, they had evolved into a disciplined and well-trained guerrilla force.[30]
Formally, the Peshmerga are under the command of theMinistry of Peshmerga Affairs (MoPA) of theKurdistan Regional Government (KRG). In practice, however, the Peshmerga's structure is largely divided and controlled separately by the two Iraqi Kurdish political parties: theDemocratic Party of Kurdistan (KDP) and thePatriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Unifying and integrating the Peshmerga under the MoPA has been on the Kurdistan Region's public agenda since 1992, with significant progress under a 2022 U.S.-KRG Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aiming for full unification by 2026, though challenges like partisanship and external threats persist.[31][2][32]
Besides being the official name for the KRG's internal security forces, historically the word Peshmerga has also been used for a variety of Kurdish militas and armed groups. A few examples are the Peshmerga of theKDPI,PAK andKomala.[33]
Etymology
The word "Peshmerga" can be translated to "to stand in front of death",[34][35][36] and Valentine states it was first used byQazi Muhammad in the short-livedMahabad Republic (1946–47).[37] The word is understandable toPersian speakers.[38] Because, the name was also used to refer to an elite unit within theSassanid Empire's military, specifically a sub-unit of thePushtigban, called theGyan-avspar.[39] These warriors were renowned for their unwavering loyalty and bravery, often serving as the last line of defense for theSassanid kings.[40][41][42][43]
Kurdish warriors had traditionally operated asguerrilla forces. However, during the brief existence of the self-declaredRepublic of Mahabad (1946–1947), a contingent led byMustafa Barzani served as its official military force.[45][46] According to Kurdish lore, the leaders of Mahabad gathered to choose a name for their army. As the story goes, they struggled to find a suitable word for 'soldier.' Aserver, overhearing their discussion, suggestedpeshmerga, a slang term from his nearby village. The name was adopted, and the force was formally named the Peshmerga.[47] Furthermore, underQazi Muhammad’s orders, a committee of “hand-picked litterateurs and writers” also developed distinct Kurdish military terminology to define ranks and positions.[48]
The relative ofSimko Shikak,Amr Khan Shikak, along with the tribal leader ofBaneh,Hama Rashid, Khan Banei, Zero Beg Herki, and Mustafa Barzani himself, were appointed as “Marshals” of the Peshmerga army by the Minister of War, Mohammed Hossein Saif Qazi. Officers maintained a professional appearance through their Soviet-style uniforms, further advised and organized by theSoviet military officer CaptainSalahaddin Kazimov. The Soviets continued their influence by sending at least 60 Kurdish officers toSoviet Azerbaijan for additional military training. The Mahabad army consisted of about 70officers, 40non-commissioned officers, and 1,200privates. As one of the senior commanders, Mustafa Barzani was responsible for appointing officers within the ranks.[48]
In order to protect the republic’s sovereignty, the Peshmerga engaged in their first battle at Qahrawa, near the town ofSaqqez. They ambushed anIranian garrison, killing 21 soldiers, wounding 17, and capturing 40. By mid-May 1946 Kurdish forces numbered approximately 12,750 Peshmerga, but most Kurdish offensives were limited to minor skirmishes.[48]
After the fall of the republic and theexecution of the head of state, Qazi Muhammad, Peshmerga forces reemerged as guerrilla organizations that would go on to fight theIranian andIraqi governments for the remainder of the century.[49]
Iraqi Kurdistan
In Iraq, most of these Peshmerga fighters continued to be led by Mustafa Barzani and his newly establishedKurdistan Democratic Party (KDP).[46] The first major war fought by the Peshmerga inIraqi Kurdistan was theFirst Iraqi–Kurdish War, lasting from 1961 until 1970, in which Barzani and his forces fought for independence. The war resulted in the signing of theIraqi–Kurdish Autonomy Agreement. Kurdish autonomy had failed to be implemented by 1974, which led to theSecond Iraqi–Kurdish War in 1975.Jalal Talabani, a leading member of the KDP, left the same year to revitalize the resistance and founded thePatriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). This event created the baseline for the political discontent between the KDP and PUK that divides Peshmerga forces and much of Kurdish society to this day.[50][51]
After Mustafa Barzani's death in 1979, his sonMasoud Barzani took over his position.[46] As tension increased between the KDP and PUK, most Peshmerga forces fought to keepIraqi Kurdistan under their own party's control, whilst also fighting off theIraqi Army's incursions. Following theFirst Gulf War and the1991 uprisings (Raperîn), and subsequentofficial autonomy for the Kurdistan Region, theKurdish Civil War broke out, a conflict between the rivaling KDP and PUK parties, in which Peshmerga forces were used to fight against each other.[52] The civil war officially ended in September 1998 when Barzani and Talabani signed the Washington Agreement establishing a formal peace treaty.[53] In the agreement, the parties agreed to share oil revenue and power, deny the use of Iraqi Kurdistan to theKurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and to not allow Iraqi troops into the Kurdish regions. By then, around 5,000 Peshmerga and civilians had been killed on both sides, and many more had been evicted for being on the "wrong side".[54]
In the years after, tensions remained high, but both parties came closer to each other, and in 2003 both of them, jointly took part in theoverthrowing of the Baathist regime as part of theIraq War.[55] TheCIA and otherUS special forces, who arrived in Iraq in early 2002, conductedunconventinal warfare operations with the Peshmerga againstAnsal al-Islam terrorists and organized the Peshmerga to form a 'northern Front' againstSaddam Hussein's troops.[56] The Peshmerga played a key role in helping theUnited States on the mission to capture deposed Iraqi president Saddam Hussein.[57][58]
After the overthrowing, the Peshmerga were politically recognized and obtained a special legal position. This improvement came from theCoalition Provisional Authority (CPA) with issuing orders that recognized the Peshmerga and exempted them from disbandment. In August 2003, parts of the Peshmerga were assigned toborder security andoil pipeline protection, while others trained withcoalition troops. Peshmerga units collaborated closely with U.S. forces onpatrols,interrogations, and security missions. At one point, the Peshmerga made up 30% of thenew Iraqi Army.[59]
The Peshmerga were also involved in the broaderGlobal War on Terror. In 2004, they captured Saudi-born Pakistani terroristHassan Ghul, who was operating foral-Qaeda in Iraq. Ghul was turned over to American intelligence officers shortly afterwards, which eventually led to thekilling of Osama bin Laden in a covert American military operation inPakistan in 2011.[60][61][62]
Legal status of the Peshmerga
Article 117 of the new2005 Iraqi Constitution allowedfederal regions (such as the Kurdistan Region) to establish their own internal security services; that is, the “police, security forces and guards of the region”. The Peshmerga are legally recognized as one of these permissible regional internal security forces.[63]
In 2006, a major conference in Erbil, involving the KRG, Iraqi Government, andMultinational Forces in Iraq, further clarified the Peshmerga’s role: defending the Kurdistan Region, supporting federal security efforts, fightingterrorism, and preserving constitutional institutions. This situation remained stable and helped the Peshmerga to reorganise and train its troops inmilitary academies in theZakho-Duhok area and Qalachulan-Sulaymaniyah area.[59][64]
2014 War against the Islamic State
2015VOA report about Peshmerga fighting IS south ofErbil
Following the defeat of ISIS in 2017, Peshmerga reforms focused on unification and modernization. In September 2022, the U.S. and KRG renewed a MoU to create a unified, nonpartisan force under MoPA command by 2026, including disbanding partisan Units 70 and 80, establishing two Area Commands and 11 light infantry divisions, and achieving a planned strength of 138,000.[2] By mid-2025, four divisions were operational, biometric enrollment exceeded 85%, and unification entered its final phase, with completion expected by year-end.[69][70] Advancements included the 2025 'Peshmerga Medical Force Readiness Initiative' and proposals for air defense systems.[71][72] Continued Coalition support via CTEF provided stipends, vehicles, and equipment.[2] However, progress has been slowed by KDP-PUK division, ISIS' threat, and disputes with the central government in Baghdad.[73]
Structure
Party affiliations
The Peshmerga are mostly divided among forces loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those loyal to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK),[74] while other, minor Kurdish parties such as theKurdistan Socialist Democratic Party also have their own small Peshmerga units.[75] TheIslamic Movement of Kurdistan also had its own Peshmerga unit, which became an official Peshmerga branch during the Iran-Iraq war, and was disarmed in 2003.[76] In daily life and the media, Peshmerga are referred to asPeshmerga i parti (KDP) orPeshmerga i yaketi (PUK) – i.e., KDP peshmerga or PUK Peshmerga.[77] The KDP and PUK do not disclose information about the composition of their forces with government or media.[74] Thus there is no reliable number of how many Peshmerga fighters exist.[74] Media outlets have speculated that there are between 150,000 and 200,000 Peshmerga, but this number is highly disputed.[78][79] The Peshmerga are divided into a KDP-governed "yellow" zone coveringDohuk Governorate andErbil Governorate and a PUK-governed "green" zone coveringSulaymaniyah Governorate andHalabja Governorate.[80][74][31] Each zone has its own branch of Peshmerga with their own governing institutions that do not coordinate with the other branch.[31][81]
Unification efforts
As a result of the split nature of the Peshmerga forces, there is no central command center in charge of the entire force, and Peshmerga units instead follow separate military hierarchies depending on political allegiance.[82] Multiple unification and depoliticizing efforts of the Peshmerga have been made since 1992. Many deadlines have been missed,[31] reforms have been watered down,[74] and most of the Peshmerga are still under the influence and command of the KDP and the PUK.
After gaining autonomy in 1991 the Kurdistan Region created its own proto-defence ministry:The Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs (MoPA). The Ministry was established to professionalize, unify, and centralize command of the party-affiliated Peshmerga forces, but in its early years it lacked real authority, something that became evident during theKurdish civil war. Following the end of the civil war the KDP and PUK agreed to the re-establishment of the unified Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs, which was favoured by the overallKRG Unification Agreement, and formally took place in 2006. In January 2010, the MoPA created the first, to itself subordinate, integrated Peshmerga brigade, called aRegional Guard Brigade (RGB). Three more RGBs were formed in March of the same year. Mario Fumerton and Wladimir van Wilgenburg commented, "The KDP’s temporary alliance withSaddam Hussein to expel the PUK fromErbil in 1996 is still remembered as a grave betrayal; conversely, many KDP members recall being driven out of other territories by the PUK. In part for these reasons, each side keeps a portion of its own forces under direct party control as a final guarantee to maintain the balance of power."[83][84][85]
In 2016 and 2017, following the events of theIraqi Civil War, theUnited States and severalEuropean nations pressured the PUK and KDP to set up more mixedbrigades as a condition for aid and funding. The PUK and KDP united 12 to 14 brigades under the RGB, which were then placed under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs.[74] TheNetherlands, the US, the UK, andGermany form the Multi-National Advisory Group (MNAG) that supports the project to establish a "modern, effective, affordable, and accountable Peshmerga."[86] In addition, to support reform efforts, theUnited Kingdom appointed a Special Defence Adviser to the MoPA.[87]
In 2022, the KDP’s1st Support Force and the PUK’s2nd Support Force were integrated into the MoPA, a move described by Col. Todd Burroughs, Deputy Director of the US-led coalition’s Military Advisor Group North, as a 'significant step in the Peshmerga reform process.'[88][89]
2022 Memorandum of understanding
A major step towards unification was reached in 2022, when a four-yearmemorandum of understanding (MoU) between theUS Department of Defense and Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs was signed, outlining conditions and timelines for integration into MoPA, effective until September 2026.[66][2]
By 2025, unification was in its final phase, with 10 additional brigades formed, two command regions planned, and salary payments digitialized via the 'MyAccount' system.[90][2] An Inspector General Report forOperation Inherent Resolve report noted progress in establishing four divisions, but highlighted delays in the development of Area Commands and persistent partisanship.[2] As of Q2 2025, 28 Regional Guard Brigades were unified, 4 divisions operational, biometric enrollment exceeded 85%, and a four-year budget was submitted for a 138,000-strong force. Salary digitization via 'MyAccount' was nearing completion.[2][91]
Future outlook
In spite of all reforms, officers partially still continue to report to and take orders from their party leaders who also control the deployment of forces loyal to them and appoint front-line and sector commanders.[31] Critical reforms stalled include the full incorporation of Units 80 and 70, and additional division HQs, amid U.S. frustration over partisanship.[2][92] Peshmerga officials repeatedly affirm that full unficiation will be completed by 2026, if not sooner and U.S. officials stress that they will continue supporting unifying efforts.[93][94]
The Peshmerga Media Cell is one of the specialized units of the MoPA. Established in January 2022, it was created to professionalize the force’s information andmedia operations. The unit acts as the official channel for statements on Peshmerga activities, with responsibilities that include safeguarding operational security, protecting journalists reporting from conflict zones, and ensuring the dissemination of accurate information to local and international audiences.[140] It has also received support from international coalition advisers in developing media and information management practices.[141]
2025 Order of Battle (MoPA)
Units reporting to theMinistry of Peshmerga Affairs:
It is planned that by the end of 2026, the Regional Guard Brigades will make up 11 Peshmerga divisions in total.[142][167]
Peshmerga in the Iraqi Army
Due to limited funding and the vast size of the Peshmerga forces, the KRG planned to downsize its forces from large numbers of low-quality forces to a smaller but much more effective and well-trained force.[168] Consequently, in 2009, the KRG andBaghdad engaged in discussions about incorporating parts of the Peshmerga forces into theIraqi Army in what would be the 15th and 16th Iraqi Armydivisions.[169][170] However, after increasing tension betweenErbil and Baghdad regarding thedisputed areas, the transfer was largely put on hold. Some Peshmerga were already transferred but reportedlydeserted again, and there are allegations that former Peshmerga forces remained loyal to the KRG rather than their Iraqi chain of command; regardless, thousands of members of the 80 Unit of KDP and the 70 Unit of PUK are based in Baghdad and cooperate well with other Iraqi forces.[171][172][173]
The Presidential Peshmerga Brigade of the PUK was stationed in Baghdad and paid by the Iraqi government during the presidency ofJalal Talabani.[64]
The Peshmerga, despite wearing a variety of uniform types, consistently maintain proper standards of dress. This includes the correct display ofrank insignia for both enlisted personnel andcommissioned officers, as well as the proper wear of headgear. In addition, they have designated ceremonial and duty uniforms that project a highly professional appearance.[174]
Peshmerga forces largely rely on old arms captured from battles. The Peshmerga captured large stockpiles of weapons during the1991 Iraqi uprisings.[176] Several stockpiles of weapons were captured from the old Iraqi Army during the 2003 U.S.invasion of Iraq, in which Peshmerga forces were active. Following the retreat of the new Iraqi Army during the June 2014 Islamic State offensive, Peshmerga forces reportedly again managed to get hold of weapons left behind by the Iraqis.[177] Since August 2014, Peshmerga forces have also captured weapons from the Islamic State.[178]
Peshmerga soldiers stand in formation during the Modern Brigade Course graduation ceremony.
The Peshmerga arsenal is limited and confined by restrictions because the Kurdish Region has to purchase arms through the Iraqi government. Due to disputes between the KRG and the Iraqi government, arms flows from Baghdad to Kurdistan Region have been almost nonexistent, as Baghdad fears Kurdish aspirations for independence.[179][180][74] After the Islamic State offensive of August 2014, multiple governments armed the Peshmerga withlight arms,night-vision devices, andammunition.[181][182] However, Kurdish officials and Peshmerga stressed that they were not receiving enough and Baghdad was blocking arms from reaching the KRG, emphasizing the need for weapons to be sent directly and not through Baghdad.[183][184] Despite this, the United States has maintained that the government of Iraq is responsible for the security of Iraqi Kurdistan and that Baghdad must approve all military aid.[74] As of 2025, continued CTEF support provided vehicles, heavy equipment, small arms, ammunition, and non-lethal aid, with proposals for air defenses in the 2024 NDAA.[2][185]
The Peshmerga lack a propermedical corps andcommunication units.[74] This became apparent during theIslamic State offensive in 2014 where the Peshmerga found itself lacking ambulances and frontlinefield hospitals, forcing wounded fighters to walk back to safety.[74] There is also a lack of communication tools, as Peshmerga commanders are forced to use civilian cellphones to communicate with each other.[74] Under the guidance of theUS-led coalition the Peshmerga started to standardize it's weapons systems, replacingSoviet-era weapons withNATO firearms.[74] In 2015, for the first time, Peshmerga soldiers received urban warfare and military intelligence training from foreign trainers of theCJTF–OIR.[186] Some Peshmerga of the MoPA have also been trained by American private military contractors likeDynCorp.[187] By 2025, advancements included the Peshmerga Medical Force Readiness Initiative to address field hospital shortages.[188]
Issues
Peshmerga has been accused ofcorruption,partisanship,nepotism andfraud.[189][190][191][192] The Peshmerga was accused of listing"ghost employees" who do not exist or do not show up for work, but receive salaries. Those setting up the scam split the salary with these employees.[74]
In addition the KDP and PUK have used the Peshmerga to exert amonopoly on the use of force within their zones.[74] In 2011 KDP Peshmerga fired on anti-government protesters inSulaymaniyah, and the PUK later used its own security forces to break up these protests,[31] leading to criticism from all of the opposition parties in theKurdistan Region Parliament. In 2014 the KDP used its Peshmerga forces to stop delegates from theGorran Movement to enter Erbil and attend parliament.[74]
concerns about persistent partisanship remain.[2]In 2025, U.S. reports expressed frustration over stalled unification due to party lines, despite commitments.[194]
Women have played a significant role in the Peshmerga since its foundation, compared to otherMiddle Eastern militaries. The KurdishZand tribe was known for allowing women in military roles.[30] During theIraqi–Kurdish conflict the majority of women served within the Peshmerga in supporting roles such as building camps, taking care of the wounded, and carrying munitions and messages.[95] Several women brigades served on the front lines. The PUK started recruiting women during theKurdish Civil War. Women were given a 45-day basic training, which includedparade drills and basicmarksmanship training with various rifles,mortars, andRPGs.[30]
In 2014 the Peshmerga had at least 600women in their ranks.[200] The number of women increased significantly during the war against ISIS due to a shortage of manpower and the desire for revenge.[200] The Peshmerga have one entirely femalebrigade.[201] In the KDP, these Peshmerga women have been refused access to the frontline and are mostly used in logistics and management positions,[202] while PUK Peshmerga women are deployed on the front lines and are actively engaging in combat.[203][204][30] Women arepaid the same as men.[200]
^abcdefghijklmnopqrHelfont, Samuel (March 1, 2017). "Getting Peshmerga Reform Right: Helping the Iraqi Kurds to Help Themselves in Post-ISIS Iraq".Foreign Policy Research Institute.16: 13.
^Kurdish Islamists in Iraq from the Muslim Brotherhood to the So-Called Islamic State: Continuity or Departure?, Mohammed Shareef, 2015, pp. 25,ISBN9786038032657
Simon Ross Valentine,Peshmerga: Those Who Face Death: The Kurdish Army, its History, Development, and the Fight against ISIS, Kindle Direct Publishing, 2018, 300pp.[ISBN missing]
Chapman, Dennis P., Lieutenant Colonel USA,Security Forces of the Kurdistan Regional Government,Mohammed Najat, Costa Mesa, California: Mazda Publishers, 2011.ISSN0026-3141 Reviewed by Michael M. Gunter inMiddle East Affairs, Vol. 65, No. 3, Summer 2011.
Regional Guard Brigades (RGB)[31][74][103]
2nd Support Forces Command[107]
80 Unit[31][74][103]
Zeravani[31]
Gulan Special Forces[110][111]
Peshmerga Roj[103]
Counter Terrorism Department (Kurdistan Region)[113]
Presidential Guard (Kurdistan Region)[31]
70 Unit[31][74][103]
Defense and Emergency Forces (DEF)[119][120]
CTG Special Forces[31]
Golden Force[125][126]
Êzîdxan Protection Force or "Yazidi Peshmerga"[127]
PUKAsayish
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Media related toKurdish Peshmerga at Wikimedia Commons
