Ovadia Yosef | |
|---|---|
עובדיה יוסף | |
 Yosef in the synagogue below his house | |
| Title | Rishon LeZion |
| Personal life | |
| Born | September 24, 1920 |
| Died | October 7, 2013(2013-10-07) (aged 93) Jerusalem, Israel |
| Buried | Sanhedria Cemetery |
| Nationality | Israeli |
| Spouse | Margalit Yosef [he] (Fattal) |
| Children | 11, includingYitzhak Yosef,Ya'akov Yosef,David Yosef andAdina Bar-Shalom |
| Parent(s) | Yaakov and Gorjiya Ovadia |
| Dynasty | Yosef family |
| Alma mater | Porat Yosef Yeshiva |
| Occupation | Author, Politician,Rabbi,Talmudic scholar, and recognizedhalakhic authority |
| Signature |  |
| Religious life | |
| Religion | Judaism |
| Denomination | SephardiHaredi Judaism |
| Jewish leader | |
| Predecessor | Yitzhak Nissim |
| Successor | Mordechai Eliyahu |
| Position | SephardiChief Rabbi of Israel |
| Organisation | Chief Rabbinate of Israel |
| Began | 1972 |
| Ended | 1983 |
| Other | Sephardi Chief Rabbi ofTel Aviv Spiritual leader of theShas political party |
| Residence | Jerusalem |
| Dynasty | Yosef family |
| Semikhah | Ben Zion Hai Uziel[1] |
Ovadia Yosef (Hebrew:עובדיה יוסף,romanized: Ovadya Yosef,Arabic:عبد الله يوسف,romanized: ‘Abd Allāh Yūsuf;[2] September 24, 1920 – October 7, 2013),[3] also known asMaran[4][5] (Hebrew:מרן;lit. 'Our Master'), was anIraqi-bornTalmudic scholar,hakham,posek, and theSephardiChief Rabbi of Israel from 1972 to 1983. Also known asGadol Yisrael ("great one of Israel"),[4] Yosef is regarded as one of the most influential Sephardic religious authorities of all time.[6][7] He was also a founder and longtime spiritual leader of Israel's religiousShas party.[8][9] Yosef'sresponsa were highly regarded inHaredi circles, particularly amongMizrahi communities, which considered him "the most important livinghalakhic authority".[10]
Yosef was born inBaghdad,British occupied Iraq, to Yaakov Ben Ovadia and his wife, Gorgia. In 1924, when he was four years old, he immigrated toJerusalem,Mandatory Palestine, with his family.[9] In Palestine, the family adopted the surname "Ovadia".[11] Later in life, he changed his surname to his middle name, "Yosef", to avoid the confusion of being called "Ovadia Ovadia".[12]
The family settled in Jerusalem'sBeit Yisrael neighborhood, where Yaakov operated a grocery store. The family was poor, and Yosef was forced to work at a young age. Hisrosh yeshiva (dean) petitioned his father to ensure he would not miss school to help the family.[13] He learned inTalmud Torah Bnei Zion [he] in theBukharim quarter, where his passion and skill forTorah study was apparent. His literary career began at age 9 with a commentary onReshit Chochmah, which he penned in the margins.[14]
In 1933,Sadqa Hussein prevailed upon Yaakov to send his son toPorat Yosef Yeshiva.[14] He soon advanced to the highestshiur taught byEzra Attiya, the rosh yeshiva.[15]
Yosef composed his firstsefer, together with two friends, calledMachberet Ha'atakat Hidot.[14]
In 1937, Yaakov Dweck sent Yosef to give the dailyhalakha (Jewish law)lesson inBen Ish Hai (book) [he] in his stead at the Ohel Rachel Synagogue for thePersian Jewish community in Beit Yisrael. In the course of giving this shiur, Yosef dissented many times with the stringent opinions of theBen Ish Hai, who preferred the rulings of theAri zal toYosef Karo. This was a defining moment for Yosef, who had found a place to air his opinions while simultaneously learning how to deal with the criticism he was receiving from many in his audience, especially his fellowIraqi Jews. A number of notable rabbis, among themYitzhak Nissim, rebuked him over the years for his positions, even burning his firsthalakha sefer,Hazon Ovadia [he]. But Attiya encouraged Yosef to continue ruling according to his own understanding. Yosef's objections toBen Ish Hai, for many years in handwritten form only, were printed beginning in 1998 with the appearance of hisHalikhot Olam [he].[14]
Yosef receivedrabbinic ordination at age 20.[9] He became a longtime friend of several members of his class who went on to assume prominent leadership positions in theSephardi Jewish world, including RabbisBen Zion Abba Shaul,Baruch Ben Haim,Yehuda Moallem [he], andZion Levy.[16]
In 1947, Yosef was invited toCairo byAharon Choueka [he], founder of yeshiva Ahavah VeAchvah, to teach in his school.[17] AtBen-Zion Meir Hai Uziel's request, Yosef also served as head of the Cairobeth din (rabbinical court). Yosef considered religious observance lax in Egypt, both in the Jewish community at large and among its rabbis. One of the majorhalakhic issues was the lack of any organised system ofkashrut, which led to conflict between him and other members of the community. Due to these events Yosef resigned from his position just two years after arriving in Cairo. About a year later he returned to what in the meantime had become Israel.[18]
Back in Israel, Yosef began studying at midrash "Bnei Zion", then headed byTzvi Pesach Frank. He also served on the rabbinical court inPetah Tikva.[19] In his first term as adayan (rabbinic judge), at age 30, he wrote ahalakhic ruling favoringYibbum overHalitza, which contradicted a religious ruling made by theChief Rabbinate of Israel a year earlier, which had forbidden Yibbum.[citation needed]
In 1951–1952[a] he published his firsthalakha sefer,Hazon Ovadia, on the laws ofPassover. The book won much praise and received the approval of the twoChief Rabbis of Israel at the time,Ben-Zion Meir Hai Uziel andYitzhak HaLevi Herzog. Two years later he founded Or HaTorah Yeshiva for gifted Sephardic yeshiva students. This yeshiva (which was not open long) was the first of many he established, later with the help of his sons, to facilitate Torah education for Sephardic Jews, in order to provide leadership for the community in future generations. In 1953–54[b] and 1955–56[c] he published the first two volumes of his major work,Yabia Omer [he], which also received much praise.
Between 1958 and 1965, Yosef served as a dayan in the Jerusalem districtBeth Din. He was then appointed to theSupreme Rabbinical Court of Appeals [he] in Jerusalem, becoming theChief Sephardic Rabbi ofTel Aviv in 1968, a position he held until his election asChief Sephardic Rabbi of Israel in 1972.[20]
In 1972, Yosef was electedSephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel by a majority vote of 81 to 68, replacingYitzhak Nissim. His candidacy was criticised by some, as he was competing against an incumbent chief rabbi for the first time in the history of that office. The election process was characterised by tension and political turmoil due to theLanger controversy [he] and the tense relations between Yosef and Nissim. In the same election,Shlomo Goren was chosen as the Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of Israel, with whom Yosef's relationship proved difficult. TheChief Rabbinate Council was controlled by Goren, and for some time thereafter Yosef felt there was no point in attending its sessions.
In 1984, Yosef founded the Shas party in response to minimal representation of Sephardic Jews in theAshkenazi-dominatedAgudat Yisrael. It has since become a formidable political force, becoming a part of the coalition in most of the elected governments. He later took a less active role in politics, but remained the party's spiritual leader until his death.[citation needed]
For over 50 years, Yosef gave weekly Saturday nightlessons in theYazdim synagogue. These lectures were live-streamed by satellite as well as recorded, with over 100,000 people worldwide watching them.[21]
In April 2005, Israeli security services arrested three people whom they accused of plotting to kill Yosef. TheShin Bet claimed they were all members of thePopular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. One of the three,[22] Musa Darwish, was convicted on December 15, 2005, of Yosef's attempted murder, and of throwing firebombs at vehicles on the Jerusalem-Ma'aleh Adumim road. He was sentenced to 12 years in prison and three years' probation.[23] A second man,Salah Hamouri, said he was innocent of the charges, but accepted a sentence of seven years in exchange for admitting his guilt.
When Yosef was 24, he married the 17-year-oldMargalit Fattal [he], who was born in Syria to Avraham HaLevi Fattal. They had eleven children.[9][24]
Yosef resided in Jerusalem'sHar Nof neighbourhood.[26] He often wore tinted eyeglasses, as his eyes were very sensitive to light. These became a trademark of his.[27] Yosef remained an active public figure in political and religious life in his capacity as the spiritual leader of the Shas political party, and through his regular weekly sermons.[9] He was called thePosek HaDor ("Posek of the present generation"),Gadol HaDor ("great/est (one of) the generation"), Maor Yisrael ("Light of Israel"), andMaran.[28]
On January 13, 2013, Yosef collapsed duringShacharit at his synagogue in Har Nof and was having difficulty using his left hand. After being seen by a physician at his home, he was hospitalized atHadassah Medical Center after suffering what was believed to be a minorstroke.[29]
On September 21, 2013, because of his worsening health, Yosef was admitted toHadassah Ein Kerem hospital. Two days after undergoing surgery for the implantation of apacemaker on September 22, Yosef was sedated and placed on arespirator.[30][31] He died in the hospital on October 7, 2013,[32] after a "general systemic failure".[26][33] His funeral in Jerusalem was thelargest in Israel's history, with an estimated attendance of 850,000. Some religious authorities have said it may have been the largest in-gathering of Jews since theSecond Temple period;[34] other estimates put the number in attendance lower, between 273,000 and 450,000.[35] Yosef was buried beside his wife in theSanhedria Cemetery.[34] During the week-longshiva mourning period, his family was expected to receive thousands of condolence callers in a mourning tent set up on their street, which police closed to vehicular traffic.[36] Security guards were also posted at the cemetery, where Yosef's grave became a pilgrimage site for thousands of people.[37][38]
Yosef frequently made use of the slogan "Restore past glory" (Hebrew:להחזיר עטרה ליושנה;lit. '[To] restore the crown to its former [place]') as a metaphor embodying both his social andhalakhic agenda.
On a social level, it is widely viewed as a call to pursue a political agenda that will restore the pride of theMizrahi Jews in Israeli society, who historicallysuffered from discrimination and were generally of lower socioeconomic status than theirAshkenazi counterparts.
From ahalakhic perspective, the metaphor is more complex. It is widely agreed by rabbis and secular researchers alike that the 'crown' of the metaphor refers to thehalakhic supremacy Yosef attaches to the rulings ofYosef Karo. According to Yosef's approach, Karo is crowned as theMara D'Atra of theLand of Israel, and thus all Jews living within his realm of authority are bound by his rulings.[39] Yosef says this explicitly and strongly inYalkut Yosef:
Even if a hundredacharonim disagree with him...no teacher is permitted to rule withchumra (lit. 'stringency') contrary to Maran's (i.e. Yosef Karo's) instructions to rule leniently, even if many disagree with Maran...and it is not even permitted to act withchumra where Maran has ruled leniently on the matter, since the rulings of Maran, who is the Mara D'Atra and we have received his instructions, were determined asHalakha to Moses at Sinai over which there is no dispute, and he who deviates right or left dishonours his teachers.
Some disagreement persists over exactly whom Yosef considers bound by Karo's rulings.
Ratzon Arusi argues that Yosef distinguishes between his ideal and reality. Ideally, all Jews of the Land of Israel should be bound by Karo's rulings, but practicality dictates that Sephardic and Mizrahi Jews should unite under them first. As Arusi puts it:
The unity of Israel is desirable, and shall be achieved by a unified system ofhalakhic ruling. A unified system ofhalakhic ruling will be achieved, in his opinion, by a consolidation around the tradition of the Land of Israel, which he thinks is the tradition of the Sephardim to rule as does Karo in theShulchan Aruch. However, the reality at this time is different. Every community retains its own traditions, and thushalakha should be ruled for each community according to its own tradition. However, because he believes that there is a trend of Ashkenazi ruling dominating, he cries aloud to save and preserve the Sephardic system of ruling.[40]
Zvi Zohar [he] argues that Yosef adopts amelting pot approach, in that he seeks to unify the traditions of all Jews in Israel, Sephardic and Ashkenazi alike. Zohar claims that Yosef's main distinction is not between Ashkenazim and Sephardim but between the Land of Israel and thediaspora. In his view, Yosef seeks to apply Karo's rulings to the entire Land of Israel, but not necessarily outside it. According to Zohar, this represents an anti-Diaspora and "anti-Colonialist" approach, since it seeks to strip the various immigrant communities of their traditions from their countries of origin and replace them with the custom of the Land of Israel, rather than importing and implanting foreign customs in Israel. He compares Yosef and religious reformers such asMartin Luther andMuhammad ibn Abd-al-Wahhab, and claims that Yosef has adopted a religious restorative-reformist worldview. Specifically, he argues that Yosef'shalakhic approach is not, as Yosef attempts to portray it, a return to a traditional form of Sephardic ruling, but rather an innovative formulation of a particular Sephardic approach tohalakha that Yosef himself fashioned.[41]
Binyamin Lau disagrees with both of the preceding interpretations. According to Lau, Yosef claims that all Sephardic Jews accepted Karo's rulings as binding in the diaspora, but over time deviated from them. Presently, upon their return to the Land of Israel where Karo is the Mara D'atra, they should return to adhering to his rulings. Thus, Lau believes that Yosef directs his rulings only at Sephardic and Mizrahi Jews, since the Ashkenazi Jews never accepted Karo's rulings. Lau views Yosef as operating on two fronts: the first against the Ashkenazi leadership that seeks to apply Ashkenazi rulings and customs to the Sephardim, and the second against the Sephardic and Mizrahi communities, in demanding that they unite under Karo's rulings.[42]
In any case, it is agreed that alongside the conservative aspects of his approach tohalakha there are also significant reforms: his preference for Karo's rulings and his preference for leniency overchumra. The fulfillment of hishalakhic vision has entailed significant clashes with his Ashkenazi counterparts. Of his predecessors in the Tel Aviv-Yafo Rabbinate, Yosef wrote:
And I have heard that there are those who claim that since the Chief Rabbis of Tel Aviv-Yafo who preceded me set a custom of ruling withchumra, the custom is not to be changed. And it is not true that I have been allowed space to express myself. And in any case it is known that the Rabbis who preceded me were subordinate to their Ashkenazi counterparts, theGaon RabbiBenzion Uzielz"l was subordinate to the Gaon RabbiAvraham Yitzhak Kook z"l...and the Gaon RabbiYaakov Moshe Toledano z"l in his capacity as Chief Rabbi of Tel Aviv-Yafo could not even raise his head towards his colleague, may he be chosen for a good life, the Gaon RabbiIsser Yehuda UntermanShlit"a and to disagree with him onhalakha...But I who am not subordinate, praise be to God, will stand on my guard to Restore past Glory and instruct according to Maran whose instructions we have received.
Yosef adopted the Talmudic dictum "The power of leniency is greater [he]". Therefore, one of his fundamental principles ofhalakhic ruling is that lenient rulings should be preferred overchumra. Yosef saw this as one of the distinguishing characteristics of the Sephardic approach tohalakha versus the Ashkenazi approach. In one ruling, he quotedChaim Joseph David Azulai as saying:
The Sephardim are characterized by the quality ofkindness, and therefore are lenient in thehalakha, and the Ashkenazim are characterized by the quality of power,[e] and therefore they rule strictly.
Yosef considered this principle an ideal, so that if
one is asked [a question] on a ritual-halakhic matter and succeeds in proving that a lenient position is a correct one from ahalakhic standpoint, he sees this as a positive achievement.
In Yosef's opinion, the severity of Ashkenazi poskim results from their method of teaching and lack of familiarity with theMishnah,Talmud, and poskim. In a 1970 article aboutJacob Saul Elyashar, Yosef wrote:
But since [the Ashkenazim] are cautious in their teaching, they do not [bravely] rulehalakha l'ma'aseh (lit. 'practicalhalakha'), especially on matters of new developments or new technologies which createhalakhic problems, it is far from them to be interested and express their view ofDaat Torah...Our Rabbi the Gaon Jacob Saul Elyashar was among those few virtuous ones who took upon themselves this burden to resolve the actual problems of his time, and among them are some which are relevant to this day, and he did not avoid answering his questioner...
Yosef regarded ruling with severity as especially harmful in the current generation ("the generation of freedom and liberty"), since strict ruling might lead people not to comply with thehalakha. InYabia Omer, he writes: "And truly, the growth ofchumrot leads to leniency in the body of the Torah."
Following this principle of leniency Yosef made a number ofhalakhic rulings which are significantly more lenient than those made by his Ashkenazi Haredi counterparts. Among them are:
Yosef aimed to encourage maximal observance ofmitzvot among as many Israelis as possible. In order to achieve this, "he is willing to follow ahalakhic policy which, on the one hand, will minimize violations of thehalakha, but on the other, concedes absolute adherence to thehalakha". This is evident in a number of his rulings: providingkashrut certification to a restaurant that servesmilk and meat; theslaughter of a chicken where there is a concern of it beingterefah; and the wearing of pants by women.
Yosef applied a policy of turning a blind eye to deviations from thehalakha in circumstances where, if strict adherence to thehalakha were required, it is likely that it would not be followed at all. Examples of this include the recital of thepriestly benediction byKohanim who do not have a religious lifestyle, and ashaliach tzibur or person performing aTorah reading whoshaves with a razor.
In the Talmudic debate overSinai and Oker Harim [he], Yosef was of the opinion that Sinai is preferable. Specifically, he emphasizes that the Sephardic system of learning, which emphasizes learninghalakha in depth, is superior to the common approach in many Ashkenazi schools, which relies on deep analysis ofgemara employingpilpul, without reaching to thehalakhic conclusions. This preference is based upon his support for rulinghalakha on practical contemporary issues rather than rulinghalakha as a purely theoretical pursuit. In a eulogy he wrote forYaakov Ades, his teacher at Porat Yosef Yeshiva, he said:
The distinguished deceased who was our Teacher and Rabbi at Porat Yosef Yeshiva in theOld City taught us to [learnhalakha for practical purposes] and not engage in futile pilpulim which shall fade and be carried away by the wind. Regretfully there are yeshivas where one who learns fromYoreh De'ah must hide in back rooms lest he be noticed and labelled an "idler" for learning a "psak"halakha, and the shame of a thief [will be upon him] if he is found and...anger and disgrace [too].
According to Yosef, the preoccupation with pilpul at the expense of learninghalakha in depth causes lack of knowledge among Ashkenazi poskim, which in turn leads to unnecessary severity in makinghalakhic rulings, since the posek is unaware of lenient rulings and approaches tohalakha used by previous rabbis upon which the posek could rely to rule leniently.
Yosef was sometimes willing to accept rulings which rely on the rulings of theAri zal, provided that these do not contradict rulings by Karo. In some instances, particularly inJewish prayer, Yosef championed Kabbalistic considerations — even at the expense of Karo's rulings. Nevertheless, in many cases, he came out strongly against the rulings, saying, "We have no business withmysticism", and rejecting rulings based upon theZohar, and theKabbalah more generally. This position is contrary to many (but not all) traditional long-standing Sephardic rulings onhalakha, including by many Sephardic poskim to this day. In contrast with the position ofChaim Joseph David Azulai, who wrote that, "None may reply after (i.e. dispute the rulings of) the Ari", Yosef argues that no special weight should be attached to the rulings of the Ari, and the ordinary principles ofhalakhic ruling should continue to apply. He wrote:
As is written in the book Iggrot HaTanya in the name of theGaon of Vilna who does not believe that the Kabbalah of the Ari in its entirety is wholly from the mouth ofElijah z"l, [but rather] only a small portion is from the mouth of Elijah z"l, and the rest is from his great knowledge, and it is not required to believe it...and thus wrote RabbiChaim Volozhin in the foreword to his book...and if so, why all this awe that we should put aside the words of all the Poskim and all of the laws [simply] because of the opinion of the Ari z"l?[46]
Yosef's attitude towards the Kabbalah, the rulings of the Ari, and consequently the rulings of the Ben Ish Hai have been the cause of strong disagreements between him and Jewish immigrants from theMuslim world in Israel, especially the Jews of Iraq. The rulings of the Ben Ish Hai were at the heart of the disagreement between him and the Chief RabbisYitzhak Nissim andMordechai Eliyahu.
Yosef gave strong preference to the written word, and did not attribute significant weight tominhagim and traditions which are not well anchored in thehalakha. For example, he expressed opposition to two minhagim observed in the synagogues ofNorth African Jewry: standing during the reading of theTen Commandments, and the involvement of the congregation in certain parts of the prayer service. His attempts to change popular and deeply rooted traditions have led to opposition to his approach among some North African rabbis.
Breslov Hasidim have the custom ofgoing on a pilgrimage to the tomb ofNachman of Breslov inUman forRosh Hashanah. Yosef was highly critical of this practice, and has stated:
There are here [in Israel] the tombs of the greatest sages in the world. HolyTannaim, amongst whom even the least was [able to perform]resurrection of the dead. They leave and shame these Geonim by going to Uman.[47]
Yosef is generally considered one of the leadinghalakhic authorities, particularly for Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews, who bestowed upon him the honorific title of "Maran".
His best-known legal rulings include:
Yosef is often regarded as the pivotal force behindbringing Ethiopian Jews to Israel. In the 1970s, Yosef ruled thatEthiopian Jews werehalachically Jewish and campaigned for the Ethiopianaliyah to Israel.Pnina Tamano-Shata said of Yosef: "I started crying, probably in gratitude to all that he's done, the humane form of address, 'our brothers.' He was also a leader. He called on the authorities to save Ethiopia's Jews and bring them to Israel. It shows his great love for others."[53]
Yosef held ahalakhically ambivalent view towardsZionism as theAtchalta De'Geulah (lit. 'beginning of the redemption'). ManyReligious Zionists, in contrast, view Israel as the first flowering of the redemption. In ahalakhic ruling regardingIsraeli Independence Day, Yosef acknowledged that the Jewish people experienced a miracle with the establishment of the State of Israel; however, since the miracle did not include all of the Jewish people,
If the congregation wishes to sayHallel without a blessing after the prayer service, they should not be prevented.
Yosef's position could be seen as a middle ground between the Religious Zionists, for whom saying Hallel is compulsory, and the Ashkenazi Haredim, who do not say Hallel at all.
In a newspaper interview in whichShas was accused of beinganti-Zionist, Yosef responded:
What is anti-Zionist? It is a lie, it is a term which they have concocted themselves. I served for ten years as a Chief Rabbi – a key public position in the State of Israel. In what way are we not Zionists? We pray forZion, for Jerusalem and its inhabitants, for Israel and the rabbis and their students. What is Zionist? By our understanding, a Zionist is a person who loves Zion and practices thecommandment of settling the land. Whenever I am overseas I encourage aliyah. In what way are they more Zionist than us?[28]
In 2010, Yosef and Shas'Moetzet Chachamei HaTorah (Council of Torah Sages) approved Shas' membership in theWorld Zionist Organization, making Shas the first officiallyZionist Haredi party in Israel.[54]
Yosef regarded the wars fought by the State of Israel as falling within thehalakhic classification ofMilkhemet Mitzvah. Nevertheless, he encouraged young students to remain in the yeshivas, rather than be drafted into the military, because, "despite the sensitivity which Rabbi Yosef feels towards the Israel Defense Forces, he is deeply rooted in the rabbinic tradition of the yeshivas in the Land of Israel, and holds their position which opposes the integration of yeshiva students in the military". Binyamin Lau makes a cautious distinction between Yosef's public rhetoric, which presents a unified front with the Ashkenazi Haredim, and between internal discussions, where Yosef was said to be more receptive to solving the problem of integrating the Haredim into the military.
Yosef's grandson points out his grandfather's positive attitude towards the IDF, in that whenever theTorah Ark is opened, Yosef blesses "Mi Shebeirach" for IDF soldiers. Yosef's son,Avraham Yosef, served in the IDF as amilitary rabbi for 13 years.
Yosef frequently referred to the present situation in Israeli and Jewish society as "the generation of freedom and liberty". By this, Yosef referred to a modern reality of a Jewish community which is generally not committed to thehalakha, and where rabbinic authority has lost its centrality. In this context, Yosef drew a distinction between those who profess asecular ideology, and those who are non-observant merely in the sense of a weak or incomplete commitment tohalakha accompanied by a strong belief in God and the Torah:
And I knew clearly when I was in Egypt, that many of these people [who worked onShabbat for their livelihood], when they leave work, are careful not to desecrate the Sabbath, and indeed do not smoke on the Sabbath and all that follows from that. And some of them pray on the Sabbath in the firstminyan so as to get to their workplace on time, and in secret their soul would weep that they are forced to desecrate the Sabbath for their livelihood.
This latter grouping of non-observant Jews, known in Israel asMasortiyim,[f] are mainly Mizrahi Jews who practice aspects of Judaism as a tradition. Yosef sought to bring this demographic closer to the Torah, while relying upon traditional Jewish sources for his rulings. For example, he ruled that those who desecrate the Sabbath are not to be considered as having abandoned the Torah, and therefore if they have touched wine, itremains kosher. This sort of ruling differs from Ashkenazi Haredi rulings. Yosef actively aims to engage inkiruv (Orthodox Judaism outreach), while still strictly adhering tohalakha.
Yosef, however, had no sympathy towards Israeli Jews who profess a secular lifestyle. His opinion was to fully exclude them from the Jewish community. For Yosef, the secularist Israeli public are secular out of 'spitefulness' towards Torah, and he likened them to idolatrousapostates.[55]
Yosef was opposed to bringing civil actions in the Israeli courts, because they decide outcomes by applyingIsraeli law, rather thanhalakha. His opposition is consistent with the position of the Ashkenazi Haredi rabbis, and some Religious Zionist rabbis (e.g.,Yaakov Ariel) as well. On this matter, Yosef has written:
And know that even though the legal authority vested by the government to decide cases is with the secular courts and the judges there are Jews, with all this it is clear that according to the law of our holy Torah – he who sues his friend in their courts commits a sin too great to bear, and he is as was decided by theRambam and Shulchan Aruch, that any who sues in their courts is evil and it is as though he has been spiteful and blasphemed and raised his hand against theTorah of Moses our Rabbi.
In matters of criminal law, however, Yosef is among the moderate rabbinic voices who support the application of thedina d'malkhuta dina rule (lit. 'the law of the land is the law'), and therefore, it is forbidden to engage in criminal conduct such astax fraud. It is only in civil matters that he forbade going to the Israeli courts.
In February 1999, Yosef caused a controversy by strongly criticizing theSupreme Court of Israel:[citation needed]
These call themselves the Supreme Court? They're worthless. They should be put in a bottom court. They, for them [God] created all of the torments in the world. Everything that [the people of] Israel suffer from, is just for these evil people. Empty and reckless...What do they know? One of our children of 7–8 years knows better than they how to learn Torah. These are the people who have been put in the Supreme Court. Who chose them, who made them judges, but theJustice Minister, persecuter and enemy, he liked them, and he recommended that the President would appoint them as judges. What, were their elections? Who says that the nation wants such judges, such evil [ones]...They have no religion and no law. All of them have sex withniddot. All of them desecrate the Sabbath. These will be our judges? Slaves rule over us.
Following these statements, theMovement for Quality Government in Israel petitioned the Supreme Court of Israel, demanding that Yosef be put on trial. The Supreme Court dismissed the application, saying that the comments were within Yosef's right tofreedom of speech. Nevertheless, then-Supreme Court PresidentAharon Barak wrote in his judgement:[citation needed]
The words of Rabbi Yosef are harsh. The content is hurtful. It harms the confidence of his followers in this court. Neither a gadol in the Torah nor a political leader [should] speak thus. This is not the message that a former dayan – who knows and understands the complexity of judicial work – needs to be sending to the community...
In 1990, Yosef used his position as Shas spiritual leader to pressure Prime MinisterYitzhak Shamir into agreeing to hold negotiations with Arab states for a peaceful settlement of theArab–Israeli conflict. Shamir, a member of theLikud Party, refused to make any commitments. According to the biographyBen Porat Yosef, the relationship between the two had never been comfortable because of Shamir's unstudious personality. As a way of gaining a character analysis of politicians, Yosef had invited both Shamir andShimon Peres to learnTalmud with him. While Peres proved an engaging and fluid learner, Shamir was stoic toward the material, a trait that led Yosef to instead use one of Shamir's cabinet members, Housing and Construction MinisterDavid Levy, as his key partner in dealing with the Likud. Levy had a relatively warm relationship with Yosef due to the former's moderate approach to Israel's security and foreign affairs policies, his charismatic personality, and his connection with Sephardi traditions.[g]
In 1990, Yosef pulled Shas out of the coalition with Likud and attempted to form a partnership with Peres's left-centreLabor Party. The move, engineered but opposed by Shas chairmanAryeh Deri, backfired whenElazar Shach, the Ashkenazi dean of thePonevezh Yeshiva inBnei Brak (who subsequently founded theDegel HaTorah party) fiercely commanded Yosef to return Shas to the coalition with Likud. During this time, Yosef was severely criticised by other major members of the Haredi religious community in Israel, particular the Ashkenazi Jews who generally sided with Likud and the right rather than Labour and the left, who were widely seen as secular.
The failure of the scheme, known asthe stinking trick,[56] was responsible for Peres's downfall as leader of Labour and his 1991 defeat in internal elections to former Defense MinisterYitzhak Rabin. From the 1980s until his death, Yosef approved Shas's participation in most Israeli governments, except for the last two governments ofAriel Sharon from January 2003 and August 2005. Shas was one of the few parties to be in the opposition for the duration of that Knesset (2003-2006), along with the leftistMeretz party and the Arab factions Ra'am (United Arab List),Hadash, andBalad. This was largely because of the rise ofShinui to the powerful third-party position, a position previously held by Shas. Shinui demanded the creation of a government without Shas.
In the2007 Israeli presidential election, Yosef endorsed his longtime friend Shimon Peres, who won in part to the support of Shas's 12 MKs.[57]
In a 2004 article byMaariv,[58] Yosef was listed as one of the most influential rabbis in Israel. He was described as:
The spiritual leader of Shas. The man most identified with the honorific titlemaran. He has considerable political strength, mainly because he controls the Knesset members of Shas...However, the key influence of Rabbi Yosef is in the arena ofJudaism, specifically inhalakha...In addition, he has great influence in teaching and endowing of hishalakhic way. Jewish prayers according to Yosef'sverdicts are the most common in Sephardic synagogues, and hishalakhic books gained circulation beyond compare. Almost no one disputes the fact he is a Torah phenomenon, one of a kind. Despite this, he is a "field rabbi" and goes down to the common people with countless sermons.
Despite his controversial public comments, Yosef had long been a rabbinical authority advocating peace negotiations in theIsraeli–Palestinian conflict, and had done so since the late 1980s. His main justification was thehalakhic principle ofpikuach nefesh, in which all the Jewish commandments (excludingadultery,idolatry, andmurder) are put on hold if a life is put in danger. Using an argument first articulated by the American rabbinical leaderJoseph Soloveitchik, Yosef claimed that the Arab–Israeli conflict endangers human lives, thereby meeting the above criteria and overruling the priority of commandments pertaining to settling the Land of Israel.[59] Therefore, Israel is permitted—even obligated if saving lives is a definitive outcome—to make serious efforts to reach a peace settlement, as well as to make arrangements to properly protect its citizens.[60][61] Yosef first applied thepikuach nefesh principle to Israel's conflicts with its neighbors in 1979, when he ruled that this argument granted Israel authority toreturn the Sinai Peninsula to Egypt. Some claimed, however, that the ruling was also motivated by Yosef's desire to oppose his Ashkenazi colleague, Shlomo Goren.[62]
Using this precedent, Yosef instructed Shas to join Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's government coalition, and later that ofEhud Barak as well. However, Shas abstained on theOslo I Accord and voted against theOslo II Accord. Furthermore, as Oslo stalled, and relations between Israelis and Palestinians began to deteriorate, and particularly following the outbreak of theAl-Aqsa Intifada, Yosef and the party pulled "rightward", supporting the Likud.
In 2005, Yosef repeatedly condemned theGaza Disengagement. He argued that he was opposed to any unilateral action that occurred outside the framework of a peace agreement. Yosef again cited the principle ofpikuach nefesh, saying that empowering the Palestinians without a commitment to end terror would result in threatening Jewish lives, particularly inareas near Gaza in range ofQassam rocket attacks.[63] In contrast to some of his rabbinical colleagues, such asYosef Shalom Eliashiv, Yosef refused to entertain the idea of holding areferendum on the disengagement, and instructed his MKs to vote against the plan when it came up in the Knesset.
Yosef always maintained thatpikuach nefesh applies to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and supported negotiations with thePalestinians. However, toward the end of his life, he no longer appeared totally convinced that diplomacy with thePalestinian Authority leadership would necessarily end the violence. Some media analysts had suggested that then Prime MinisterEhud Olmert may have been able to convince Yosef to sign on to further unilateral actions by the government if concerted efforts toward negotiation failed.[64]
Yosef protested strongly against demands by the United States and other foreign countries that Israel freeze construction inEast Jerusalem, saying that, "It's as if we are their slaves".[65] However, toward the end of his life, he indicated some flexibility on the issue, and may have taken a more pragmatic approach. In the wake of the diplomatic row between Israel and the US over Jewish housing in East Jerusalem, Yosef is reported to have said, in a private meeting with Shimon Peres, that "it is not permissible to challenge the nations of the world or the ruling powers", and that Israel should agree to a partial building freeze in East Jerusalem, at least temporarily.[66]
Yosef made numerous political remarks that aroused controversy. His supporters said that statements deemed offensive to various groups and individuals were taken out of context,[67][68][69][70][71] but theAmerican Jewish Committee and theAnti-Defamation League condemned what they termed his "hate speech".[72][73] He claimedthe Holocaust was God's retribution against the reincarnated souls of Jewish sinners.[74][75][76] He claimed that Israeli soldiers were killed in battle on account of their non-observance of Torah law.[77] He was criticised for supporting the traditional role of women and minimising their capabilities.[78][79] AfterHurricane Katrina in 2005, he blamed the tragedy on U.S. support for the Gaza disengagement and on a general lack of Torah study in the area where the hurricane occurred.[80][81][82] In 2009, he said ofYisrael Beitenu and its leader, "whoever votes forAvigdor Lieberman gives strength toSatan".[83][84]
In 2013, Yosef called for yeshiva students toemigrate from Israel rather than agree to serve in the army, stating:
God forbid, we will be compelled to leave the Land of Israel...in order to free the yeshiva students [from being drafted].[85]
In October 2013, immediately after Yosef's death, his sonDavid Yosef told the Prime Minister that the drafting of Haredi students into the army had hurt him in his final months more than his physical illnesses.[86]
In 2001, Yosef was quoted as saying:
It is forbidden to be merciful to them. You must send missiles to them and annihilate them. They are evil and damnable.[87]
Yosef later said that his sermon was misquoted, that he was referring to annihilation ofIslamic terrorism, not all Arabs.[70] He called for improving the living conditions of theArab people in Israel and said he had deep respect for peace-seeking Arabs.[71]
Israeli Justice MinisterMeir Sheetrit condemned the sermon, saying: "A person of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef's stature must refrain from acrid remarks such as these... I suggest that we not learn from the ways of the Palestinians and speak in verbal blows like these."
Yosef drew criticism from theUS State Department in August 2010 following a Saturday morning sermon in which he called for
all the nasty people who hate Israel, likeAbu Mazen (Abbas), vanish from our world... May God strike them down with the plague along with all the nasty Palestinians who persecute Israel.[88]
Saeb Erekat, the chief Palestinian negotiator, said Yosef's statements were tantamount to a call forgenocide against Palestinians and demanded a firm response from the Israeli government. Israeli Prime MinisterBenjamin Netanyahu distanced himself and his government from the sermon, saying that Yosef's words "do not reflect my approach, or the stand of the Israeli government".[89]
Yosef said he regretted his statements, and was said to have looked for a way to sending the Palestinians a conciliatory message.[90] Three weeks later, he sent out a conciliatory message reiterating his old positions in support of the peace process. He wished the Palestinians and their leaders "who are partners to this important process, and want its success, long days and years". He continued, "The People of Israel are taught to seek peace, and three times daily pray for it. We wish for a sustainable peace with all our neighbors" and blessed "all the leaders and peoples,Egyptians,Jordanians, and Palestinians, who are partners to this important process and want its success, a process that will bring peace to our region and prevent bloodshed".[91]
In an October 2010 sermon, Yosef said, "the sole purpose ofnon-Jews is to serve Jews".[72][73][92] He also said:
Goyim were born only to serve us. Without that, they have no place in the world — only to serve the People of Israel.[93]
In Israel, death has no dominion over them... Withgentiles, it will be like any person — they need to die, but [God] will give them longevity. Why? Imagine that one's donkey would die, they'd lose their money. This is his servant... That's why he gets a long life, to work well for this Jew.
Why are gentiles needed? They will work, they will plow, they will reap. We will sit like aneffendi and eat. That is why gentiles were created.[93]
Among Yosef's earliest work was a detailed commentary onBen Ish Hai (book) [he] titledHalikhot Olam [he]. He was asked to finish the commentaryKaf Ha'Chaim byYaakov Chaim Sofer after the author's death. Two sets of Yosef's responsa have been published,Yabia Omer [he] andYechaveh Da'at [he].[h] His responsa are noted for citing almost every source regarding a specific topic and are often referred to simply as indices of rulings. There is also another series of books under the title ofHazon Ovadia [he],[i] which he has written concerning laws of Shabbat, holidays, and other topics.[94]
Yosef printed a commentary on theMishnah tractatePirkei Avot (Ethics of the Fathers) under the titleAnaf Etz Avot, andMaor Israel, a commentary on various parts of the Talmud. His sonYitzhak Yosef has published a widely read codification of Yosef's rulings,Yalkut Yosef. Another son,David Yosef, has printed varioussiddurim and liturgy according to his father's rulings, and anotherhalakhic compendium,Halacha Berurah [he].[95]
In 1970, Yosef was awarded theIsrael Prize for Rabbinical literature.[96]
| Preceded by | Sephardi Chief Rabbi of Israel Ovadia Yosef 1973–1983 | Succeeded by |
On Arabs in general, he said in 2001, "It is forbidden to be merciful to them. You must send missiles to them and annihilate them. They are evil and damnable." In 2009, he said of Muslims: "Their religion is as ugly as they are."
Yosef was a mean-spirited fundamentalist who created a corrupt party that coarsened Israeli politics, held a medieval belief in a vindictive God, and made abominable pronouncements on the moral and personal qualities of those of different races, religions and political views. ... In the manner of the crudest fundamentalists everywhere, Yosef blamed misfortune and death on apostasy, irreligiosity and homosexuality ....
In Israel, death has no dominion over them...With gentiles, it will be like any person – they need to die, but (God) will give them longevity. Why? Imagine that one's donkey would die, they'd lose their money. This is his servant...That's why he gets a long life, to work well for this Jew. Gentiles were born only to serve us. Without that, they have no place in the world – only to serve the People of Israel."
The six million Holocaust victims were reincarnations of the souls of sinners, people who transgressed and did all sorts of things that should not be done. They had been reincarnated in order to atone.[dead link]
There was atsunami and there are terrible natural disasters, because there isn't enough Torah study... Black people reside [in New Orleans]. Blacks will study the Torah? [God said], let's bring a tsunami and drown them...Hundreds of thousands remained homeless. Tens of thousands have been killed. All of these because they have no God... Bush was behind the [expulsion of]Gush Katif, he encouraged Sharon to expel Gush Katif...We had 15,000 people expelled [in Israel], and [in America] 150,000 [were expelled].It was God's retribution...God does not short-change anyone.
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