| Part ofPartition of India | |
 Religious distribution of Bengal -1941 Census of India, the basis for the partition(byCIA:1981) | |
| Location | Bengal Presidency, British India |
|---|---|
| Cause | Indian Independence Act 1947 |
| Outcome | Bengal Presidency divided intoEast andWest Bengal • Hindu-majority West Bengal becomes a state ofIndia • Muslim-majority East Bengal becomes a province ofPakistan |
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ThePartition of Bengal in 1947, also known as theSecond Partition of Bengal, part of thePartition of India, divided theBritish IndianBengal Province along theRadcliffe Line between theDominion of India and theDominion of Pakistan. TheBengali Hindu-majorityWest Bengal became a state ofIndia, and theBengali Muslim-majorityEast Bengal (nowBangladesh) became a province ofPakistan.
On 20 June 1947, theBengal Legislative Assembly met to decide the future of the Bengal Province, as between being aUnited Bengal within India or Pakistan or divided into West Bengal and East Bengal as the homelands for the Bengali Hindus and the Bengali Muslims, respectively. At the preliminary joint session, the assembly decided by 126–90 that if it remained united, it should join the newConstituent Assembly of Pakistan. Later, a separate meeting of legislators from West Bengal decided by 58–21 that the province should be partitioned and that West Bengal should join the existingConstituent Assembly of India. In another separate meeting of legislators from East Bengal, it was decided by 106–35 that the province should not be partitioned and by 107–34 that East Bengal should join Pakistan in the event of Partition.[1]
On 6 July 1947, theSylhet referendum decided to severSylhet fromAssam and merge it into East Bengal in order to joinPakistan.
The partition, with power transferred to Pakistan and India on 14–15 August 1947, was done according to what has come to be known as the 3 June Plan, or theMountbatten Plan. Indian independence, on 15 August 1947, ended over 150 years of British rule and influence in theIndian subcontinent. East Pakistan became the independent country of Bangladesh after the 1971Bangladesh Liberation War.
Since 1866, there had been discussions about splitting up theBengal Presidency, which had grown too large to be administered effectively from Calcutta. This was the official reason given in 1905 for thefirst partition of Bengal.[2] However, the geography of that partition had another, political, purpose, to weaken Bengali resistance to British rule.[3][4][5][6] The partition divided the province between West Bengal, whose majority was Hindu, and East Bengal, whose majority was Muslim, but left considerable minorities of Hindus in East Bengal and Muslims in West Bengal. While the Muslims were in favour of the partition, as they would have their own province, Hindus opposed it. The controversy led to increased violence and protest, and in 1911, the provinces were again united.[7]
However, the disagreements between Hindus and Muslims in Bengal that had sparked the Partition of Bengal in 1905 remained, and laws, including the Second Partition of Bengal in 1947, were implemented to fulfil the political needs of the parties involved.[citation needed]
According to plan, on 20 June 1947, the members of the Bengal Legislative Assembly cast three separate votes on the proposal to partition Bengal:
Under the Mountbatten Plan, a single majority vote in favour of partition by either of the notionally divided halves of the Assembly would have decided the division of the province, and hence the proceedings on 20 June resulted in the decision to partition Bengal. That set the stage for the creation of West Bengal as a province ofIndia and East Bengal as a province of theDominion of Pakistan.
Also in accordance with the Mountbatten Plan, a referendum held on 6 July saw the electorate of Sylhet vote to join East Bengal. Further, the Boundary Commission, headed by SirCyril Radcliffe, decided on the territorial demarcation between the two newly created provinces. Power was transferred to Pakistan and India on 14 and 15 August, respectively, under theIndian Independence Act 1947.
In Bengal, theKrishak Praja Party's Syed Habib-ul-Rahman said that partitioning India was "absurd" and "chimerical".[8]
Rezaul Karim, a Bengali Muslim leader in theIndian National Congress, was a champion ofHindu-Muslim unity and aunited India.[9] He "argued that the idea that Hindus and Muslims are two distinct nations was ahistorical" and held that outside of the subcontinent, Indian Muslims faced discrimination.[9] With respect to Indian civilization, Rezaul Karim declared that "Its Vedas, its Upanishads, its Rama, Sita, its Ramayana, and Mahabharat, its Krishna and Gita, its Asoka and Akbar, its Kalidas and Amir Khusru, its Aurangzeb and Dara, its Rana Pratap and Sitaram—all are our own inheritance."[9] In 1941, Rezaul Karim published a bookPakisthan Examined with the Partition Schemes that firmly rejected the two-nation theory and opposed the division of India.[9][unreliable source?] Karim advocated forcomposite nationalism, with historian Neilesh Bose of theUniversity of Victoria stating that "Rezaul Karim developed a Bengali Muslim composite nationalism that aimed to connect religion, region and nation in the context of a subjunctive, possible future India."[9]
After it became apparent that the division of India on the basis of thetwo-nation theory would almost certainly result in the partition of Bengal along religious lines, the Bengal provincial Muslim League leaderHuseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy came up with a new plan to create an independent Bengal state, which would join neither Pakistan nor India and remain unpartitioned. Suhrawardy realised that if Bengal was partitioned, it would be economically disastrous for East Bengal,[10] as all coal mines, all but twojute mills, and other industrial plants would certainly go to the western part since they were in overwhelmingly Hindu areas.[11] Most importantly,Calcutta, the largest city in India and an industrial and commercial hub and the largest port, would also go to the western part.[citation needed] Suhrawardy floated his idea on 27 April 1947 at a press conference in Delhi.[12]
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, leader of theMuslim League, wanted an undivided Bengal outside the Dominion of India. He had toldMountbatten only the day before, "What is the use of Bengal without Calcutta; they had better remain united and independent; I am sure that they would be on friendly terms with us".[13] Opinion among the Bengal provincial Muslim League leadership was divided on the question of a United Bengal. The leaderAbul Hashim supported it,[14] butKhawaja Nazimuddin,Nurul Amin andMohammad Akram Khan opposed it.[14][15] Suhrawardy lobbied Jinnah on 15 May for his support. Shortly thereafter, opponents of the proposal also met with Jinnah.[16] In letters, he privately entertained the idea,[17] but did not publicly endorse either side.[18][19] Notwithstanding his earlier comment to Mountbatten, historians are divided as to whether he supported a United Bengal outside of Pakistan, and, if so, to what degree.[20]Bidyut Chakrabarty andSirajul Islam wrote that Jinnah consented to or defended the scheme, perhaps believing that an independent Bengal could be a first step towards an undivided Bengal within a greater Pakistan.[21][22] Others say he either didn't support or opposed the plan.[23][24]
For the Congress, only a handful of leaders agreed to the plan, such as the influential Bengal provincial Congress leaderSarat Chandra Bose, the elder brother ofNetaji andKiran Shankar Roy. However, most other leaders and Congress leaders, includingJawaharlal Nehru andVallabhbhai Patel, rejected the plan. The nationalistHindu Mahasabha, under the leadership ofShyama Prasad Mukherjee, vehemently opposed it[25] and considered it nothing but a ploy by Suhrawardy to stop the partition of the state so that its industrial west, including the city of Kolkata, would remain under League control. It also claimed that even if the plan was for a sovereign Bengal state, it would be a virtual Pakistan, and the Hindu minority would always be at the mercy of the Muslim majority.[25][26]
Although the chance of the proposal seeing light without the Congress central committee's approval was slim, Bose and Suhrawardy continued talks to reach an agreement on the political structure of the proposed state. Like Suhrawardy, Bose also felt that partition would severely hamper Bengal's economy, and almost half of the Hindus would be left stranded inEast Bengal.[27] The agreement was published on 24 May 1947,[28] but was largely political. The proposal had little support at the grassroots level, particularly among Hindus.[29] The Muslim League's continuous propaganda for the two-nation theory during the past six years, as well as the marginalisation of Hindus in the Suhrawardy ministry and thevicious 1946 riots, which many Hindus believed to have been sponsored by the state, left little room for trust by the Bengali Hindus.[30] Soon, Bose and Suhrawardy were divided on the nature of the electorate: separate or joint. Suhrawardy insisted upon maintaining the separate electorates for Muslims and non-Muslims. Bose opposed the idea and withdrew. The lack of any other significant support by the Congress caused the United Bengal plan to be discarded.[31] Still, the relatively unknown episode marked the last attempt among Bengali Muslim and Hindu leadership to avoid Partition and to live together.
Following the partition of Bengal between the Hindu-majorityWest Bengal and the Muslim-majorityEast Bengal, there was an influx ofBengali Hindu/Bengali Muslim refugees from both sides. An estimation suggests that before the Partition, West Bengal had a population of 21.2 million, of whom 5.3 million, or roughly 25 percent, were Muslim minorities. Most of the Muslim population were native Bengali Muslims, whereas East Bengal had 39.1 million people, of whom 10.94 million or roughly 28 percent were Hindu minorities, i.e. predominantly native Bengali Hindus. Nearly 2.04 million Bengali Hindus left Pakistan's East Bengal for India's West Bengal region, and 1.72 million Bengali Muslims left India's West Bengal for Pakistan's East Bengal region immediately after the Partition because of violence and rioting resulting from mobs supporting West Bengal and East Bengal. However, most Muslims who left in 1947 returned soon after to India's West Bengal beforeLiaquat–Nehru Pact, which was signed in 1950.[32]
UnlikePunjab, where a full population exchange betweenPunjabi Muslims andPunjabi Sikhs/Punjabi Hindus during the partition happened, the same complete population exchange did not happen inBengal (the population transfer between Bengali Hindus and Bengali Muslims was gradually slower due to the occurrence of less violence); overall it was one-sided, i.e. most of the Bengali Hindus, mainly from upper caste left East Bengal, but most of the Bengali Muslims didn't leave West Bengal.[33] During Partition,Hindu Mahasabha leaderShyama Prasad Mukherjee demanded a full exchange of population—an exchange of the Bengali Muslim population of West Bengal with that of Bengali Hindus of East Bengal—but it didn't happen due to the lack of interest ofCentral Government leaders of that time.[34][35] Presently, only 8 percent of Bangladesh (then East Bengal) is Hindu, whereas West Bengal is still 27 percent Muslim, compared to 25 percent at the time of Partition.[36]
An estimated one million Hindu refugees had entered West Bengal by 1960, and close to 700,000 Muslims left for East Pakistan. The refugee influx in Bengal was also accompanied by the fact that the government was less prepared to rehabilitate them, which resulted in huge housing and sanitation problems for the millions, most of whom were owners of large property back in East Bengal.[37]
During the East Pakistan riot of 1964, it is estimated, according to Indian authorities, 135,000 Hindu refugees arrived in West Bengal from East Pakistan, and the Muslims started to migrate to East Pakistan from West Bengal. According to Pakistani figures, by early April, 83,000 Muslim refugees had arrived from West Bengal.[38]
In 1971, during theBangladesh Liberation War againstPakistan, a large group of refugees numbering an estimated 7,235,916 arrived from Bangladesh to India's West Bengal. Nearly 95% of them were Bengali Hindus, and, after theindependence of Bangladesh, nearly 1,521,912 Bengali Hindu refugees decided to stay in West Bengal.[39] The Bangladeshi Hindus were mainly settled in the Nadia, North 24 Parganas, and South 24 Parganas districts of West Bengal after 1971.[40]
Before the official Radcliffe Line was drawn in 1947, these were the religious demographics in Bengal:
Final division:
The second partition of Bengal left behind a legacy of violence that has continued ever since. AsBashabi Fraser put it, "There is the reality of the continuous flow of 'economic migrants'/'refugees'/'infiltrators'/'illegal immigrants' who cross over the border and pan out across the subcontinent, looking for work and a new home, settling in metropolitan centres as far off as Delhi and Mumbai, keeping the question of Partition alive today".[41]
A massivepopulation transfer began immediately after partition. Millions ofHindusmigrated to India from East Bengal, and most of them settled in West Bengal. A significant number even went toAssam, Tripura and other states. However, the refugee crisis was markedly different fromPunjab at India's western border. Punjab had witnessed widespreadcommunal riots immediately before partition. As a result, the population transfer in Punjab happened almost immediately after Partition, as terrified people left their homes from both sides. Within a year, the population exchange had been largely complete betweenEast andWest Punjab, but in Bengal, violence was limited toKolkata andNoakhali. Hence, in Bengal, the migration occurred much more gradually and continued over the three decades after partition.[42][43] Although riots were limited inpre-independence Bengal, the environment was communally charged. Both Hindus in East Bengal and Muslims in West Bengal felt unsafe and had to take a crucial decision on whether to leave for an uncertain future in another country or to stay in subjugation under the other community.[44] Among Hindus in East Bengal, those who were better placed economically left first. Government employees were given a chance to swap their posts between India and Pakistan. The educated urban upper and middle classes, the rural gentry, traders, businessmen and artisans left for India soon after partition. They often had relatives and other connections in West Bengal and settled with less difficulty. Muslims followed a similar pattern. The urban and educatedupper and middle classes left for East Bengal first.[45]
However, poorer Hindus in East Bengal, most of whom are Dalits found it much more difficult to migrate. Their only property was immovable land holdings. Manysharecroppers had no skills other than farming. As a result, most of them decided to stay in East Bengal. However, the political climate in Pakistan deteriorated soon after partition, and communal violence started to rise. In 1950,severe riots occurred inBarisal and other places in East Pakistan, causing a further exodus of Hindus. The situation was vividly described byJogendra Nath Mandal'sresignation letter toPakistani Prime MinisterLiaquat Ali Khan. Mandal was a dalit leader and despite being of a depressed class, he supported the Muslim League as a protest to the subjugation of lower-castes by their higher-caste coreligionists.[46] He fled to India and resigned from his cabinet minister's post. For the next two decades, Hindus left East Bengal whenever communal tensions flared up or the relationship between India and Pakistan deteriorated,as in 1964. The situation of the Hindu minority in East Bengal reached its worst in the months preceding and during theBangladesh Liberation War of 1971, when thePakistani Army systematically targeted ethnic Bengalis, regardless of religious background, as part ofOperation Searchlight.
In independent Bangladesh, state-sponsored discrimination of Hindus largely stopped. However, like India, the two communities' relationship remains tense and occasional communal violence occurred, such as in the aftermath ofBabri Mosquedemolition.
Though Muslims in post-independence West Bengal faced some discrimination[citation needed], it was unlike thestate-sponsored discrimination faced by the Hindus in East Bengal. Most Hindus fled from East Bengal, but Muslims largely stayed on in West Bengal. Over the years, however, the community became ghettoised and was socially and economically segregated from the majority community.[47] West Bengali Muslims are highly marginalised, as can be seen from social indicators likeliteracy and per capita income.[48]
Apart from West Bengal, thousands ofBihari Muslims also settled in East Bengal. They had suffered terribly insevere riots before partition. However, they supportedWest Pakistan during the Liberation War and were subsequently denied citizenship in independent Bangladesh. Most of the Bihari refugeeshave remained stateless.
The 1951 census in India recorded 2.523 million refugees from East Bengal, 2.061 million of whom settled in West Bengal. The rest went to Assam, Tripura and other states.[49] By 1973, their number reached over 6 million. The following table shows the major waves of refugee influx and the incident that caused it.[50][note 1]
| Year | Reason | Number inlakhs |
|---|---|---|
| 1947 | Partition | 3.44 |
| 1948 | Hyderabadannexation by India | 7.86 |
| 1956 | Pakistan becomes anIslamic Republic | 3.20 |
| 1964 | Riots overHazratbal incident | 6.93 |
| 1971 | Bangladesh Liberation War | 15 |
The 1951 census in Pakistan recorded 671,000 refugees in East Bengal, the majority of whom came from West Bengal. The rest were fromBihar.[49] By 1961, the numbers reached 850,000. Crude estimates suggest that about 1.5 million Muslims migrated from West Bengal and Bihar to East Bengal in the two decades after partition.[51]
In Punjab, the Indian government anticipated a population transfer and was ready to take proactive measures. Land plots that were evacuated by Muslims were allotted to incoming Hindu and Sikh refugees.[citation needed] The government allocated substantial resources for the rehabilitation of refugees in Punjab. In contrast, there was no such planning in the eastern part of the country. Neither the central nor the West Bengal state governments anticipated any large-scale population exchange, and no co-ordinated policy was in place to rehabilitate millions of homeless people. The newly independent country had few resources, and the central government was exhausted in resettling 7 million refugees in Punjab. Instead of providing rehabilitation, the Indian government tried to stop and even to reverse the refugee influx from East Bengal. India and Pakistan signed theLiaquat–Nehru Pact in 1950 to stop any further population exchange between West and East Bengal.[43][52] Even after it became clear that refugees were determined not to be sent back, the central government failed to provide any significant assistance.[53] The government policy of East Bengal refugee rehabilitation mostly consisted of sending them to empty areas, mostly outside of West Bengal. One of the most controversial schemes was the government's decision to settle the refugees by force inDandakaranya, a barren plot of land inCentral India.[54]
Without the government's assistance, the refugees often settled themselves. Some found jobs in factories. Many took small businesses andhawking. Numerous refugee colonies sprang up inNadia,24 Paraganas andKolkata's suburbs. It has been argued recently that the refugees facilitated an incremental urbanization without accumulation, in the frontiers of Calcutta. The process has been termed as 'urbanization with de-accumulation'.[55]
Theprincely state of Tripura had a predominantly-tribal population, but educated Bengalis were welcomed by the King and were prominent in the state's administration in pre-independence India. However, after partition, thousands of Bengali Hindus migrated to Tripura, which changed the state'sdemography completely. Tripura's tribes became a minority in their ownhomeland and lost their land holdings. As a result, a tribalinsurgency began, causing violent riots among tribes and Bengalis in 1980. A low-scale insurgency has continued ever since.[56]
Many Bengalis migrated from East Bengal side during Partition and the Liberation War, but half of the Bengali community of Tripura has lived in Tripura for hundreds of years, according to the 1901 census report, which clearly stated that Bengali and Tripura had numbers that were almost equal.
Radcliffe's line split Bengal, whichhad always historically been a single economic, cultural and ethnic (Bengali-Hindu or Bengali-Muslim) zone, into two halves. Both halves were intricately connected. Thefertile East produced food and raw materials, which the West consumed, and the industrialised West produced manufactured goods, which were consumed by the East. According to the POV, this was either considered an exploitative or a mutually beneficial trade and exchange. This was, naturally, severely disrupted by Partition. Rail, road and water communication routes were severed between them.
After Partition, West Bengal suffered from a substantial food shortage as the fertilerice-producing districts went to East Bengal. The shortage continued into the 1950s and the 1960s. By 1959, West Bengal faced an annual food shortage of 950,000 tones. Hunger marches became a common sight in Kolkata.[57]
Jute was the largest industry in Bengal at Partition. The Radcliffe Line left every single jute mill in West Bengal but four fifths of the jute-producing land in East Bengal. Thebest-quality fibre yielding breeds of jute werecultivated mostly in East Bengal. India and Pakistan initially agreed to atrade agreement to import raw jute from East Bengal for West Bengal's mills. However, Pakistan had plans to set up its own mills and put restrictions on raw jute export to India. West Bengal's mills faced an acute shortage, and the industry faced a crisis.[58] On the other hand, jute farmers in East Bengal were now without a market to sell their produce. Exporting jute to West Bengal suddenly became an anti-national act for Pakistan. Smuggling of raw jute shot up across the border,[59] but West Bengal rapidly increased jute production and in the mid-to-late 1950s became largely self-sufficient in jute.[60] West Bengal's mills became less dependent on East Bengal for raw materials. Pakistan also set up newfactories to process its local produce instead of exporting to India.[61] The following table shows jute production details in both countries in 1961:[60]
| Year 1961 | Area Harvested (Ha) | Yield (Hg/Ha) | Production (tonnes) |
|---|---|---|---|
| East Pakistan | 834000 | 15761 | 1314540 |
| India | 917000 | 12479 | 1144400 |
West Bengal'spaper andleather industry faced similar problems. The paper mills used East Bengal'sbamboo, and the tanneries consumed leather, which was also mainly produced in East Bengal. Like jute, the lack of raw materials pushed both industries into decline.[62]
The pressure of millions of refugees, food shortages andindustrial decline after independence put West Bengal in a severe crisis.[63]Dr. B. C. Roy's government tried to cope with the situation by initiating several projects. The government builtirrigation schemes such as theMayurakshi project and undertook construction of theDurgapur Steel Plant, but they failed to arrest West Bengal's decline.[64] Poverty rose, and West Bengal lost its top place and lagged well behind other Indian states in industrial development. Massive political unrest, strikes and violence crippled the state for the three decades after Partition.[65]
Rail and road links connectingNorth East India to the rest of the country passed through East Bengal territory. The lines connectingSiliguri inNorth Bengal to Kolkata and Assam toChittagong were severed. The wholeAssam Railway was cut off from the rest of theIndian system.[66] Those lines carried almost allfreight traffic from those regions. The most important commodities were tea and timber. Thetea industry in Assam depended on theChittagong Port to export its produce and import raw materials for the industry, such as coal, which was used as the fuel todry thetea leaves. The industry was severely hit, as Chittagong went to Pakistan. Initially, India and Pakistan reached an agreement to allow cross-border transit traffic, but India now had to pay atariff. By 1950, India had reconnected Assam to the rest of the country's rail network by building a 229 kmmeter gauge rail link through theSiliguri Corridor,[66] but now the Tea chests from Assam'sgardens would have to be carried over a much longer distance to reach thePort of Kolkata. Exporting tea via the nearby Chittagong port was still an option, but after theIndo-Pakistani War of 1965, all transit traffic was switched off by Pakistan.[67]
East Pakistan became independent Bangladesh in 1971, but cross-border railway traffic did not resume until 2003. By the 1990s, India upgraded the Assam rail link to5 ft 6 in (1,676 mm)broad gauge up toDibrugarh, thereby easing the traffic problem in theBrahmaputra Valley region, but the southern section of the area, which comprises Tripura,Mizoram, Manipur andBarak valley of Assam, still faces seriousconnectivity problems. Talks between both countries are underway to allow transit traffic between the area and Mainland India through Bangladesh. In 2023, a new cross-border rail line through Bangladesh connecting Tripura to Kolkata was established, with the aim of reducing travel time to 12 hours.[68]
At Partition, East Bengal had no large industry. There were few mineral resources in this region. Its economy was completely agrarian. The main produce was food grains and other crops, jute, bamboo, leather andfish. The raw materials were consumed by factories in and around Kolkata. Kolkata was the centre of Bengal's economic and social development for both Hindus and Muslims. All large industries, military bases and government offices, and most of the institutions of higher education were in Kolkata.[citation needed] Without Kolkata, East Bengal was decapitated.[69] It lost its traditional market for agricultural products. It also lost Kolkata, the most important port of the country. East Bengal had to begin from nothing.Dhaka was then only a district headquarters. Government offices had to be placed inside makeshift buildings. Dhaka also faced a severe human resource crisis. The majority of high-ranking officers in British Indian administration were Hindu and migrated to West Bengal. Often, the posts had to be filled up by West Pakistani officers. Desperately poor, East Bengal soon became politically dominated by West Pakistan. Economic disparities and subjugation of Bengalis by thePunjabi elite eventually led to a struggle for separation in 1971.
Chinnamul (The Uprooted), a 1950Bengali film directed byNemai Ghosh, first dealt with the theme of the partition of Bengal. This was followed byRitwik Ghatak's trilogy,Meghe Dhaka Tara (Cloud-covered Stars) (1960),Komal Gandhar (1961), andSubarnarekha (1962), all dealing with the aftermath of the partition.[70]Deepa Mehta's (2012) film adaptation ofSalman Rushdie's (1981) novelMidnight's Children captures the uncertainty of partition in both the Punjab and Bengal context, subsequent violence, the transition of independent India and Pakistan stripped of British rule, and theliberation of Bangladesh in 1971 fromWest Pakistan. The filmRajkahini (2015), directed bySrijit Mukherji is based on the theme of the partition of Bengal in 1947.Tanvir Mokammel's (2017) documentary Seemantorekha (The Borderline) "documents the journey of four individuals to their erstwhile homes in Bangladesh and West Bengal".[71]
There are other contemporary films as well that capture the aftermath of partition, however, mostly set in the context of Punjab and other parts of the subcontinent. Notably,Chandraprakash Dwivedi's (2003) period drama titledPinjar, based on thePunjabi novel of the same name byAmrita Pritam, portrays the horrors of partition, communal violence, and the predicament of women during the years preceding and succeeding 1947. The filmManto (2018), directed byNandita Das on the life of the Urdu writerSaadat Hasan Manto portrayed the impact of partition, mass displacement, and communal violence in the northern and western parts of the Indian subcontinent. The web seriesJubliee (2023), created byVikramaditya Motwane andSoumik Sen, featuringProsenjit Chatterjee,Aparshakti Kurana, andAditi Rao Hydari depicted the partition of India and its impact on cities like Lucknow and Bombay with communal riots and mass frenzy.
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