Brazilian Imperial Patrianovist Action Ação Imperial Patrianovista Brasileira
Abbreviation	AIPB
President	Arlindo Veiga dos Santos (1932–1934) Arlindo Veiga dos Santos (1936–1937)
Founder	Arlindo Veiga dos Santos
Founded	March 3, 1928; 97 years ago (1928-03-03)
Dissolved	November 10, 1937; 88 years ago (1937-11-10)
Preceded by	CMCSP Pátria Nova[1] Diretório Monárquico do Brasil[2]
Headquarters	São Paulo, Brazil[3]
Newspaper	Monarquia,[4][5]Pátria-Nova[6]
Women's wing	Departamento Nacional Feminino[7]
Paramilitary	Guarda Imperial Patrianovista[8]
Membership	250,000 (1937est.)[9]
Ideology	Patrianovism Monarchism[10] Anti-communism[11][12][8] Anti-liberalism[12][13][14] Municipalism[15][10] Corporatism[4][16][10][14] Integral nationalism[12]
Political position	Far-right
Religion	Roman Catholicism
Slogan	Sem Rei não há União Nacional ("With no King there is no National Unity")[5]
Anthem	"Marcha dos Camisas Brancas"[17]
Party flag
Politics of Brazil Political parties Elections

TheBrazilian Patrianovist Imperial Action (Ação Imperial Patrianovista Brasileira,AIPB),Pátria-Nova, or simplyPatrianovism, was a monarchist organization that was present in many Brazilian states and that expressed the nationalist ideals of the 1920s and 1930s. Idealized byArlindo Veiga dos Santos, it sought to establish a new organic monarchy in Brazil based on traditionalist policies, unlike what the now-defunctEmpire of Brazil, which the patrianovists saw as liberal.^{[13][18][19][20]}

Patrianovism is considered to be the pioneer of theultra-right movement in Brazil, being the most expressive prior to the existence of theBrazilian Integralist Action (AIB). Even though they are considered the most relevant monarchist organization of theFirst Brazilian Republic, the party never managed to rally the masses to join their ranks, making it a vanguardist movement composed mostly of the middle-class. Some journalists claimed that patrianovism was just another movement portrayed as the new trend.^[21][22][23]

The term Pátria-Nova (New Fatherland) originated fromPortuguese integralism, which sought to create a "New Portugal" by recovering the many medieval institutions and adapting them to the modern age. This ideology supported the establishment of an organic, traditionalist, and anti-parliament monarchy based on Catholic, nationalistic and anti-liberal ideals. Such ideas were aligned with the Brazilians who sought to establish a similar form of government. Thus, In Brazil, Pátria-Nova became synonymous with searching for a new fatherland with its basis in tradition.^[24]

The dawn of the 20th century raised opposition to liberalism, democracy andrepublicanism, not only in Brazil but also inPortugal and most of the world, in the form offascism.^[4] This line of thought strengthened radical monarchism in those two countries, during the rise of theFirst Brazilian Republic and before theFirst Portuguese Republic.^[4]

TheCatholic Church also poised itself to stand againstSocialism and promote a "spiritual revolution" in Brazil. For this reason, Jackson Figueiredo found theCentro Dom Vital in 1922. Thevitalistas based their line of thought from theCatholic social teaching and integralist movements, like theAction Française andLusitanian Integralism.^[25]

These events led to a rise in Traditional Monarchism which is different from other monarchist movements and groups like theDiretório Monárquico do Brasil or the Monarchist Party of São Paulo.^[26][27]

In 1928, a group of young Catholic intellectuals from the Brazilian middle class,^[28] mostly from theUniversity of São Paulo and from of theMarian Congress of Saint Ifigênea, following the lead ofArlindo Veiga dos Santos, ablack poet, founded theMonarchist Center of Social Culture and New-Fatherland Politics (CMCSP Pátria Nova), which sought to study national problems, uniting the ideas ofcorporatism toanti-liberal monarchism.^[1][4][29] This centre was the first group in Brazil to have a fascist-leaning outlook.^[28]

In 1932, after a period in which the monarchists grouped together with what would become theBrazilian Integralist Action, Pátria-Nova would then become theAção Imperial Patrianovista Brasileira, a separate organization. At this point, the patrianovists already had elaborated their policies, to promote the instauration of an Organic Empire, with an emphasis on taking a different governmental approach to what theBrazilian Empire had taken, and also had established centres for the propagation of such ideals in almost all Brazilian provinces, founding more than 200 centres for meetings and studies as of 1935, ranging from theBrazilian South to theAmazon, with notable examples such as theCentro de Cultura Social Dom Henrique in the state ofPernambuco.^{[30][31][32][33][34]}

In 1934, Veiga resigned from his post as the president of the AIPB, alleging particular motivations. The reason why he left his post is unclear, but it could have been either due to indiscipline or disrespect for authority. Some historians speculate that he decided to leave his post because other high-ranking Patrianovists wereracist. While he was away, Patrianovism still was running somewhat normally, performing celebrations and events, such as the celebration ofDom Pedro Henrique, the then pretender to the Brazilian throne.^[35] Nonetheless, he re-assumed the position of president in 1936.^[9]

Patrianovism persisted in Brazilian politics, expanding to more than fifteen states, being predominant in the south of Brazil, where pátria-nova competed with the integralists, especially in areas of Germanic heritage, appealing to such demographic by exposing DomPedro Henrique of Orléans-Braganza as a trueGerman, as many of the BrazilianHouse of Bragança had marriedGerman nobility. Patrianovism expanded irregularly, due to communication hardships, personalist leaders, faulty propaganda and scarce funds. The consequence of such a situation is the empty state the AIPB was left in 1936. The situation remained the same until PresidentGetúlio Vargas prohibited the existence of all political organizations with his proclamation of theEstado Novo in 1937. The patrianovists applauded the measures taken by the new regime and identified themselves with it.^{[36][9][37][38][39]}

The Patrianovists resurfaced in 1945, after the end of Vargas' rule, but the group was almost empty. When parties became legal again, the Political Police started to follow dos Santos on the basis that he was an Integralist. He was never able to reproduce the capability of mobilization Patrianovism witnessed in its first phase. The organization was only formally reactivated in 1955, under the name AIPB.^[5]

In 1964, military and civilian forces organized acoup d'état. The Patrianovists were yet again supporters of the new regime, as they were part of the conspiring forces. In the following years, political liberties were weakened by the new dictatorial government. Patrianovism was also affected as the movement progressively crumbled. In 1978, Arlindo Veiga dos Santos died, after persisting in the political exclusion he found himself in.^[40][41]

The Historian Teresa Malatian, who kickstarted the study on patrianovism in 1981, noted that "There were no archives, nor bibliographies, nor documentation" when she began her studies, only managing to do so by a chance encounter with someone who knew a patrianovist. This showcases how small the movement was, even though it was in a part of Brazilian history, the biggest ultra-right organization.^[42]

In 1932, the paramilitary groupGuarda Imperial Patrianovista (GUIP), called thecamisas brancas ("white shirts") and who bore the patrianovist red arrow cross, meaning the "union of thecross of Christ and the arrows of the indians",^[43] on their left arm, was formed to "defend aChristian Brazil against the attacks ofcommunism" and prepare the country for the establishment of the third Empire. Patrianovists thought of themselves as "mythical warriors ofChristianity".^[44]

Patrianovism is rooted in Catholicism, the political teachings of SaintThomas Aquinas, nationalism, and the rejection of liberalism and a constitution.^[4][45] It thus criticizes not only the process ofBrazilian independence, from the perspective that the country had achieved independence in 1815 – when Brazil was elevated to the status of constituent kingdom of theUnited Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves – but also those seeking to restore the empire with the1824 Brazilian Constitution.^[19][46][47] They argued that there were more self-ruling liberties for municipalities than after the "separation".^[15]

For Patrianovists, when a monarch signs a constitution, no matter the circumstances that they were in, they become subject to those who were once theirvassals.^[48] The AIPB argued that the notion of theabsolute king being a despot is false and that liberalism is the true despotic government sincedespotism is when the one or the many in power do not recognize any other principle except their own will.^[49]

The eight points made in the party's newspaperPátria Nova in 1929 were the following:^[50]

1. Creed –Roman Catholicism should be made mandatory in every institution;
2. Monarchy – A responsible monarch should be able to rule and govern freely. The monarchy is the basis forsyndicalistmunicipalism;
3. Brazilian fatherland and race – Affirmation of the Brazilian people in every stance: religiously, physically and economically;
4. New method of administrative division – Brazil should be divided into smaller provinces and regions, solely for administrative reasons, to prevent regionalism and consecutivelyseparatism;
5. Syndicalist organization – Both spiritual and economical productions should be organized in syndicates.
6. Imperial capital at the center/heart of the Empire;
7. Foreign relations based on Christianity;
8. Special agreement relationship withIbero-America.

We are Pátria-Nova, radical and violent extreme Right, affirmers of God and His Church, affirmers of the Imperial, Catholic Nation, irreconcilable and intolerant enemies of bourgeoisism, plutocratism and the materialist, atheist, mocking, exploitative, internationalist, Judaizer and Freemasonic capitalism; enemies of the republic, of the parties, of parliamentarism, in short, of religious, political and economic liberalism; that is, also as enemies of the Bolshevik anarchy that with equally big mistakes intend, in vain, to "correct" the tyranny of liberal bourgeoisie, as enemies of the lying social order, installed virtually all over the world.^[51][52]

The movement was adept of corporatism as the ideal political, social and economic form of organization. The central reason for the support of corporatism was the discredit of the liberal and secular republic, fueled by the economic collapse the world suffered in 1929 and the patrianovists' religiousness. Paim Vieira claimed that corporatism is simply "the instrument of the Christian spirit" and it can't work without religion.^[53][54] For Afro-Brazilian patrianovists, such as the party leader, corporatism was the way out of social exclusion.^[55]

It rejected the participation of the masses and political parties, as did theAIB,^[56] in politics since:

• The power is exclusive to the monarch;
• The masses themselves were in favour of a form of government led by a powerful figure (such as aKing or a General) instead of politicians who were apathetic to their well-being;^[4][57]
• Different political parties would lead to the polarization and the separation of the population;^[58]
• They transform public goods into private property;^[58]
• They work against the cooperation of municipalities;^[58]
• The various political factions worked against national unity.^[51]

Patrianovism also accuses the various political parties of being the same conglomeration, but only with a different name to disguise themselves.^[58] They also accused parties of having predatory manners and of trying to take the reins, with the intent of striking the Traditional Order, seeking the benefit of becoming an organization with no accountability to the nation.^[59] Reinforcing their anti-partisanship view, patrianovists expressed disinterest, in the results of presidential elections in Brazil, and discontentment in the compulsory voting laws.^[60]

That, however, did not stop the AIPB from participating in the Elections of 1935.^[61]

For Patrianovists, the Democratic Partisanship Republic goes in the complete opposite direction of municipalism, proposed as the state where the community esteem each other, works for each other and conspire for the greater good.^[58] They also expressed that this form of government, much like the "anti-Luso action of the 1820s", is a barbarian-imported political scheme, "...an idea of Brazilians, but never a Brazilian idea...",^[62] similar to a tyrannical invader, damaging traditional and sacred institutions of a genuine Brazil.^[63][64][65] For them, the Republic is the eternal restart in that the republican government always has a setback, never learning to grow. Meanwhile, in the monarchical government, there exists a linear growth towards prosperity.^[47] The republican form of government – demoralized, disorganized and improvident – would also be the nest forcaudillos,dictators andtyrants, whereas the monarchical form of government would be the best suited to preserve order and liberty.^[66] Arlindo characterized the republic as an oppressive, bureaucratic, incompetent, unpious, immoral and demoralized form of government, and while Brazil is under such regimen, it will be in a status of an occupied and explored country.^[65]

Patrianovism considers that every true politic is centred on traditionalism, the basis for genuine progress, responsible for the continuance of the country's identity.^[68] A recurrent line of thought in Patrianovism is the nostalgia for the past, not for theEmpire, but pre-independenceBrazil, where – they believed – all of the great things such as honour, dignity, greatness etc. were left. The position theChurch held in the past was also attractive to the patrianovists. The period from 1822 to 1889 was considered by the patrianovists one of "accidentals mistakes",^[69] such as the form of government of the empire. They claim thatPedro II's reign did not take advantage the catholic and monarchic roots of the Brazilian identity and had major social-political and religious errors.^[64][70]

However, in the present, that is, the time after themilitary republican coup of 1889, the country was left morally and economically in ruins, with the decline of national identity.^[65][71] The solution for all of the problems in the present, would then be supposedly solved by the past.^[65] Patrianovists feared that if they returned to the liberal Monarchy, the outcome would be another coup, that could install socialism or communism in Brazil.^[70]

Unlike other third-position movements, likeFascism, patrianovism was a reactionary movement, not a revolutionary one. That meant that the group yearned for a return to the agrarian economic state rather than proceed with the industrialization of the nation.^[72]

In many speeches, Jews mostly took the blame for the ailments of theBrazilian blacks, being described ascapitalist explorers always associated with the international bourgeoisie, finances,usury and the embodiment of "alien" interests. TheFreemasons were often put alongside the Semites, evoking the Judeo-Freemason plot.^[51]

The AIPB also viewed monarchism as a way to stand against International exploration of Brazil. Then Secretary of the AIPB, Sebastião Pagano, wrote that the "Imperial Brazilians" want a monarchy because they need to "stand strong against exploration" because Brazil is poor and the "Monarchy is the best economic system".^[29]

Corresponding to the beliefs that the Republic was "anti-national", the movement had discontentment with thebranqueamento policy, that promoted immigration to Brazil from various European countries, specially fromItaly and other Mediterranean nations, and fromJapan.^[73] The Patrianovists believed that those immigrants were stealing away the jobs from native Brazilians, standing, for example, against the establishment of a Japanese company in the Amazon.^[74]

Coupled withbranqueamento, Arlindo blamed the Republic for the bad quality of lifeAfro-Brazilians had.^[28]

According to researcher Ramatis Jacino, the AIPB was, perhaps, the most significant representant of black conservatism in Brazilian history.^[75]

There were a lot of similarities between the AIPB and the AIB, as the Patrianovist political discourse appointedBrazilian Integralism as complementary to Patrianovism.Plínio Salgado, the most important Integralist figure in Brazil, used to exchange letters with Veiga, trying to get the later to support Integralism.^[76]

In 1932, Arlindo Veiga dos Santos, the president of the party, co-founded theSecretary of Political Study, alongside Plínio. A handful of Patrianovists joined the organization, which would end up becoming theBrazilian Integralist Action (AIB). The Patrianovists left the group in the second semester, after it was made clear in the book"A posição do Integralismo" (Integralism's Alignment) that the best model of government for the Integralists would be a "Social Republic" in virtue of the loyalty of the integralists to republicanism.^{[21][76][77][78]}

[With the Integral State] The Federative Republican system must be maintained [...] We affirm our Republican ideology

In the first periods of the AIB, Plínio was tempted to blame the Patrianovists in any eventual ailment of Integralism, for not joining them. However, when the AIB became a movement of the masses, which was never possible for the AIPB, he gave it up. With such turntables, several Patrianovists decided to leave the ranks of the AIPB to join their ideological cousins.^[79]

One of the leaders of the patrianovist movement, Sebastião Pagano, proclaimed to the newspaper Diário de Notícia, that the reason behind the success of the integralist movement was due to the effort of patrianovism since 1928.^[80]

Even though both groups were not in the same political group, the relationship between them was very friendly. Monarchists had no problem in joining with the integralists, considering Brazilian integralism as a complement to organic monarchism. The leaders of the integralist movement, Plínio Salgado andGustavo Barroso had monarchist sentiments. According to Barroso, "Patrianovism is monarchist because it is integralist".^[54]

Both organizations were founded by Arlindo Veiga dos Santos, who was himself a black Brazilian. Created in 1931, theFrente Negra Brasileira materialized the fight for the "Social and Political Union of the National Black People". Veiga wished to raise support for the monarchist cause in the black masses, turning FNB into another center for Patrianovist ideals, trying to merge black politics with Patrianovism.^[76]

But even with that effort, Francisco Lucrécio, a former director of the FNB, noted that although the black community understood the ideals ofnationalism, they never really managed to comprehend Patrianovism.^[76]

Even though Arlindo had this setback, it is noticeable that the two groups had much in common. Both organizations supported:^[81]

• Exacerbatednationalism;
• Defence of Brazilian traditions;
• Extreme rejection ofcommunism;
• Attacks against democracy and liberalism.

The cooperation between the groups went even further. Isaltino Veiga dos Santos, Arlindo's brother, and Salatiel Campos, both Patrianovists, were active in various activities of the FNB. It is also notable that both organizations used to share the same building for meetings. They both used paramilitary groups, with the highlight of a segment of the FNBmilitia being of black practitioners ofcapoeira, akin to theBlack Guard, that fought against republicans after slavery was abolished in the Brazilian Empire.^[82]

The two organisations,Integralismo Lusitano ("Lusitanian Integralism") and the AIPB, considered each other to be their counterpart in across the ocean.Such argument was made because they both:^{[19][83][84][85]}

• Were Integral-Christians;
• Had the same Luso-Brazilian background;
• Supportedcorporatism as the ideal form of political, social and economical government organization;
• Supported an Organic Monarchy;
• Held the belief thatConstitutional monarchies and Liberal Republics will bring the same problems.

The first contact between the two movements happened in 1930 when, inPolítica, the Portuguese offered their sympathy for Pátria-Nova and classified them as an interesting movement. In the same year, the School Board of Lusitanian Integralism published an article written by Couto Magalhães, first published inPátria-Nova. Both groups continued to contact each other with great intensity.^[86][87]

According to George Wink, the AIPB was undistinguishable from theCentroDom Vital, a catholic association, where Arlindo Veiga was the treasurer, and the leader of theCDV was a contributor to thePátria-Nova newspaper.^[54]

TheLiga Eleitoral Católica (Catholic Electoral League) was an organization created to gather support for candidates that subscribed to the Social Doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church.^[88] TheLiga counted with the support of the Patrianovist movement "for Religious reasons" in their efforts to elect their politicians.^[89]

The movement was later supported by the then-pretender to the Brazilian thronePrince Pedro Henrique of Orléans-Braganza, which wrote letters as early as 1933 to the party,^[90] congratulating them on their efforts in establishing an organic monarchy. In 1945, when the descendants of EmperorPedro II of Brazil returned to Brazil, the two entities became closer than ever, signaling the approval of the movent from theOrleans-Braganca family.^[91]

The Patrianovist had a hierarchical structure, with the Headquarters in São Paulo. In each different city, there was a Center for studies, composed normally of a Leader, a secretary and a treasurer. Each "Centro" bore the name of a differentPatron saint, normally either a member of theBrazilian imperial family or a notableNoble from theEmpire of Brazil.^[92] There were also Regional Councils, such as the one in the State ofSanta Catarina, headed by Elias J. Domit,^[93] and a Supreme Council, located in the city of São Paulo.^[94] There were at least 200 centers as of 1935.

• Brazilian Integralism
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