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People's Party of the Valencian Community Partido Popular de la Comunidad Valenciana | |
|---|---|
 | |
| President | Carlos Mazón |
| Secretary-General | María José Catalá |
| Spokesperson | María José Catalá |
| Founded | 1989 |
| Headquarters | C/ Quart, 102 46008Valencia,Spain |
| Ideology | Conservatism Liberal conservatism Christian democracy Faction: Blaverism |
| Political position | Centre-right toright-wing |
| National affiliation | PP |
| Colors | Sky blue |
| Corts Valencianes | 40 / 99 |
| Congress of Deputies | 13 / 33 |
| Senate | 11 / 18 |
| Local Government (2015) | 2,219 / 5,784 |
| Website | |
| www | |
ThePeople's Party of the Valencian Community (Spanish:Partido Popular de la Comunidad Valenciana;Valencian:Partit Popular de la Comunitat Valenciana, PP or PPCV) is theValencian branch of thePeople's Party, as well as one of the historically most powerful organizations within the PP.
Upon its foundation, the PPCV remained at opposition under the leadership ofPedro Agramunt. However, afterEduardo Zaplana was elected as new party leader in 1993, the party was able to win the1995 election by a simple majority and form a coalition government withValencian Union. In1999 the party obtained theabsolute majority in the Valencian Courts, which it held for the next 16 years.
The party, which turned into one of the most powerful organizations in theValencian Community, was expelled from government in the2015 election after a 20-year uninterrupted stay in power amid accusations ofpolitical corruption and illegal financing. Post-election agreements betweenCompromís,PSPV andPodemos, as well as other minor left-wing forces, deprived it from the government of most main cities in the Community, which it had been controlling for decades.
Two months after the2011 election, in which the PPCV enlarged its absolute majority, PresidentFrancisco Camps resigned because of his alleged implication in theGürtel case, a corruption scandal affecting senior regional party members unveiled in 2009 and that, since then, had begun eroding support for the party in the Community.[1] Camps was replaced asPresident of the Valencian Government byAlberto Fabra.[2] The following years saw the unveiling of a series of corruption scandals that rocked the PPCV, involving party MPs,[3] mayors,[4] local councillors,[5] regional councillors,[6] Courts'speakers[7] and former regional presidentJosé Luis Olivas.[8] At one point, up to 20% of the party MPs in the Valencian Courts (11 out of 55) were charged in different corruption cases; a joke popularized at the time said that they would become the third political force in the Valencian Courts, only behind PP and PSOE, if they were to form their own parliamentary group.[9] The regional party leadership also had to cope with accusations of illegal financing[10] as well as possibleembezzlement in the additional costs incurred in theFormula 1 project andPope Benedict XVI's2006 visit to Valencia.[11][12]
At the same time, the regional government had to deal with the effects of the ongoingfinancial crisis. Despite the community's decision to ask for a bailout from the central government headed byMariano Rajoy in July 2012,[13] its economic situation remained severe. Fabra's government had to close downRTVV, the regional public television broadcasting channel, because of financing issues; a decision which was met with widespread protest.[14][15]
The2014 European Parliament election resulted in enormous losses for the People's Party, which, in the largest Valencian cities, lost almost half of its votes in percentage terms compared to the previous elections. Both the economic crisis and corruption helped hasten the party's decline, which had already seen support drop in opinion polls since 2011.[16] By 2015, corruption scandals had begun to reach party icons such as long-timeMayor of ValenciaRita Barberá, involved in an expenses scandal,embezzlement and a possible illegal party funding scheme at the regional level. The "Imelsa case", another related scandal, shook the PP 2015 electoral campaign as leaked recordings allegedly belonging to public entityImelsa former director, Marcos Benavent, involved senior party officials, such asXàtiva Mayor and President of the Valencia DeputationAlfonso Rus, in an alleged illegal financing network of the Valencian PP.[17][18] The PP denounced Rus and expelled him from the party just 20 days ahead of the election, but he refused to withdraw as candidate and continued campaigning as anindependent; the PP being unable to contest the local election in Xàtiva in a separate list.[19][20]
As a result of these combined events, the party suffered a spectacular collapse in popular support in the2015 regional election, where it lost 44% of its seats and 46% of its 2011 party vote. Thanks to an agreement between thePSPV,Compromís andPodemos in whichXimo Puig was appointed as new regional President withMònica Oltra as his deputy, the PPCV was expelled from power after two decades in office.
'Operation Taula', a major police operation in Valencia that took place on 26 January 2016, resulted in the arrest of several former and current high-ranking members from the regional PP branch, as a consequence of the ongoing investigation on the PP's corruption in the region during its time in government.[21][22] Judicial investigation also pointed to former long-time Mayor of ValenciaRita Barberá as a participant in the scandal; her arrest or imputation only being prevented by the fact she had legal protection as an incumbent senator.[23] A few days later, on 1 February, all PP city councillors in the city ofValencia were charged for a possiblemoney laundering offense, including new local party leader Alfonso Novo, as well as most members of Barberá's late government.[24]
Voices within the Valencian PP pointed to the party's refoundation in the region as a regionalist party, in order to try to distance itself as much as possible from the PPCV's past. Interim party leader Isabel Bonig claimed for an extraordinary party congress to be held to rethink the structure and future of the party in the Valencian Community, emphasizing its Valencian roots.[25]
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| Corts Valencianes | ||||||||
| Election | Vote | % | Score | Seats | +/– | Leader | Status in legislature | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Status | Period | |||||||
| 1991 | 558,617 | 27.82% | 2nd | 31 / 89 |  6[a] | Pedro Agramunt | Opposition | 1991–1995 |
| 1995 | 1,013,859 | 42.83% | 1st | 42 / 89 | 11 | Eduardo Zaplana | Majority coalition(PP–UV) | 1995–1999 |
| 1999 | 1,085,011 | 47.88% | 1st | 49 / 89 | 7 | Majority government | 1999–2015 | |
| 2003 | 1,146,780 | 47.17% | 1st | 48 / 89 |  1 | Francisco Camps | ||
| 2007 | 1,277,458 | 52.52% | 1st | 54 / 99 | 6 | |||
| 2011 | 1,211,112 | 49.42% | 1st | 55 / 99 | 1 | |||
| 2015 | 658,612 | 26.61% | 1st | 31 / 99 | 24 | Alberto Fabra | Opposition | 2015–2023 |
| 2019 | 508,534 | 19.12% | 2nd | 19 / 99 | 12 | Isabel Bonig | ||
| 2023 | 881,893 | 35.75% | 1st | 40 / 99 | 21 | Carlos Mazón | Majority coalition(PP–Vox) | 2023–2024 |
| Minority government | 2024–present[26] | |||||||
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| Cortes Generales | |||||||
| Election | Valencian Community | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Congress | Senate | ||||||
| Vote | % | Score | Seats | +/– | Seats | +/– | |
| 1989 | 572,101 | 27.00% | 2nd | 9 / 31 | 1[b] | 3 / 12 |  0[b] |
| 1993 | 987,317 | 40.48% | 1st | 15 / 31 | 6 | 8 / 12 | 5 |
| 1996 | 1,130,813 | 43.73% | 1st | 15 / 32 | 0 | 9 / 12 | 1 |
| 2000 | 1,267,062 | 52.11% | 1st | 19 / 32 | 4 | 9 / 12 | 0 |
| 2004 | 1,242,800 | 46.78% | 1st | 17 / 32 | 2 | 9 / 12 | 0 |
| 2008 | 1,415,793 | 51.59% | 1st | 19 / 33 | 2 | 9 / 12 | 0 |
| 2011 | 1,390,233 | 53.32% | 1st | 20 / 33 | 1 | 9 / 12 | 0 |
| 2015 | 838,135 | 31.26% | 1st | 11 / 32 | 9 | 9 / 12 | 0 |
| 2016 | 919,229 | 35.44% | 1st | 13 / 33 | 2 | 9 / 12 | 0 |
| 2019 (Apr) | 498,680 | 18.56% | 2nd | 7 / 32 | 6 | 3 / 12 | 6 |
| 2019 (Nov) | 584,415 | 23.04% | 2nd | 8 / 32 | 1 | 6 / 12 | 3 |
| 2023 | 922,064 | 34.87% | 1st | 13 / 33 | 5 | 8 / 12 | 2 |
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| European Parliament | |||
| Election | Valencian Community | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Vote | % | Score | |
| 1989 | 390,500 | 22.75% | 2nd |
| 1994 | 882,448 | 44.19% | 1st |
| 1999 | 1,080,472 | 47.66% | 1st |
| 2004 | 868,948 | 49.72% | 1st |
| 2009 | 984,005 | 52.23% | 1st |
| 2014 | 510,586 | 29.01% | 1st |
| 2019 | 522,998 | 22.60% | 2nd |
| 2024 | 705,071 | 35.86% | 1st |
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